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---
title: "Stereotypes and Negative Indexes of the Nubians in Egypt"
authors: ["asmaataha.md"]
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abstract: This paper investigates the stigmatized portrayal of Nubians, particularly Fadija and Kunuz speakers, in Egyptian media, emphasizing the negative stereotypes that continue to permeate these representations. Nubian speakers of the Fadija and Mattoki vernaculars are frequently depicted as unintelligible in Arabic, dark-skinned, and confined to lower-class roles. Terms such as ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’
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keywords: ["Sudan", "Nubians", "Nubians", "stereotypes", "linguistics"]
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---
# Introduction
For generations, Nubians (both Fadija and Kenuz)[^1] have been
stigmatized and ridiculed in the Egyptian media. Nubian speakers of the
Fadija and Mattoki vernaculars in Egypt are associated with
unintelligible or incompetent Arabic, dark-skinned people, working
lower-class jobs, and so on. Among the negative indexes used in Egyptian
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media to refer to Nubians are *barbari* 'barbarian,' *bijurt<sup>ʕ</sup>un*
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'speaking gibberish,' or *bijtkalem ʕarabi mekasar* 'speaking broken
Arabic.' These pejorative and prevalent images are extensively
emphasized by the media. These constant negative indexes have compelled
some Nubians to speak Arabic with their children to avoid mockery,
prejudice, and discrimination.
Despite the stigmatized portrayals, there are Nubian speakers that have
a positive attitude to learn their mother tongues to preserve their
languages, identities, and ideologies. The importance of learning Nubian
languages at home is essential for preserving not only linguistic
diversity, but also the cultural and ideological foundations that are
deeply embedded in Nubian homescapes. Nubian houses and households are
not just physical spaces; they are living embodiments of history,
identity, and social organization. By teaching and learning these
languages within the home, Nubians can maintain a direct connection to
their heritage, ensuring that their unique cultural practices, ways of
life, and worldviews are passed down to future generations.
Learning the mother tongue in the home environment reinforces the
multisensory, embodied experience of Nubian homelife, which this volume
explores in relation to material culture, architecture, and everyday
practices. Language acts as a bridge that ties the past to the present,
allowing individuals to engage with their ancestral knowledge and
traditional ideologies, even in times of political and social change. By
continuing to use Nubian languages in domestic settings, speakers are
not only preserving their linguistic heritage, but also reinforcing
their identity within the larger narrative of Nubian resilience,
especially during periods of systemic transformation and resettlement.
Thus, language learning at home becomes a vital practice in sustaining
the cultural continuity explored throughout this volume.
Nubian homes serve as a critical locus for shaping a positive Nubian
identity. Within the home, Nubians hear and learn their native language,
embrace their culture and traditions, and develop a deep sense of pride
in their heritage. The home functions as a cultural anchor, preserving
Nubian identity across generations. Through daily interactions, stories,
songs, and communal practices, Nubian children are rooted in their
cultural traditions, which they carry into the wider society. This
foundation is essential for combating stereotypes and fostering a
positive self-image, empowering Nubians to assert their dignity and
rightful place within broader Egyptian society.
This paper examines data from the media, including films and soap
operas, to explore the indexical attitudes towards Nubians established
in the media showing recurring patterns and mechanisms utilized in their
metalinguistic discourse representations. To investigate the
metalinguistic discourse of Nubians in the media, I utilize the
indexicality theory.[^2] More specifically, I demonstrate different
linguistic elements that are accompanied by noticeable patterns such as
dress code, work type, skin color, and character traits. Media makers
utilize these linguistic resources to create and disseminate indirect
negative racial and social indexes by alluding to linguistic and
non-linguistic attributions that are featured in their films or soap
operas. In addition, this article presents discussion questions and
analytical data showing how Nubians themselves perceive these media
productions and how they feel about the associated stereotypes. Finally,
this article examines how Nubian speakers react to the negative indexes
and how they are attributed to their language and culture, highlighting
positive movements and portrayals of Nubians. The need for fluency in
Arabic, a skill that carries power and prestige in several domains such
as education, religion, and public media, cannot be denied. However,
public awareness and counterstereotypes are urgently needed among
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Egyptians---Nubians, and non-Nubians---to construct positive stances
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and provide authentic representations of the Nubian language and
culture.
# Background
This paper adopts the analytical framework of Bassiouney,[^3] a
distinguished sociolinguist and award-winning novelist, to examine the
stereotypes of the stigmatized *Seʕidi* [^4] dialect (Arabic spoken in
the southern part of Egypt) in Egyptian media. The study explores how
visual, linguistic, and literary resources are used by media producers
to construct these portrayals. Inspired by Bassiouney's analysis, I
offer an analysis of the negative media portrayals of Nubians in Egypt
highlighting the visual, literary, and linguistic resources as well as
other patterns that manifest the negative indexes found in the media
productions. While the visual resources refer to dress code, skin color
(make-up used to deliberately darken skin color, for example), and
overall demeanor, the literary resources refer to characters' traits,
recurrent names, lower-class job associations, and subordination. The
linguistic resources or metalinguistic discourse discusses the salient
features of Nubian characters portrayed by the media, including the
heavy accented Arabic and syntactic and phonological errors.
In this paper, the terms "Nubians and Nubian language" are mainly used
to refer to both Fadija and Mattoki Nubians in Egypt. Although the term
"Nobiin" refers to speakers of Fadija (Halfawi, Sukkoth, and Mahas are
dialects of Nobiin spoken in Sudan and Fadija is spoken in Egypt), it is
exclusively used in this case to refer to Fadija speakers in Egypt as
this article focuses on the media in Egypt.
Arabic is the official language that is valued and treated with high
esteem in Egypt. Cairene Arabic (CA) is the most prestigious of all
Egyptian dialects due to the fact that Cairo is the largest urban city;
the powerful dialect is used in the media discourse. As Bassiouney puts
it: [^5]
> Cairo has been the focal point of the political and cultural
> renaissance throughout the Arab world. Along with the central role
> played by Cairo both the political arena and the sphere of culture,
> came the rise of CA as the code that indexes power, as well as
> cultural and political superiority and authenticity in Egypt."
On the other hand, the Nubian language is ranked as lower status than
Arabic in Egypt. In fact, the extensive stigma attached to Nubian
speakers may be the reason why some Nubians speak Arabic with their
children or refrain from teaching their native Nubian language. Yet even
the Arabic of Nubian speakers is highly stigmatized and ridiculed due to
the associated indexes utilized by media makers. However, there are
Nubians who take pride in speaking both Arabic and Nubian languages.
Abou-Ras,[^6] a Nubian academic researcher, asserts that her
participants have positive attitudes towards both languages, yet they
favor learning and using Nubian because it is the mother or heritage
language. Additionally, there is widespread awareness among Nubians of
the importance of maintaining and reviving their language. Several
initiatives, including educational centers and YouTube channels, exist
to teach the Nubian language and highlight the culture. Just to name a
few, the Nubian Educational Center (NEC)[^7] and the Nubian Language
Society (NLS)[^8] support the education of Nubians and help preserve
their language and culture. The NEC, located in Egypt, has been actively
involved in teaching the Nubian language and preserving Nubian cultural
heritage. They offer language classes and cultural programs for both
children and adults. Similarly, the NLS, a non-profit organization based
in Washington, DC, is dedicated to promoting, documenting, and raising
awareness of the Nubian language and culture.
# Media impact on societies
In this section, I discuss the influence and impact of media on
societies and the role the Egyptian media plays in establishing
stereotypes and negative images of Nubians in Egypt. Media has become an
effective and powerful tool to fuel disruption, rumors,
misunderstandings, mockery, and discrimination. As Sánchez Macarro, a
linguist, puts it "as individuals, we are all influenced, our opinions
shaped, reinforced and altered by our exposure to the media.[^9]
In describing the media discourse, O\'Keeffe,[^10] a notable applied
linguist, characterizes it as a "public, manufactured, on-record, form
of interaction. It is not ad hoc or spontaneous (in the same way as
causal speaking or writing is); it is neither private nor off the
record." The fact that media discourse is not spontaneous, but rather
manufactured and purposefully chosen tells us that these negative images
of Nubians are not random; they reflect specific ideologies as well as
political and social stances. The fact that media production is public
tells us how quickly and widely these stereotypes of Nubians are
constructed and established. By using a critical discourse analysis to
look at the media discourse portraying Nubians, we can see the social
power abuse, dominance and inequality exercised against Egyptian
Nubians.
Bassiouney argues that "public discourse, especially in the media, not
only reiterates shared belief systems and ideologies, but also
constructs and controls access to them. "\[...\]" In order to construct
the *Seʕidi* stereotype, media reiterates indexes of the region and its
speakers."[^11] The process of stigmatization and derogation against
Nubians and their language in media discourse reflects discrimination
and unequal treatment of Nubian speakers on political and social levels.
Recurring patterns and ideologies used to represent Nubians in movies,
soap operas, and other media productions negatively influence and shape
how Nubians are perceived by non-Nubian Egyptians eroding the cultural,
social, and global identity of all Egyptian citizens. Participant 18, a
thirty-year-old female, stated that she felt the brunt of the media's
negative indexes and experienced racist and teasing responses while at
school.
Taha,[^12] a Nubian applied linguistic researcher, asserts that media in
Egypt has played a significant role in perpetuating negative
stereotypes, such as depicting Nubians as speaking incomprehensible
Arabic and occupying lower-class jobs. The case of Nubians\' portrayal
in the media is not only associated with fluency and job opportunities,
but with direct insults and affronts. As Nobiin, I myself experienced
situations of mockery and teasing by non-Nubian classmates at schools in
Egypt. In addition, the word *barbari* 'barbarian,' is a pejorative term
extensively used in soap operas when referring to Nubians. In addition
to the constant prevalent images of Nubian characters as backward, less
sophisticated, naïve, and slow.
Media influence people and their beliefs; conversely, the media itself
is being influenced by several social, political, economic, and social
values. Particular ideologies are propagated in the media industry and
these values or agendas are carefully chosen and play a crucial
influential role in public discourse. Fairclough,[^13] an emeritus
linguist and pioneer in Critical Discourse Analysis, asserts that "media
output is very much under professional and institutional control, and in
general it is those who already have other forms of economic, political
or cultural power that have the best access to the media." In other
words, the media industry is controlled by certain institutions that
have political, cultural, and economic power and immense influence.
According to Fairclough, the media is a powerful tool that can shape
government and parties, and influence "knowledge, belief, values, social
relations, and social identities."[^14] Thus, the media reflects our
societal and cultural values and ideologies.
# Data
This article\'s data spans seventy years, including movies, soap operas,
cartoons, music videos, and documentary movies. Notably, many of the
documentaries have been filmed in people\'s homes. I posit that
producers utilize three resources to portray Nubians in movies and soap
operas: linguistic resources, visual resources, and literary resources.
The examples in this article are derived from well-known Egyptian movies
and the Bakkar cartoon (an Egyptian production by the Radio and
Television Union, broadcast on Channel One, following the adventures of
a young Nubian boy, his pet goat, and his friends) where stereotypical
linguistic errors pronounced by Nubian characters are prevalent. In
addition to analyzing the metalinguistic discourse in movies and
cartoons, the study includes insights from nine discussion sessions held
with twenty-two native Nobiin speakers. These discussions focus on how
Nubians themselves perceive and feel about the negative representations
and stereotypes in the Egyptian media. The discussion also reveals how
Nobiin speakers think about their Arabic fluency and proficiency and how
it is depicted in the media and by filmmakers and screenwriters.
# Theory and Methodology
The indexicality theory serves as an essential theoretical framework for
this study. It involves understanding how utterances or signs are
interpreted within the context of their use focusing on how meaning is
shaped by social and cultural factors. By examining how specific
linguistic features or signs point to social identities or cultural
backgrounds, indexicality helps in analyzing how media representations
reinforce or challenge existing stereotypes, particularly in the
portrayal of marginalized groups like Nubians. Through this lens, the
study explores how language and indexes are used to create or perpetuate
social hierarchies in media. By examining linguistic choices, visual
symbols, and cultural references, the study can reveal how media
reinforces existing power dynamics and marginalization. For example,
certain language patterns or character portrayals may elevate dominant
social groups while depicting marginalized groups in subservient roles,
thus reinforcing stereotypes and maintaining the status quo of social
inequality. This analysis highlights the role of media in shaping
perceptions and sustaining social hierarchies.
Ochs,[^15] a linguistic anthropologist, views indexicality as a spoken
property through which socio-cultural contexts (such as gender) and
social activities (such as gossip) are formed by taking particular
stances that are indexed through the language chosen. In other words,
indexicality is interpreted in light of the semiotic associations
between linguistic forms, social meanings, and identities. Ochs
identifies two types of indexicality, direct and indirect, and each
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performs different functions in discourse. According to Ochs,[^16] direct
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indexicality refers to interactional stances, including evaluative
stances, while indirect indexicality points to social stances.
Among those who refer to an index as contextualization cues are Hughes
and Tracy, discourse analysts, emphasizing that signaling context and
reinforcing pragmatic signs are crucial for effective communication.
They define indexicality as "the function by which linguistic and
nonlinguistic signs point to aspects of context."[^17] According to
them, indexicality is closely related to deixis and they could even be
"sometimes interchangeable," but they consider deixis to be a specific
type of indexicality, which helps participants navigate the oral or
written discourse frame through understanding references. Indexical and
cultural contextual cues are essential to properly interpret inferences
and understand the ideologies behind them Johnstone et al.,[^18] a group
of linguists, categorize indexes into two types; referential and
non-referential. On the one hand, referential indexes include pronouns
and demonstratives i.e., the term denotation is based on the utterance
context. On the other hand, non-referential indexes are linguistic forms
that convey or construct social meaning. They consider 'social meaning'
to be a "concept that encompasses matters such as register (in the
narrow sense of situation appropriateness), stance (certainty,
authority, etc.), and social identity (class, ethnicity, interactional
role, etc.)"[^19] They also explain further that the relationship
between linguistic forms and social meanings can be manifested at
different levels of indexicality order. They consider the first-order
indexes as unnoticeable and unintentional because they are common among
people, unlike second-order indexes that are both noticeable,
recognized, and intentional because of their association with social
meanings and shared ideologies. An example of the first-order indexes is
a regional vowel variation, while the stereotypes and negative images of
Nubians in the movies and soap operas are examples of second-order
indexes.
In his seminal work, Silverstein, a leading linguistic anthropologist,
explores the order of indexicality, distinguishing between first and
second-order indexes. He notes that the second- order indexes are
"creative or effective" and potentially can have ethno-metapragmatically
driven interpretation.[^20] This interpretation allows speakers to not
only presuppose meanings based on existing social structures or
stereotypes, but also to actively reshape and reinforce these meanings
in dynamic, context-specific ways. In other words, the presupposed
indexical meanings align with a higher metapragmatic order and are
"creatively" transformed to perpetuate new or existing social
narratives. Silverstein's theory of indexicality offers a useful
framework for understanding how media represent Nubians both draw upon
and reshape existing social stereotypes. By focusing on second-order
indexes, we gain a deeper understanding of how linguistic and visual
elements---such as accents, racialized portrayals, or specific character
traits---are not merely reflective of preexisting social hierarchies but
are strategically manipulated to reinforce and sustain these
hierarchies. This framework reveals how media creators play an active
role in constructing and perpetuating narratives of marginalization,
embedding them within the cultural fabric in ways that maintain power
imbalances. In the context of Nubian representation, second-order
indexicality is evident when filmmakers and screenwriters overexaggerate
certain linguistic features---such as accents, grammatical errors, or
mispronunciations---and link them to negative stereotypes like
servitude, simplicity, or inferiority. By doing so, these linguistic
forms become socially charged and reinforce existing racial and social
hierarchies. For example, the media's portrayal of Nubians through
broken Arabic or exaggerated accents is a deliberate act that imbues
these features with racial and social implications. This transformation
from unnoticed linguistic markers to socially meaningful symbols is
central to how media perpetuates harmful stereotypes and embeds them
into the cultural imagination.
Eckert,[^21] a prominent sociolinguist, emphasizes the close connection
between speakers' ideologies and stylistic practices (both linguistic
and non-linguistic) utilized to construct worldwide views and social
meanings. I argue that the stylistic choices---such as dark skin
portrayals, costumes depicting servants and doorkeepers, bright
clothing, heavily accented Arabic, and numerous fluency and accuracy
errors---are deliberate and conscious decisions made by producers and
media creators. These choices are designed not only to reflect and
reinforce their ideological perspectives, but also to cater to audience
expectations and stereotypes. By perpetuating these negative portrayals,
media producers exploit prejudices and biases to attract larger
viewership and generate higher profits. It also reflects the wider media
assumptions of Nubians' social and political roles in the Egyptian
society.
This article focuses on the second-order non-referential indexes that
producers and media makers use to cast Nubians as backward, less
sophisticated, naïve, and dark-skinned. Their stereotypical linguistic
features, physical traits, and character traits are consistently tied to
pejorative images and second-order indexes, depicting Nubians as
low-income, lower-class workers from inferior communities. Characters in
movies and soap operas who play Nubian roles often use specific
linguistic resources and salient visual and literary resources alongside
direct and indirect negative indexes to reinforce these stereotypes.
These social meanings are highly marked, deliberately crafted, and
reinforced by the media\'s portrayal of Nubians in the Egyptian culture.
However, Nubians have responded by creating positive personal and social
stances against these negative portrayals, speaking out in condemnation
and initiating their own channels and venues to authentically represent
their identity and culture. These efforts are discussed in detail later
in the article, particularly in the \"Moving Forward: What Can Be
Done?\" section.
# Established negative indexes and stereotypes
This section outlines the established negative stereotypes of Nubians
through media including movies, soap operas, and songs. I highlight the
salient visual and literary features of Nubians that carry second-order
indexes.
After investigating various Egyptian soap operas and films in terms of
character roles, traits, dress codes, and visual features, it is evident
that consistent patterns and attitudes shape the use of these literary
and visual elements, along with linguistic features. Nubians, in
particular, are often depicted in subordinate and inferior roles,
typically portrayed in lower-class jobs. Throughout these media
productions, they frequently appear as minor characters working as
servants, waiters, cooks, doorkeepers, or housekeepers. Moreover, they
are often ridiculed or criticized by both their employers and peers.
Egyptian television dramas commonly cast Nubians in these roles,
subjecting them to mockery and insults. Similarly, many Egyptian films,
especially those from the mid-20th century, portray Nubians in menial
positions, reinforcing negative stereotypes. These portrayals contribute
to the marginalization of Nubians and perpetuate harmful stereotypes,
underscoring ongoing issues with representation in the media.
Two recent soap operas stand out as exceptions to the general portrayal
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of Nubians. The first soap opera is *as<sup>ʕ</sup>diqaa* 'Friends,' 29-episode
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series streamed in 2002. In this show, the Nubian character was not
treated as an equal by one of the friends, but rather as an outsider
included only because of a mutual friend who did who does business with
him. Despite this, there was a notable positive shift in the portrayal
with other lead characters enjoying his Arabic and Nubian songs. In
episode 12 of the 'Friends' soap opera, the show featured a pretend
Nubian wedding as a performance for tourists, intended to promote one of
the lead characters' businesses by highlighting the cultural diversity
of Egyptians and showcasing a unique authentic tradition.[^22] Overall,
two of the main characters spoke very highly of Nubians, expressing
respect and appreciation for both the people and their culture.
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The second soap opera, *il-muɣ 'The Singer,' broadcasted in 2016,
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features a famous Nubian actor, Mohamed Mounir, as the main character,
with the entire series revolving around him and his life. Although it
did not gain the widespread popularity of other soap operas, it stands
out for its authentic representation of Nubian culture. The series
showcases Nubian homescapes and daily life, including traditional Nubian
houses, the Nile River, typical Nubian songs, palm trees and dates,
boats, and musical instruments. These elements offer a rich and genuine
portrayal of Nubian heritage. For instance, episode 5 poignantly depicts
the forced relocation of Nubians from their homeland villages, with
characters dressed in traditional Nubian clothing, sorrowfully leaving
their own homes.[^23] This scene tries to emphasize both the cultural
and historical significance of the events, providing a glimpse into the
struggles and resilience of the Nubian people, while grounding the
narrative in real experiences and traditions.
In relation to character traits, Nubian characters are usually depicted
as less sophisticated than non-Nubian characters, yet they are sometimes
more honest and trustworthy. However, they are mainly portrayed as
naïve, slow, backward, and unintelligent, who are easily manipulated and
tricked with intelligibility issues or disabilities. The names of the
characters are mainly *Othman* , *Idris, or Seliman* . In the *il-fa:nu:s
ʔ
two pretend waiters, who are trying to retrieve magic lanterns, are not
Nubians.[^24] The two characters who only used a single word in Nubian
*maskagna* 'hello,' then make totally random sounds that do not belong
to any language whatsoever. When asked if he understood the other two
waiters, the Nubian waiter explains "I am not a fool, they are not from
my hometown, but they are coming from a high honorable place. I know, I
am not a fool." Despite the waiter's confidence, he was easily tricked,
and too ignorant to know if others were speaking his language.
In movies and soap operas, literary elements are closely intertwined
with visual and linguistic resources to reinforce stereotypes. As for
the visual resources, Nubian characters are depicted with dark skin, and
in several cases, actors use blackface to inaccurately represent Nubian
skin color. Both male and female characters are typically shown with
dark skin and are often dressed in the uniforms of cleaners or waiters,
or men wearing the traditional white *galabia* 'a loose-fitting
garment'. Figure 1 provides a typical example of a blackfaced Nubian
character in movies and soap operas. The scene is from the movie *ʕija:l
ħabiba* 'Love Birds,' which streamed in 2005. In the movie, the Nubian
character is constantly subjected to ridicule and insults due to
stereotypical portrayals of dark skin by other characters. Throughout
the film, numerous derogatory references are made toward the Nubian
character and his family. Shockingly, some of these discriminatory
remarks come from the character himself, who is impersonating a Nubian
man in blackface. In one particularly offensive scene, the actor Ramez
Galal addresses the Nubian character, saying, "Come on, you don't want
your heart to be black, just like your face."[^25] This film contains
numerous racist and discriminatory indexes, perpetuating harmful
stereotypes
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**~~Figure 1. The screenshot shows a non-Nubian actor named Soliman Eid in blackface pretending to be Nubian. Source: ʕija:l ħabiba 'love birds' (2005).~~**
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Similarly, media makers explicitly and frequently make several direct
insults and negative indexes about Nubians by hurling clear and
affronting insults and derogatory references. In the soap opera *nikdeb*
law*ʔ
TV in 2013, a major female actress, Ragaa Al-Giddawy, refers to the
Nubian male character and his family as "barbarians" saying "Listen, I
won't let you marry my daughter unless you bring all your barbarian
folks right here to ask for her hand in marriage."[^26] In another soap
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opera *ħuru:f ilnas<sup>ʕ</sup>b* 'Letters of Fraud', released in 2000, the actor
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Hisham Selim impersonates a Nubian by wearing waiter apparel, darkening
his face, and referring to himself as "Othman Abdel El-basset, the one
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Egyptian barbarian."[^27] In a movie produced in 1998 *s< sup > ʕ< / sup > eʕidi fi
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ilgamʕa ilamerikja* 'An upper-Egyptian at the American University of
Cairo', the actor Mohamed Henedi, tells a minor Nubian female character
"No need to turn the light off. I cannot see your face already. Your
face is as dark as the night."[^28]
These examples highlight how media productions reinforce and perpetuate
negative stereotypes about Nubians through both visual and literary
elements. The use of blackface, derogatory language, and offensive
depictions further marginalizes Nubians, casting them in demeaning and
inferior roles.
These portrayals are not isolated incidents but part of a broader
pattern of racial discrimination in media, where negative depictions of
Nubians are normalized and repeatedly portrayed. This ongoing
misrepresentation embeds harmful stereotypes into popular culture,
contributing to the wider social marginalization of Nubian communities.
Having established the connection between the visual and literary
resources used to propagate these stereotypes, I will now turn to an
analysis of linguistic resources and metalinguistic discourse. This next
section will explore how specific linguistic choices, such as
intentional grammatical or pronunciation errors portrayed by characters
impersonating Nubians, are used to ridicule and reinforce negative
stereotypes. These deliberate linguistic inaccuracies often serve to
mock Nubians, further entrenching racial and social hierarchies. By
examining these elements, I aim to offer a nuanced understanding of the
role language plays in the construction and perpetuation of these
harmful portrayals.
# Metalinguistic discourse: examples and analysis
This section examines the metalinguistic discourse or linguistic
resources of Nubian characters focusing on the stigmatized linguistic
and pronunciation errors portrayed and derived from movies and soap
operas. In particular, I analyze several examples of stereotypical
language errors produced by characters portraying Nubians in movies and
cartoons.[^29]
## Actor Ali Kassar[^30]
INSERT TABLE
In example 1a, a Nubian character is talking to a female character in
Arabic, but he mistakenly addresses her using a masculine possessive
form, which indicates that his Arabic is poor.[^31] Similarly, in
example 1b the Nubian character shows his lack of accuracy by using a
feminine demonstrative with a masculine noun which is ungrammatical.
## Actors Gomaa Edriss and Ali Oraby[^32]
INSERT TABLE
In addition to the gender agreement language error, there are sometimes
fluency errors i.e., pronunciation errors such as example 2a. In that
example, the Nubian character fails to produce the /x/ sound, so he
replaced it with the /h/ sound i.e., *il-ha:mes* 'fifth' instead of
*il-xa:mes*. Additionally, in the same example, the Nubian character
mispronounced the vowel in the word *il- shuʃt* 'section' instead of
*il-shoʃt.* In example 2b, there are multiple accuracy language errors.
First, the Nubian character addressed a group of people using a singular
masculine form *usta:z* 'sir'. Then, he switched to using a feminine
singular form, rather than a plural form. Examples 2c and 2d are
ungrammatical as the Nubian character uses plural and third person
masculine forms, respectively, when he refers to himself.
## Actor Sayed Sulieman[^33]
INSERT TABLE
In example 3a, the Nubian character is looking for his boss's cigarette
and the lighter used a possessive marker that does not agree,
gender-wise, with the noun it modifies. Similarly, in example 3b, the
same Nubian character talks to a female co-worker about the woman he
works for using masculine forms (masculine participles), and hence,
there is gender disagreement.
The following examples show the gender disagreement between determiners,
quantifiers, and possessive markers and their modified nouns.
## Actor Ali Oraby[^34]
INSERT TABLE
Example 4a, 4b, and 4c are ungrammatical because they show disagreement
between modifiers and the nouns that are being modified. These examples
purposefully demonstrate the Nubian character's lack of accuracy and
proficiency. In 4a, *mawdʕuʕ di* 'this matter,' the feminine
demonstrative does not agree with the masculine noun in gender. In
contrast, in 4b, ʕaj*:la waħid* 'one family,' the masculine quantifier
does not agree with the feminine noun. In a similar way, the Nubian
character uses masculine possessive markers when talking to his sister,
rather than the feminine using possessive markers *bita:ʕek* 'your'.
## Actor Mohamed El Adendani[^35]
INSERT TABLE
Example 5a shows a case of noun-verb disagreement, whereby the Nubian
character uses plural verb conjugation when referring to himself. On the
other hand, he chooses the wrong word i.e., using *rubatʕaja* 'gang'
instead of *rabtʕta* 'union' in example 5b as an example of his
intelligibility and incoherence. Example 5c shows an interesting case of
pronunciation in which the actor produces the word by mixing it between
*Seʕidi* dialect and Modern Standard Arabic, which makes it sound odd
and peculiar.
As we can see, all examples present syntactic disagreement
(noun-adjective agreement, verb-noun agreement, demonstrative and
pronoun disagreement) or phonological errors or idiosyncrasy, often
accompanied by a heavy accent of Arabic. The question is, why these
language errors in particular? There are two possible hypotheses or
scenarios to explain the media fixation on these intentional
metalinguistic discourse errors. The first postulation goes back to the
fact that the earliest Nubians, the monolingual speakers of Nubian, who
migrated to different areas in Egypt such as Cairo and Alexandria to
look for job opportunities had some language difficulties when learning
Arabic due to the influence of their mother tongue. For example,
Rouchdy, a linguistic researcher, noted in her research study in 1991,
that non-competent Fadija bilingual speakers had a tendency to add the
suffix -a to borrowed Arabic words such as *aneeda* 'stubborn.'[^36]
Nevertheless, do Nubians, considering all the generations that have
emerged since the early relocations for the Aswan Dam construction in
1905, still face language proficiency and accuracy issues? Are Nubians
today merely monolingual speakers of Nubian? Do they still have the
stereotypical heavy accent of Arabic that is still portrayed in the
media? The majority of Nubians today are bilingual speakers of Arabic
and Nubian. Unfortunately, in some cases, they are monolinguals of
Arabic. The Arabic spoken by Nubians varies depending on their region;
for example, those living in Aswan or Luxor typically speak the *Seʕidi*
dialect, while those in Cairo tend to use the Cairene dialect.
That brings us to the second hypothesis regarding why the Arabic spoken
by Nubians is often portrayed as "broken," flawed, unintelligible,
faulty, incompetent, or defective in movies and soap operas. These
linguistic errors, along with the heavy accent, are more conspicuous and
serve to reinforce stigmas and propaganda surrounding these media
productions. Such errors are not random; they represent recurring
patterns in the language used by filmmakers and screenwriters.
Consequently, Nubians are unjustly associated with extensive mockery,
prejudice, and direct insults that are emphasized by the media. I
believe that this second hypothesis provides a plausible explanation for
the portrayal of problematic Arabic, as it is often reinforced by the
use of blackface and other associations that denote lower socioeconomic
status and perpetuate negative stereotypes.
# Discussion data: Participants and Procedures
A discussion was held with native Nobiin speakers to show how they
perceive the negative indexes attributed to themselves and the Nubian
language in the Egyptian media. There were twenty-two participants in
this discussion: eight females and fourteen males with ages ranging from
twenty to seventy years old. All the participants are educated and hold
various higher education degrees (bachelor's, master's, and Ph.D.'s).
Responses were not anonymous, because it was unnecessary and it is
beneficial to know certain information for the data analysis, especially
for the social variables. The researcher recruited the participants
through social networks (family, friends, and community members). All
participants gave their consent before the discussion was conducted
Most participants live in Egypt: eight in Aswan, nine in Cairo, and one
in Luxor. Three of the participants currently live in Saudi Arabia,
while one participant lives in the United States. The majority of the
participants are bilingual (speak both Arabic and Nobiin); seven
participants are heritage speakers of Nobiin (they understand the
language, but do not speak it) and native speakers of Arabic. Table 1
provides details about the participants' background information.
INSERT TABLE 1
The researcher showed each participant pictures of Egyptian movies, TV
shows, songs, and documentaries. After presenting the image, the
researcher asked indirect questions to let the participants talk about
the pictures leading to their views about the Nubians\' representations,
their clothes portrayal and authenticity, the characters depicted, their
roles, and skin color as shown in the Egyptian media (movies, soap
operas, TV programs, songs, cartoons, and documentary movies).
Open-ended questions were used to generate rich, meaningful responses
and insights. The researcher always asked the participants to provide
illustrations, examples, and/or clarifications. A discussion was held
with Fadija Nobiin speakers to show how they perceive the negative
indexes attributed to themselves and the Nubian language in the Egyptian
media.
# Discussion
To analyze the discussion data, I coded the discussion data and then
created a graph for each question to organize and categorize the
collected data visually. This section presents the study discussion
results, their frequencies, and some of the participants' statements and
opinions.
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**~~Figure 3. The graph shows the responses of participants regarding the early representation of Nubians in the media.~~**
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Graph 3 represents the distribution of the first discussion question. As
Figure 3 reveals there are twenty-one participants stating that the
early representations of Nubians in the Egyptian media are
discriminatory and prejudicial (95%), while one participant indicated
that they were not intentionally belittling or undermining them (5%).
Moreover, participant 12, a female participant in her fifties who lives
in Cairo, added that the media, including movies, at that time was
informative about Nubians and their lives. From her point of view,
Nubians in these movies, for example, were portrayed as trustworthy
people who are famous for their excellent personal hygiene and honesty.
On the other hand, Dr. Mohammad Ali-Bik asserts that media makers
consistently presented a stereotypical exaggerated image of Nubians
portrayed as less sophisticated and naïve, even though, in reality, they
are recognized within the Egyptian society for their honesty and
straightforwardness.[^37] He further stated that Egyptian media has
marginalized Nubians in many ways, including associating them with
exaggerated negative portrayals, and primarily depicting them in
low-income jobs such as doorkeepers and workers in houses, hotels, and
restaurants. This association stems from the business goals of media
producers. By perpetuating harmful stereotypes and sensationalized
depictions, producers attract a larger audience, which in turn boosts
viewership ratings and advertising revenue. These portrayals create a
dramatic narrative that appeals to viewers\' preconceptions and biases,
making the content more marketable. Consequently, media producers
benefit financially from the commercial success of their productions,
reinforcing negative stereotypes and continuing a cycle of profit-driven
exploitation. Dr. Ali-Bik believes that the government has failed to
protect these minorities, including Nubians, and has not taken
sufficient steps to include them in Egyptian media production and media
channels. This exclusion exacerbates the issue, leaving Nubians
underrepresented and inaccurately portrayed in mainstream media.
Moreover, he indicates that he:
> blames the Egyptian cinema which has focused since the 60s on only
> promoting pan- Arabism as the sole national identity of all Egyptians
> neglecting and erasing the identities of all other minorities such as
> Nubians, Amazig, and Bedouin Egyptians. It was a mistake to perform
> this homogeneous anti-diversity policy that disintegrated
> multiculturalism without considering the rich history of Egypt\'s
> cultural diversity, e.g., Pharaohs, Romans, Copts, Ottomans, etc.
All the participants are aware that portraying Nubians as
underprivileged and low-paid workers is derived from the fact that these
were typical professions occupied by those who migrated to Cairo and
Alexandria in the early 20th century, particularly during the
significant relocations for High Dam construction between 1902 and 1964.
These early migrations were largely influenced by limited educational
opportunities and the positive character traits associated with Nubians.
However, Nubians continue to be depicted primarily in lower-class jobs,
overlooking the distinguished and reputable careers they hold today.
Participants noted that among the discriminatory attitudes reflected in
the media towards Nubians is the stigma associated with their use of
unintelligible or incompetent Arabic and their dark skin. The media
extensively and offensively emphasizes these pejorative images,
perpetuating negative stereotypes prevalent in Egypt.
Figure 4 shows that 55% of the participants believe that there are still
negative representations of Nubians in the media channels. In
comparison, 32% think there is a slightly positive attitude in their
pictures. Additionally, 14% of total responses generally maintain a more
positive change. Participant 17, a thirty-three-year-old female who
lives in Cairo, remarked that the situation remains the same with
"abusive and derogatory references. No one cares about getting to know
the real Nubians or their culture." Similarly, participant 11, a
fifty-year-old female expressed her disappointment with the current
portrayal of Nubians in the media, particularly the use of heavily
accented Arabic which often contains linguistic errors.
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**~~Figure 4. The graph exhibits the distribution of the recent representations of Nubian in the media.~~**
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On the other hand, participant 21, a young male in his twenties,
observed a slight improvement in the representation of Nubians on social
media platforms, such as Facebook and Twitter, as well as some TV shows
and programs. However, participant 20, a thirty-year-old male
participant, stated that "you will not be able to find a single Nubian
show host. They do not look at us as Egyptian." Overall, Nubians are
still treated and portrayed in a condescending and patronizing way.
Nevertheless, there is a slightly more constructive depiction of Nubians
nowadays, it remains limited and bound to specific venues and platforms
such as social media, documentary movies, and talk shows. That being
said, the following discussion focuses on participants' views regarding
the representation of Nubians in movies and soap operas. Discussions of
media platforms such as social media are outside the scope of this
paper.
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**~~Figure 5. The graph presents Nubians views regarding their portrayals in movies and soap operas.~~**
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As shown in Figure 5, there is a total consensus among Nubians that
there is a high prejudice and bigotry in Egyptian soap operas and
movies. A sixty-year-old speaker asserts that "not only there is
bullying and mockery, but also direct insults and slurs on films and
soap operas." Another female speaker in her thirties mentioned that
non-Nubian Egyptians are ignorant of Nubians, their culture, and their
language, adding " I do not understand why characters feel the need to
use blackface when pretending to be or imitating Nubians. It seems like
they fail to recognize that Nubians, like many other ethnic groups, have
a range of skin tones and shades. This crude portrayal oversimplifies
the diversity within the Nubian community and reinforces harmful
stereotypes, reducing an entire group of people to a single, inaccurate
characteristic. Such depictions are not only misleading, but also
disrespectful as they ignore the complexity of Nubian identity and
culture. It is disheartening that, rather than portraying Nubians
accurately, the media resorts to such reductive and disrespectful
depictions." Many participants also reported several negative indexes
and attitudes in film and showed productions, including racism,
belittling, generalization, and bias that stigmatize and defame their
reputations.
Alternatively, Nubian representations in documentary movies are very
objective, as shown in Figure 6 below. The widespread consensus
responses indicate that the documentary movies represent authentic
images and pictures of the Nubian culture, language, lifestyle, values,
and traditions. Participant 9, a sixty-year-old female speaker
commented, "these documentaries play a role in preserving the Nubian
heritage and culture." I believe that documentary movies, unlike
fictionalized movies, do not target profit, but rather the true people
and cultures. Several recently produced documentaries about Nubians are
available on YouTube, covering topics like food, the Nile River
sacredness, handicrafts, weddings, homescapes, and customs.
Notable examples include *aj-ga ʤilli* 'Remember me',[^38] uploaded in
2011 and *Sono* 'roots' in 2020,[^39] both of them offering viewers a
more accurate and respectful look at the richness of Nubian culture.
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**~~Figure 6. The graph exhibits objective Nubian portrayal in documentary movies.~~**
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Similarly, music videos have an essential and promising role in
maintaining the Nubian language and cultural heritage.[^40] These music
videos are also accessible on YouTube and discuss vital issues such as
migration, relocation, family bonds, solidarity, religion, and other
inspirational themes. Figure 7 presents question five discussion
results, and we can see that most participants agree that the Nubians
are genuinely represented in music videos (80%). The impartiality of
Nubian representations in music videos amounts to 18% compared to the
frequency of the ingenuine representations of Nubians in YouTube video
clips.
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**~~Figure 7. The graph shows responses of Nubian participants about their portrayal in music videos.~~**
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Participant 22, a young male in his twenties, explained that Nubian
music videos have "Touched the hearts and souls of millions of
non-Nubian Egyptians and they know some songs by heart, even if they do
not understand the Nubian language." Conversely, participant 13, a
fifty- two-year-old female speaker, believes that most of the videotaped
songs are not authentic as they are filmed exclusively in the Western
part of Aswan and have several overgeneralized elements. She also noted
that "many people dancing in these music videos are not Nubians and
cannot dance as Nubians." Agreeing with the majority of the
participants, I believe that Nubian songs, whether they are audio or
video recorded, are powerful tools for portraying the real Nubian
culture and preserving both language and tradition. Moreover, they have
had a positive impact on both Nubian and non-Nubian Egyptians, helping
to keep the Nubian music and folklore alive.
While discussing their portrayal in the videotaped songs, all Nobiin
participants referred to Mohamed Mounir, a popular and accomplished
Fadija Nobiin singer and actor. With that mentioned, I was eager to know
what the participant thinks about his role in promoting and preserving
the Nubian culture and language. Mounir sings in Arabic and Nobiin
languages integrating various genres into his music including Egyptian,
Nubian, blues, jazz, and reggae. He is considered an iconic singer, and
he is known by his fans in Egypt and Germany as *il-malik* 'the king' in
reference to a play. He is among the Nubians who had to relocate to
Cairo following the floods and Aswan Dam construction. Throughout his
songs, he addresses various philosophical, social, and political issues.
In total, he performed in twelve movies, four TV shows, and three plays.
Mounir has about ten Nubian songs out of 350 and has over twenty-four
albums. Some of Mounir's Nubian songs are translated into Arabic and
accessible on YouTube and social media. In addition, he was the lead
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actor on a TV show titled *il-muɣ 'the singer,' which aired on
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television and YouTube in 2016. The TV show revolves around Mounir's
personal and professional life, his Nubian heritage, and raising
important issues for Nubians in Egypt including Nubian forced
relocations, the sacredness of the Nile River to Nubians, and various
Nubian customs and home lifestyles.
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**~~Figure 8. A picture of Mohamed Mounir, a Nubian Egyptian legend singer and actor. Source: Google (2022).~~**
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In an interview with the Egyptian pop singer, Eyre asked Mounir about
his Nubian roots and history during his lifetime.[^41] In responding to
this question, Mounir asserts that he does not
> understand why the words \"Nubia\" and \"Nubian\" have become such a
> problem, why it\'s taken this racial direction "\[...\]" I've always
> wished that the Nubian culture would be treated as a distinct and
> special culture within the Egyptian culture. I think it is a good
> thing to have a culture within a culture. The subcultures won't be
> conflicting but would contribute and compliment the other. The
> international community did not understand the magnitude of the
> tragedy the free soldiers committed against the Nubians. They drove
> them out of their homes and didn't attempt to preserve their culture.
As shown in Figure 9, below, the total of speakers who believe that
Mohamed Mounir plays a crucial role in supporting the Nubian language,
culture, and people is 73% or sixteen participants. In comparison, 23%
(five participants) stated that his role is only partially crucial, with
limited contributions. Additionally, 5% (one participant) noted that
Mounir played a minor role. Participant 2 who is a male in his seventies
noted that "Mounir was able to draw attention to Nubians and their
language through the few Nubian songs, to some extent." He added that
Mounir "deforms the traditional Nubian music by mixing up different
genres and tones, however, he slightly helped in raising awareness of
our language and culture". On the other hand, participant 10, a male in
his fifties, elaborated that Mounir "plays a tremendous role in
increasing awareness about Nubians. Non-Nubian Egyptians know some of
his songs by heart even without understanding them. He further explained
that Mounir's music often incorporates traditional Nubian rhythms and
themes, which resonate with listeners across different backgrounds."
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**~~Figure 9. The graph reflects the participants' views about Mounir's role.~~**
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The traditional Nubian clothing is white *galabia* , "a white garment"
for males, and a black *gargaar* , "a black dress, usually colored
clothing underneath it," for females, as shown in the picture below.
Throughout videotaped songs, and even documentaries, Nubian men are
usually depicted wearing a *galabia* , while women wear *gargaar* and
headscarves. Discussion question seven aimed to show how the
participants feel about the recurring pattern of clothing authenticity
in the production of songs and documentary movies.
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**~~Figure 10. The picture portrays a woman and man wearing traditional Nubian clothing. Source: Twitter (2000).~~**
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The survey found that 77% of the participants concluded that the white
*galabia* and the black *gargaar* are traditional and national Nubian
clothing, and hence, it is an authentic visual representation that
reflects reality and ethnic apparel. However, 23% of participants
considered these garments as only partially authentic and realistic,
noting that they are typically worn on special occasions, while regular
daily clothes are also common. Participant 16, a thirty-eight-year- old
male, stated that "there is nothing wrong with portraying traditional
Nubian clothing, but it should be more diverse reflecting daily regular
apparel too." On the contrary, participant 1 who is a seventy-year-old
male speaker, indicated that he longs to "visit Aswan to wear his white
*galabia* and turban. It makes me alive and proud." The difference
between the participants' responses, in this case, is based on whether
the participants are from urban (Cairo) or non-urban cities (Aswan and
Luxor), age differences, and whether they are native or heritage
speakers of Nobiin.
Interestingly, the age range of the five participants who believe that
clothing authenticity in music videos is partially true to life,
amounting to 23% of clothing authenticity in music videos data, is from
the twenties to forties and they are all heritage Nubian speakers, born
and raised in Cairo. The traditional national Nubian clothing is still
used nowadays and is a unique part of the Nubian culture, so visually
presenting the traditional apparel in media productions is a remarkable
and distinctive feature to honor the culture. Figure 11 shows the
frequency of participants' responses to the authenticity of Nubian
clothing representations in music videos and documentary movies.
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**~~Figure 11. The graph compares the distribution of the clothing authenticity utilized in music songs and documentaries.~~**
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Moving from the apparel represented and utilized in videotaped songs and
documentaries, we are now in a position to present the discussion
findings on the Nubian clothing used by music bands on YouTube and TV
shows. Music art-pop bands performing in several areas and platforms
wear and portray non-traditional Nubian costumes that are characterized
by unusual patterns or designs and very bright colours, as shown in the
picture below.
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**~~Figure 12. The picture represents unconventional Nubian costumes used by art-pop bands. Source: Google (2022).~~**
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When asked about their opinions, all the participants (100%) entirely
agree that the costumes used by art-pop musical bands are unauthentic
and misleading representations of Nubians and their traditional apparel.
Dr. Mohamed Taha, a Nubian instructor and language editor, shared during
our discussion a few pictures of the unconventional costumes, adding "I
do not know why they use these bright overexaggerated colors with weird
patterns to portray us. He reports that he was pleased and honored to be
hired as a proofreader and language editor to *ma waraa al- tʕabijʕa*
'Paranormal' Soap Opera streamed on Netflix in 2020. I was working with
clothes and the Nubian language authenticity as well as pronunciation
with the actors and actresses. It was one of the limited occasions in
which they work with a Nubian linguist to get a real representation of
Nubians." Similarly, a fifty-year-old female speaker expressed her
disagreement with these costumes commenting "Not only they use
unauthentic clothing that stands out negatively, but they depict false
and fabricated pictures of Nubians." Figure 13 exemplifies the
discussion results of costumes used by musical bands on shows and
programs.
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**~~Figure 13. The graph shows the communal agreement of the costume unauthenticity.~~**
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The last discussion question was dedicated to learning about the
opinions of the participating speakers in a famous Egyptian cartoon show
*Bakkar* initially broadcasted on TV in the late 1990s. The shows
revolved around a young Nubian Egyptian boy named *Bakkar* , his pet goat
*Rashida*, and his family and friends. The soundtrack for *Bakkar* was
sung by Mohamed Mounir and there are several Nubian songs during the
series by other singers. There are ten seasons of the cartoon show and
the latest release was in 2016. Figure 14 shows a poster of Bakkar and
some of the main characters in the animated series.
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**~~Figure 14. A picture of Bakkar, his pet goat, and his friends. Source: Google (2022).~~**
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Figure 15 shows considerable disagreement on Nubian representation in
the *Bakkar* cartoon: more than half of the participants (55%) consider
Nubian representation in *Bakkar* as realistic, 32% as realistic to some
degree, and 18% as unrealistic. In other words, 55% of the participants
denoted that the cartoon show has positive and realistic representations
of Nubians. Despite the exaggeration in the costumes and the heavy
accent of some characters, it is very popular among Egyptian children.
Some participants (32%) thought the show was relatively realistic with
odd fictitious adventures, Bakkar's pet goat, and unconventional
clothing. However, those participants agree that it has a positive
impact on promoting the Nubian culture and it also has some realistic
elements such as the music and songs utilized in the animated show.
Also, 18% of the participants concluded that *Bakkar* is an unrealistic
portrayal of Nubians with negative stereotypes and negative indexes such
as the dark skin color of all the Nubian characters, the heavy
stereotypical accent of Bakkar's uncle, and used clothes.
Participant 4, a sixty-year-old male speaker, conveyed that "*Bakkar"*
is the first cartoon attempt to shed light on the Nubian culture. While
the scriptwriter of the animated show is not Nubian and did not go
in-depth in portraying the culture. He noted that "considering it is the
first attempt to represent Nubia, I view it, overall, with some
reservations, as a positive and realistic portrayal of Nubians." In
contrast, participant 15, a male participant in his forties, remarked
that "the idea to have a pet goat is ridiculous and far from realistic.
It does not differ from Nubian representations in movies and soap operas
embedded with racist and derogatory references. On top of that, the
stories do not portray Nubian tales, but rather tales of gangs and
antiquities theft." Participant 19, a forty-year-old female observed
that *Bakkar* is a "very popular cartoon among Egyptian children and my
children. It shows the Nubian values and heritage."
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**~~Figure 15. The graph exhibits the participants' views regarding the Nubian representations in Bakkar Cartoon.~~**
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As shown in the nine discussion questions, the focus group highly agrees
on numerous discussion points, including the early discriminatory
representations of Nubians in the media, the prejudiced portrayal of
Nubians in movies and soap operas, the positive depiction of Nubians in
documentaries, and the unauthentic costumes used by musical bands. The
second highest frequency, as indicated in discussion questions 5-7, is
the genuine presentation of Nubians in music videos, the crucial role
played by Mounir in spreading awareness of the Nubian language and
culture through his influential music and artistic vision, and the
authenticity of apparel portrayed in documentaries and videotaped songs.
More than half of all participants (55%) agreed on the ongoing negative
indexes shown in the media and the real portrayal of Nubians shown in
the *Bakkar* cartoon.
# Moving forward: What can be done?
The discussion findings confirm the existence of stereotypical and
stigmatized indexes associated with Nubians, which are frequently
employed by media makers. These persistent negative and pejorative
portrayals that are extensively emphasized have influenced some Nubians
to prioritize speaking Arabic with their children to mitigate the risk
of mockery, discrimination, and bullying. Despite the stigmatized
representations, many Nubian speakers have a positive attitude toward
learning their mother tongue to preserve their language, identities, and
cultural ideologies.
Moreover, Nubians actively and continuously denounce and condemn racist
references and insults on social media and other platforms, advocating
for appropriate and truthful representations in the media that honor
their status as Egyptian citizens. Prominent Nubian singers such as
Ahmed Mounib, Khedr El-Attar, Hamza El Din, Mohamed Mounir, and others
play a significant role in preserving the language and culture. Their
music often features traditional themes and rhythms, and several Nubian
music videos are translated into Arabic to raise awareness and make the
language accessible to younger generations whose primary language may be
Arabic. The influence of these artists extends beyond entertainment; it
serves as a bridge, connecting diverse audiences to the rich tapestry of
Nubian life and history. In doing so, they not only challenge
stereotypes, but also promote greater acceptance and understanding of
Nubian within Egyptian society.
In addition, numerous Facebook and YouTube channels have recently been
established by and for Nubians, aimed at promoting their culture and
heritage while reviving their language.
Among the YouTube social forums are "Nub Tube" and "I and "Nuba
Channel."[^42] Through these initiatives, Nubians are creating a
positive stance, emphasizing their identities, their language and
cultural values, and their true characteristics and traits. By refusing
to accept stereotypes and negative indexes, they leverage these
platforms to spread awareness about themselves and their rich cultural
heritage through social media, music, documentaries, and online content.
This proactive approach not only challenges existing prejudices but also
fosters a greater understanding and appreciation of Nubian identity
within the broader Egyptian society.
Public awareness and counterstereotypes are strongly needed among
Egyptians, Nubians, and non-Nubians to construct positive stances and
provide authentic representations of the Nubian language and culture.
The Egyptian government should consider making the Nubian language an
official language alongside Arabic to revitalize this endangered
language and support all Egyptian minority groups, including Nubians.
Incorporating information about Nubians and their culture in school
curriculums would further raise awareness and reduce discrimination.
More importantly, media makers need to recognize the harm caused by
inaccurately and unjustly portraying Nubians and other indigenous
minorities through negative and derisive stereotypes.
Nubians and non-Nubians who appreciate and admire the Nubian language
and culture actively challenge negative stereotypes by voicing their
opinions, condemning such biases, and creating platforms that
authentically represent their identity and heritage. One example is the
Art of Nubia website,[^43] which features a variety of sections
dedicated to the Nubian language, books about the language, proverbs and
wisdom, courses and lessons, songs, history, Nubian literature, dance,
and weddings. This impressive initiative was founded and is maintained
by Elia Moor, a distinguished Swiss researcher. In addition to
translating Nubian texts and literature from German into English, she
personally funds and develops the website. With her expertise as a
computer and web developer, Moor has made the site accessible in
multiple languages, including Arabic, English, German, French, and
Italian. Her vision is to create a comprehensive encyclopedia about
Nubia. Moor explains that "the website's mission is to help preserve a
culture and language she deeply loves and admires for its rich history,
ethical values, and simplicity". Through this initiative, she hopes to
raise awareness of this remarkable culture and combat racism and
discrimination.
Another example is the NAPATA website,[^44] which is currently
undergoing redesign. Similar to the Art of Nubia, NAPATA provides
information on Nubian poetry, music, language, history, and heritage. As
a non-profit organization, NAPATA is dedicated to serving the needs of
rural Nubian communities and other regions, with a focus on promoting
Nubian heritage, culture, and language. Another Significant effort to
counter negative stereotypes is the Nubian Cultural Center for Social
Development in Aswan, Egypt. This organization works to preserve and
promote Nubian heritage through educational programs, workshops, and
cultural events. By offering classes in the Nubian language, organizing
traditional music and dance performances, and hosting exhibitions on
Nubian history, the center provides a platform for the Nubian community
to express their identity and challenge stereotypes. It also fosters
dialogue between Nubians and non- Nubians, encouraging understanding and
appreciation of Nubian culture. Through initiatives like these, Nubians
not only work to preserve their heritage, but also actively counter the
negative portrayals often propagated by media and mainstream narratives.
# Conclusion
This paper investigated the frequent stereotypes and negative indexes
associated with Nubians in the Egyptian media, focusing on the recurring
linguistic, visual, and narrative tools that perpetuate these harmful
portrayals. These depictions, which include linguistic markers such as
broken Arabic, character traits, dress codes, and the exaggerated
darkening of skin color, are systematically employed to create and
sustain second-order indexes of inferiority and backwardness. By
examining the metalinguistic discourse in films and soap operas, I
highlighted how the media persistently relies on a narrow and reductive
portrayal of Nubians, reinforcing negative images in the public
consciousness. The consistent use of these linguistic and visual cues
reflects the limited and stereotypical repertoire that has
dominated---and continues to dominate---Nubian representation in
Egyptian media.
Despite this long-standing stigmatization, Nubians continue to resist
these constructed stereotypes. They challenge these media portrayals
through various avenues, including social media, music, and cultural
preservation initiatives, aiming to present more authentic and
empowering representations of their language, culture, and identity.
While media power is heavily centralized in Cairo ---allowing it to
dominate and marginalize other ethnicities, including Nubians---this
resistance underscores a critical pushback against misrepresentation.
The second part of the article reveals how native Nobiins perceive their
portrayal in the media, revealing both their frustration with the
negative stereotypes and their pride in positive representations,
especially in documentaries and music videos. Moving forward, it is
imperative that these stereotypes be dismantled, and that awareness be
raised among all Egyptians---both Nubians and non-Nubians---about the
harmful impact of these depictions. Without such change, new generations
of Nubians will continue to bear the emotional and social costs of these
negative portrayals, enduring discrimination and marginalization. For
Nubian identity and culture to flourish, public discourse must shift
toward a more respectful and inclusive portrayal, reflecting the rich
cultural contributions Nubians have made to Egyptian society.
# Appendix 1: Discussion questions
Thank you for taking the time to participate in this discussion. The
discussion will take between 15 to 20 minutes. I have a few background
questions for you before starting our discussion.
Name:
Education:
Age:
Place of Residence
I have nine questions and I will start the discussion by showing you
some pictures to help with our discussion and then we can talk about
them and elaborate on the target questions.
1. Have you seen these pictures before? Did you see any of these
movies? If yes, what do you think about the early Nubian
representations in the Egyptian media?
2. Now, look at these pictures from several soap operas. Have the
Nubian representation in the Egyptian media recently changed? Can
you explain your opinion with some examples?
3. Could you tell me about the Nubian portrayals in the movies and soap
operas? How do you feel about these portrayals?
4. Does the Nubian portrayal in documentary movies differ from their
representation in movies and soap operas? Please explain and provide
some examples.
5. Now, let's move to music videos. How are Nubians portrayed in music
videos? What do you think about this representation in terms of how
genuine it is?
6. Mohamed Monir is one of the famous Nubian singers. Do you think he
plays a role in promoting the Nubian culture and language? How so?
If yes, how do you describe this role?
7. Now let's talk about Nubian clothing used in most music videos. How
do you feel about the use of the white *galabia* , and the black
*gargaar* ?
8. How do the Nubian costumes used by music bands on TV shows and
YouTube differ from the clothes used in music videos? Are the
costumes used by the music bands authentic? Please explain and
provide some examples.
9. Have you heard of the cartoon Bakkar? What do you think about it?
How are Nubians represented in the cartoon? Do you believe that
their representations are realistic?
# Appendix 2: IPA transcription of Arabic[^45]
INSERT TABLE
# Bibliography
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Ochs, Elinor. "Indexing Gender." In *Rethinking Context: Language as an
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O'Keeffe, Anne. "Media and Discourse Analysis". In *The Routledge
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Hanford, pp. 441-54. New York: Routledge, 2013.
Rouchdy, Aleya. *Nubians and the Nubian Language in Contemporary Egypt:
A Case of Cultural and Linguistic Contact*. Leiden: Brill, 1991.
Sánchez Macarro, Antonia. *Window on the World: Media Discourse in
English*. Valencia: University of Valencia Press, 2002.
Silverstein, Michael. "Indexical Order and the Dialectics of
Sociolinguistic Life." *Language* *and Communication* 23, 3/4 (2003):
pp. 193--229.
Taha, Asmaa. "From Nub to Dahab: The Lexical Shift of Fadija Nobiin to
Arabic in Egypt." *Dotawo* 6, 1 (2019): pp. 113--48
[^1]: The Fadija primarily live in the southern villages of Aswan, as
well as in other parts of Egypt and speak Nobiin. In contrast, the
Kenuz mainly reside in the northern villages, but also live in other
areas in Egypt and speak Mattoki.
[^2]: Indexicality theory explores the semiotic connections between
linguistic forms and their social meanings, emphasizing how language
both reflects and shapes social identities and ideologies. The
theory highlights the importance of context, ideology, and cultural
beliefs in shaping the relationship between language and social
identity.
[^3]: Bassiouney, Constructing the Stereotype: Indexes and Performance
of a Stigmatized Local Dialect in Egypt. I would like to express my
sincere gratitude to Dr. Reem Bassiouney for her advice and guidance
during brainstorming.
[^4]: In this paper, International Phonetic Alphabets (IPA)
transcription of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic is used. Please check
appendix 2 for details.
[^5]: Bassiouney, Constructing the Stereotype: Indexes and Performance
of a Stigmatized local dialect in Egypt, p. 7.
[^6]: Abou-Ras, The attitude of Egyptian Nubian University students
towards Arabic and Nubian languages.
[^7]: The NEC has an active Facebook group which can be accessed at the
following link:
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https://www.facebook.com/share/ufuiPKpvFA4Chu9p/?mibextid=qi2Omg
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
[^8]: The NLS website can be accessed at:
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https://nlsnubia.com/
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
[^9]: Sánchez Macarro, Windows to the World: Media Discourse in English,
p. 13.
[^10]: O'Keeffe, Media and Discourse Analysis, p. 441.
[^11]: Bassiouney, Constructing the Stereotype: Indexes and Performance
of a Stigmatized local dialect in Egypt, p.3.
[^12]: Taha, From Nub to Dahab: The Lexical Shift of Fadija Nobiin to
Arabic in Egypt, p. 118.
[^13]: Fairclough, Language and Globalization, p. 40.
[^14]: Fairclough, Language and Globalization, p. 2.
[^15]: Ochs, Indexing Gender.
[^16]: Ibid.
[^17]: Hughes and Tracy, Indexicality, p. 1.
[^18]: Johnstone et al., Mobility, Indexicality, and the Enregisterment
of 'Pittsburghese'.
[^19]: PAGE NUMBERS
[^20]: Silverstein, Indexical order and the Dialectics of
Sociolinguistic Life, p. 194.
[^21]: Eckert, Variation and the Indexical field.
[^22]: See
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k0EE24Pc02E
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed May 2021).
[^23]: See
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vYfif7sAnpw& list=PL4ZQAyKFoBc-GzgfgRN8M9HJe152WYJ9D& index=5
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
[^24]: See
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vLW3gDcVzak
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed in May 2021).
[^25]: See
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L7L8zMTxsYc
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed in June 2020).
[^26]: See
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-G-5gKXOkNQ
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed May 2021).
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
[^27]: See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ctImkHHP9x4
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed August 2021).
[^28]: See
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_A90OVqQtSM
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed September 2021).
[^29]: Glossing abbreviations used in this paper: 1- first person; 2-
second person; 3- third person; IMP- imperative; PR- proper noun;
DEM- demonstrative; PRS- present; PST- past; FUT- future marker; SG-
singular; PL- plural; PREP- preposition; NEG- negation; WH.Q- WH
question; Q- question particle; QUANT- quantifier ; PCP- participle;
PM- possessive marker; M- masculine; F- feminine; VOC- vocative.
[^30]: He was a non-Nubian Egyptian actor born in 1887. He was one the
earliest actor to stigmatize and grossly exaggerate Nubians in
movies and plays. His style of portraying Nubians, that includes
ridiculing their Arabic fluency and accuracy, is still used in
Egypt. See
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UAPYImuAK_g
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed June 2021).
[^31]: Arabic is a grammatically gendered language in which verbs,
nouns, and adjective always assign either a male or female case
based on the person addressed. For example, nouns and adjectives or
nouns have to agree in gender.
[^32]: See
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l_18m7gWKQM
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed July 2021).
[^33]: See
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vLW3gDcVzak
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed May 2021).
[^34]: See
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PmgjwTZ6aRMfor
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4a;
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ryWp_nqybmI
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for 4b, and
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZF8dncakq7k
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
for 4c (accessed August 2021).
[^35]: See
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ixZ9YtVLU3Q
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed September 2021).
[^36]: Rouchdy, *Nubians and the Nubian Language in Contemporary Egypt* ,
p.27.
[^37]: I would like to thank my dear uncle Dr. Mohammad Ali-Bik, a
professor of Mineralogy and Geochemistry at the Department of
Geological Sciences in the Egyptian National Research Center, for
all his insights and feedback. I am also very grateful to all my
family members and friends who helped me with the survey study.
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
[^38]: See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8X5bm0m-2SA (accessed in September 2024).
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
2024-11-11 18:21:59 +01:00
[^39]: See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AU0clu5ft-E (accessed in September 2021).
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
[^40]: In this study, music video refers to video recorded or filmed
performances usually accompanied by dancing, visual images, and
musical instruments intended to promote and showcase artists and
cultures and marketing for their albums.
[^41]: Afropop Worldwide interviewed Mohamed Mounir in July 2011 and
published in April 2012. Banning Eyre and Sean Barlow wrote and
conducted the radio broadcasted interview with Mounir discussing the
Egyptian revolution.
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[^42]: See https://www.youtube.com/%40NubaTubeChannel (accessed September 2021) and http://www.youtube.com/%40%D9%82%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D9%88%D8%A8%D8%A9-%D8%B77%D8%B9
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
(accessed September 2021) respectively.
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[^43]: https://artofnubia.com/index.html
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
2024-11-11 18:17:46 +01:00
[^44]: https://www.napata.org/language.html
2024-11-11 18:06:55 +01:00
[^45]: Appendix 2 provides a description of the Arabic IPA Arabic sounds
used in this paper.
