796 lines
39 KiB
Markdown
796 lines
39 KiB
Markdown
---
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title: "A Bioarchaeological Approach to Everyday Life: Squatting Facets at Abu Fatima"
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authors: ["schrader.md"]
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abstract: This paper offers a bioarchaeological approach to everyday life at Abu Fatim through an examination of squatting facets of the ancient population of Nubia.
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keywords: ["bioarchaeology", "everyday life", "Nubia", "squatting"]
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---
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# Introduction
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Everyday life in Nubia involves activities such as, cooking, cleaning,
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planting seeds, harvesting crops, watching a football match, chatting
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with friends, monitoring children, eating delicious foods, and drinking
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tea. If we conjure up images of these quotidian actions from personal
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experiences, many of these activities are performed in a squatting
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position (Fig. 1). When a chair or mat is not available, modern Nubians
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will frequently assume a squatting position, with hips, knees, and
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ankles bent, to create temporary respite. As many of us that are not
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commonly in this position can attest to, it requires a degree of
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flexibility that no doubt comes with years of habituation and practice.
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Using bioarchaeological methods, we are able to assess whether or not
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ancient populations also frequently assumed a squatting position. The
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lower leg bone (tibia) has been shown to possess accessory articulating
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facets when the ankle joint is regularly hyperdorsiflexed (i.e., when
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toes are drawn towards shins; Fig. 1). There have been a few
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bioarchaeological publications using this approach, however, they are
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mainly limited to case studies.[^1] I argue that the squatting facets
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method has broader theoretical importance as it can be used as an
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indicator of everyday life in the *longue durée*. We have a window into
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how people spent their days, inside and outside of the home, and
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potentially a temporal line of continuity between ancient and modern
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populations.
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**~~Figure 1. Squatting Position and Skeletal Consequences of Habitual Squatting (modified from Trinkaus 1975)[^2]~~**
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# Bioarchaeology of the Everyday
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Everyday life is vitally important to the development of individual and
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communal identities as well as to agentive action and social change.
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While certain major life events (e.g., wedding, funeral, war, etc.) may
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create a more marked memory, the majority of lived experiences are those
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that we might consider mundane. It is these minutiae that scholars of
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practice theory suggest are the most crucial---these everyday actions
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can be minor acts of resistance to an overarching social system that,
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with enough support and continuity, can go on to change entire social
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structures.[^3] In this way, these everyday lives of everyday people are
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anything but mundane, but rather consist of a series of critical ways of
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operating.[^4]
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Archaeologists have long argued that understanding everyday life in the
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past is essential. Moving away from temples and tombs, archaeologists
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became interested in how everyday people lived in their day-to-day
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milieu. Additionally, archaeology is ideally situated to study this
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everyday past given the material record that everyday life creates.
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Interpretations of everyday practice have been achieved through studies
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of midden deposits, architecture, debitage, landscape modification, and
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ceramics. Footprints at the ancient Mayan site of Chan Nòohol were even
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used to recreate movements and personal interactions within this
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community.[^5] The archaeology of everyday life in ancient Nubia has
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been examined through several lenses, including, but not limited to
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architecture and use of space, foodways, and identity expression.[^6]
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Skeletal data has the ability to provide unique insight into everyday
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life in the ancient world. Contrary to popular belief, bones are not as
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unmalleable as we might assume. Rather, the skeletal frame adapts
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throughout one's life, slowly remodeling on a cellular level. It is
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estimated that it takes approximately 10 years for the skeleton to
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completely remodel.[^7] This process also facilitates a record of life
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events, embodied in the bones themselves. This is frequently referred to
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as embodiment theory in bioarchaeology and speaks to the biosocial
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nature of bioarchaeologyn[^8] The discipline goes beyond looking at
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broken bones or diseases to assessing lived experience in the ancient
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past, how it changed during periods of political, economic, and social
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upheaval, and how these data can be used to inform our understanding of
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our modern world.
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In previous work I have used this embodiment framework to examine
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everyday life in ancient Nubia.[^9] By examining skeletal indicators of
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activity (osteoarthritis and muscle attachment sites) as well as
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biomolecular approaches to diet (carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis),
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I was able to document how everyday life changed for Nubians living
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under colonial New Kingdom rule as well as in a post-colonial and
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Napatan landscape. By integrating a theoretical framework grounded in
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practice theory into bioarchaeological data, I was able to interpret
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relatively subtle diachronic changes in activity and diet as acts of
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agency and resistance. For example, bioarchaeological activity markers
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indicate that the post-colonial Third-Intermediate and Napatan period
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population may have indeed been engaging in more physically strenuous
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everyday movements than New Kingdom colonial Egypto-Nubian populations
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(at the site of Tombos, Third Cataract). However, this need not be
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interpreted as something negative, but rather can be framed as a newly
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independent community utilizing local raw materials (e.g., quarrying,
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mining) and building new communities and connections (e.g., construction
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efforts; new trading partners and political allies).[^10]
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# Squatting Facets
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As discussed above, squatting facets are an articulation between the
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shin bone (distal tibia) and foot (talus) that are thought to be
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acquired in life. When an individual squats down for extended periods of
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time, the two bones begin to touch, where in a normal anatomical
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position, they would not. This creates a new joint, or articulation, and
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is an example of how the skeleton can adapt during life (Fig. 2). Note
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that changes can also be seen on the femur, patella, talus, and
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metatarsals, however, most commonly the distal tibia is affected and
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studied.[^11]
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**~~Figure 2. Images of Different Types of Squatting Facets on Distal Tibiae (modified from Singh 1959)[^12]~~**
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Squatting facets have been studied for decades both from a clinical and
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bioarchaeological perspective. Clinicians have examined the prevalence
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of squatting facets in modern populations as well as associated the
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presence of squatting facets with the potential for subsequent
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injury.[^13] Several papers have reported the presence of squatting
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facets both in adults as well as fetuses. The interest in fetal
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squatting facets stems from the question, are squatting facets the
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product of activity, acquired through one's life? In which case we would
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expect to find them only on adult remains. Or are squatting facets
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inherited? In which case we would find them on both adults and fetuses.
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Furthermore, does the frequency of squatting facets vary across
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genetically heterogeneous populations? Singh, for example, compares
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adult and fetal squatting facets prevalence in an Indian population and
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notes that, while adults do have higher frequencies, fetuses do indeed
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possess squatting facets.[^14] Singh does state that the presence of
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squatting facets in fetuses is low in this sample, it is also variable
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between other samples published in previous works (22.6% Indian; 23%
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European; 3.1% Japanese). Barnett, however, provides an explanation for
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these findings. Barnett argues that these traits can indeed be
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inherited, however, if the activities that maintain this articulation
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(i.e., squatting) are not maintained throughout the lifecourse, they
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will become obliterated as bone turnover occurs.[^15] While this
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explanation does explain the presence of squatting facets on both fetal
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and adult remains, the matter is still a topic of debate today.
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Bioarchaeological studies have contributed to this research by looking
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at changes in squatting facet frequency through time as well as sexual
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division of labor in the past. Squatting facets have been found in early
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hominin remains, including Neanderthals.[^16] Broadly speaking, we see a
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decrease in squatting facets through time, and a notable decrease during
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the medieval period. Boule examined 543 tibiae from French and American
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archaeological sites (1st-20th centuries CE), and found that prior to
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the Middle Ages, squatting was quite common; however, with the dawn of
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the Middle Ages, there was a steady decrease in the frequency of
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squatting facets.[^17] Similarly, Dlamini and Morris found that
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squatting facets were common in Late Stone Age (1st millennium BCE)
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South Africa, but almost nonexistent in comparative modern skeletal and
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cadaver samples.[^18] Molleson reports high incidence of squatting
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facets at Abu Hureyra, Syria (Mesolithic/Neolithic) and Çatalhöyük,
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Turkey (Neolithic) and suggests that a saddle quern or mortar were used
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to process the grains that were being harvested.[^19] Molleson also
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suggests the potential sexual division of labor, indicating that women
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and girls may have been responsible for preparing foodstuffs, whereas
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men and boys, who exhibited higher rates of squatting facets, were
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likely working with their hands while squatting, possibly making baskets
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and preparing cord.[^20]
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4. Squatting Facets in Nubia
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To my knowledge squatting facets have not been systematically studied in
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Nubian remains. Here I present squatting facet data from the Kerma, or
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Kushite, period site of Abu Fatima (*ca*. 2500-1500 BCE). Abu Fatima is
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located near the Third Cataract of the Nile near Tombos and modern day
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Kerma (Fig. 3) and is currently being excavated by Dr. Stuart Tyson
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Smith (University California, Santa Barbara) and myself. Given its
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location and size, it has been proposed that Abu Fatima was a suburban
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community, which would have been a long walk (approximately 10km) to the
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ancient capital city Kerma.[^21] The community is thought to have
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participated in agricultural and animal husbandry practices, but also
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may have produced pottery, constructed homes, and manufactured other
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trade goods.
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**~~Figure 3. Map of Abu Fatima.~~**
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Analysis of squatting facets was conducted according to presence or
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absence of the trait.[^22] All available adult skeletons from Abu Fatima
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were analyzed. In some cases, no tibiae were preserved, for which
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squatting facets could not be assessed. In other instances, only one
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tibia (left or right) was preserved and, thus, only one data point was
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collected for said individual(s). Analysis of sex and age-at-death were
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performed according to accepted bioarchaeological standards.[^23]
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The ethics of handling and studying human skeletal remains were taken
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into considering at all stages of this research, including excavation,
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curation, and analysis.[^24] The project worked closely with the
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National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums (NCAM) of Sudan as well
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as the local community of Abu Fatima, who were both supportive of this
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research. This analysis was non-destructive, so the remains were
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macroscopically analyzed and then returned to conservator boxes in a
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temperature- and humidity-controlled environment at the Faculty of
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Archaeology, Leiden University, The Netherlands.
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5. Did Ancient Nubians Squat?
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A total of 21 individuals from the Abu Fatima collection had at least
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one preserved distal tibia (Table 1). Of these, only one individual did
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not possess squatting facets (Burial 4E1). The vast majority of the Abu
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Fatima population (20/21, or 95%) did have the very clear presence of
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squatting facets. This is markedly higher than many previously published
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comparative studies (Table 2). Note that this list is limited to those
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studies that focus on tibial squatting facets, as opposed to femoral,
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patellar, tarsal, or metatarsal facets.
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Table 1. Demographic Distribution of Squatting Facets at Abu Fatima
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-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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ID \# Squatting Sex Age-at-Death Locality
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Facets
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------- ----------- ----------- ---------------- --------------- ------------
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Left Right
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1A1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
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1B1 ✓ ✓ Female 50+ Local
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1E1 ✓ ✓ Female 18-34 Local
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1F1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
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1F2 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
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2A1 ✓ ✓ Female 35-49 Non-Local
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2A2 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
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2B1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
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2C1 ✓ ✓ Male 18-34 Non-Local
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2D1 ✓ ✓ Female 50+ Local
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2F1 n/o ✓ Female 35-49 Local
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3A1 n/o ✓ Male 35-49 Local
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4A1 ✓ ✓ Male 18-34 Local
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4B2 n/o ✓ Female 35-49 Unknown
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4C1 ✓ n/o Female 50+ Local
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4D1 n/o ✓ Female 35-49 Non-Local
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4E1 Probable Male 35-49 Local
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5B1 ✓ ✓ Female 18-34 Local
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8A2 ✓ ✓ Female 50+ Non-local
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8B1 ✓ ✓ Female 35-49 Local
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9A1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Non-Local
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-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
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n/o=Not observable; Locality assessed via strontium isotope analysis
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(see Schrader et al. 2019 for additional information)
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Table 2. Frequency of Squatting Facets in Other Populations
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-------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Population Squatting Sample Citation
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Facet Size
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Presence
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--------------------------- ------------- -------- ----------------------
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Abu Fatima 95% 21 Present study
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Ancient Egypt 96% 300 Satinoff, 1972[^25]
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Ancient Egypt 33% 3 Thomson et al.,
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1889[^26]
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Byzantine 13^th^ century 48% 100 Ari et al., 2003[^27]
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BCE
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Late Stone Age (1^st^ 50% 56 Dlamini and Morris,
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millennium BCE), South 2005[^28]
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Africa
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Early farming (5^th^-19^th^ 77% 17 Dlamini and Morris,
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centuries CE), South Africa 2005[^29]
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18th century Cape Town 5% 21 Dlamini and Morris,
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2005[^30]
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20th century Cape Town 0% 29 Dlamini and Morris,
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cadavers 2005[^31]
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South African (Oxford/Royal 27% 11 Thomson, 1889[^32]
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College of Surgeons'
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Museum)
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Neanderthals (Europe, Near 91% 11 Trinkaus, 1975[^33]
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East)
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European (Oxford/Royal 13% 40 Thomson, 1889[^34]
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College of Surgeons'
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Museum)
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Scottish (Anatomical 17% 118 Wood, 1920[^35]
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Department, University of
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Edinburgh)
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Asian (Oxford/Royal College 48% 23 Thomson, 1889[^36]
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of Surgeons' Museum)
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Native American 37% 19 Thomson, 1889[^37]
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(Oxford/Royal College of
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Surgeons' Museum)
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Polynesia (Oxford/Royal 75% 4 Thomson, 1889[^38]
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College of Surgeons'
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Museum)
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Melanesia (Oxford/Royal 71% 38 Thomson, 1889[^39]
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College of Surgeons'
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Museum)
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Australian (Oxford/Royal 79% 14 Thomson, 1889[^40]
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College of Surgeons'
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Museum)
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Australian (Collection of 81% 236 Wood, 1920[^41]
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Anatomical Museum of the
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University of Edinburgh)
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Indian (20^th^ century) 77% 292 Singh, 1959[^42]
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cadavers and "museum
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specimens"
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Panjabi, Indian 87% 52 Charles, 1893 [^43]
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-------------------------------------------------------------------------
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One interpretation of these data is that the people of ancient Kush,
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just like modern Nubians, spent much of their everyday life in a
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squatting position. This may have involved both occupational as well as
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leisure activities. It is also interesting that both males and females
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exhibit squatting facets, suggesting both sexes were participating in
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this position. All adult age categories, young, middle, and old adults,
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also possess evidence for squatting. This suggests that the activity was
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continued throughout life; if, for example, an individual was a squatter
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in childhood or young adulthood but then stopped, the facet would be
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obliterated by bone remodeling as they aged. In short, it would appear
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that a large portion of the Abu Fatima community, of both sexes and all
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age groups, were spending much of their everyday life in a squatting
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position.
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It is also interesting to note that previous bioarchaeological research
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of the Abu Fatima collection indicates that approximately 25% of this
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population were of non-local origin, meaning they migrated from
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someplace else and eventually died and were buried at Abu Fatima.[^44]
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This was assessed via strontium isotope analysis, which compares
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strontium values from dental enamel (produced during childhood) to local
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geology; if these values are similar, we can deduce that the individual
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was local to the region, however, if these values differ, it is possible
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that they migrated into this community. Interestingly, all non-local
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individuals also possessed squatting facets. This suggests that the
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patterns exhibited here at Abu Fatima, may not be limited to just this
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community, but rather may a more pan-Nubian pattern. Using strontium
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isotope analysis, it is impossible to pinpoint the point of origin for
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an individual, so we cannot say where these non-locals came from. But it
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does appear that throughout their life they were habitually
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participating in a squatting behavior.
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The one individual in the Abu Fatima collection that did not possess
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squatting facets (4E1) is a bit of an oddity. This was a probable male,
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dating to the Ancient Kerma period (2,500-2,050 BCE), who likely died
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between 35-50. The grave was looted in antiquity and was quite
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disturbed, with no skeletal elements remained *in situ*. Despite this,
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there is evidence to suggest that this individual may have been
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originally been buried with numerous and varied grave goods. Three
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lithic blades forming a Nubian-style arrowhead, rawhide sandals, faience
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beads, and intricate leatherwork and basketry were all found in this
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burial pit. Although it is difficult to say with any certainty given the
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looting, it is possible this grave could have belonged to an elite
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individual or an individual of a special class (e.g., occupation). For
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example, if individual 4E1 were elite, perhaps they didn't squat, but
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rather sat in chairs. If they were not participating in common tasks
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because of their status, they could have found other positions of
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relaxation. Another possible explanation is that this person had an
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occupation (e.g., warrior), or daily life, that did not require
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squatting. It could also be as simple as this individual did not enjoy
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squatting or perhaps an injury, unidentifiable in the skeletal remains,
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prevented them from assuming this position.
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If we turn to archaeological evidence for squatting in the Nile Valley,
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there are a few examples. It is interesting to note that most of these
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samples are associated with the non-elite, working class. For example,
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there is an Old Kingdom (probably 6th Dynasty, *ca* 2,345-2,125 BCE)
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pottery statuette of a squatting man who appears to be naked and
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emaciated (Fig. 4). There is a similar figure, on display at the
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Egyptian Museum in Cairo, of an emaciated old squatting man grasping an
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ivory staff. There are also multiple examples of figures grinding grain,
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like this one, a statuette from the 5th Dynasty (*ca.* 2,465-2,323
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BCE; Giza; Fig. 5). Figures such as these exhibit scenes from everyday
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life and were thought to provide resources for deceased in the
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afterlife. They can also provide some insight into the types of
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activities Nile Valley inhabitants may have done while in a squatting
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position.
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In other squatting facet studies, bioarchaeologists have concluded that
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individuals with squatting facets may have regularly participated in
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grinding, basketmaking, spinning, weaving, baking, milking animals,
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preparing dung, knitting rugs, sitting around a fire, and working in the
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fields.[^45] There is also some evidence within Egypt to suggest that
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scribes may have frequently taken a squatting position.[^46]
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Archaeological evidence in Nubia indicates that percussion instruments
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were used in a squatting position.[^47] Lastly, there are many
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iconographic examples from Ancient Egypt of women given birth in a
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squatting position.[^48] However, for the skeleton to modify it would
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need to be a highly repetitive behavior. It's certainly possible that
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childbirth contributed to the development of squatting facets, it was
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probably in combination with other activities.
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**~~Figure 4. Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10: https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275).~~**
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**~~Figure 5. Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601: https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023).~~**
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Satinoff conducted a study of squatting facets in an Egyptian
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sample.[^49] The origins of the skeletal material remain unclear as the
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only documentation provided is that they were housed at the Institute of
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Anthropology at the University of Turin; however, no chronological or
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spatial information was provided. Satinoff found that of the 300 male
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and female remains analyzed 96% did in fact have squatting facets. This
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is very much congruent with the findings presented here from Abu Fatima.
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It does beg the question about genetic predisposition to said facets,
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given the relatively genetic homogeneity between Egyptian and Nubians.
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Skeletal analysis of additional samples, with well-documented
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chronologies and cemetery locations, would be useful to better
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understand if the majority of Egyptians and Nubians had squatting
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facets, or if the similar values between Abu Fatima and the results
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presented by Satinoff are coincidence. Additionally, additional skeletal
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analysis of non-adult remains, particularly neonates and infants, could
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be used to address the genetic predisposition theory.
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6. Conclusions
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|
|
These data provide a novel perspective on everyday life in ancient
|
|
Nubia. Up until now, the Nubian quotidian had been examined via built
|
|
space, everyday life objects, refuse, as well as skeletal indicators of
|
|
physically strenuous activity and dietary practices. This study presents
|
|
a unique line of embodied continuity between the ancient Kushites,
|
|
inhabiting the Third Cataract region *ca*. 4,000 years ago and the
|
|
Nubians that inhabit the region today. While it is impossible to specify
|
|
what activities these individuals were engaging while assuming the
|
|
squatting posture, these data suggest that both men and women were
|
|
regularly squatting at Abu Fatima during the Kushite period. As Abu
|
|
Fatima is considered a suburban space, these interpretations are further
|
|
evidence for how the ordinary, non-elite population would have lived
|
|
their daily lives, both inside and outside of the home. This may have
|
|
involved squatting around a fire, preparing food (e.g., grinding,
|
|
cooking), playing musical instruments, weaving, flint-knapping, or just
|
|
chatting with friends.
|
|
|
|
7. Acknowledgements
|
|
|
|
My thoughts are with the people of Sudan as the country, at the time of
|
|
writing, is in the midst of a horrific war. This publication is part of
|
|
the project Embodied Inequality (VI.Vidi.201.153) of the Research
|
|
Programme VIDI which is financed by the Dutch Research Council (NWO).
|
|
|
|
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[^1]: Endnotes
|
|
|
|
Ari, Oygucu, and Sendemir, "The Squatting Facets on the Tibia of
|
|
Byzantine (13th) Skeletons"; Boulle, "Osteological Features
|
|
Associatd with Ankle Hyperdorsiflexion"; Dlamini and Morris, "An
|
|
Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age
|
|
Foragers from South Africa"; Molleson, "Seed Preparation in the
|
|
Mesolithic"; Molleson, "Bones of Work at
|
|
the Origins of Labour"; Robb, "Skeletal Signs of Activity in the
|
|
Italian Metal Ages";
|
|
Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals."
|
|
|
|
[^2]: Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals," p. 330.
|
|
|
|
[^3]: Bourdieu, *Outline of the Theory of Practice*; Giddens, *The
|
|
Constitution of Society*;
|
|
Schatzki, "Materiality and Social Life."
|
|
|
|
[^4]: de Certeau, *The Practice of Everyday Life*.
|
|
|
|
[^5]: Robin, *Everyday Life Matters: Maya Farmers at Chan*.
|
|
|
|
[^6]: Agha, "Nubia Still Exists";
|
|
Budka and Doyen, "Life in New Kindom Towns in Upper Nubia"; Haaland, "Changing
|
|
Food Ways as Indicators of Emerging Complexity in Sudanese Nubia";
|
|
Smith, "Pharoahs, Feasts, and Foreigners"; Smith, *Wretched Kush*; Smith,
|
|
"A Potter's Wheelhead from Askut and the Organization of the
|
|
Egyptian Ceramic Industry in Nubia"; Smith, "The Nubian Experience
|
|
of Egyptian Domination during the New Kingdom"; van Peltt, "Revising
|
|
Egypto-Nubian Relations in New Kingdom Lower Nubia"; Spencer, Stevens, and
|
|
Binder, *Nubia in the New Kingdom*.
|
|
|
|
[^7]: Hedges et al., "Collagen Turnover in the Adult Femoral Mid-Shaft."
|
|
|
|
[^8]: Schrader and Torres-Rouff, "Embodying Bioarchaeology."
|
|
|
|
[^9]: Schrader, *Activity, Diet and Social Practice*.
|
|
|
|
[^10]: Schrader and Buzon, "Everyday Life after Collapse."
|
|
|
|
[^11]: Boulle, "Osteological Features Associatd with Ankle
|
|
Hyperdorsiflexion"; Molleson, "Seed Preparation in the Mesolithic."
|
|
|
|
[^12]: Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indians," p.
|
|
545
|
|
|
|
[^13]: Massada, "Ankle Overuse Injuries in Soccer Players."
|
|
|
|
[^14]: Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indian
|
|
Foetuses."
|
|
|
|
[^15]: Barnett, "Squatting Facets on the European Talus."
|
|
|
|
[^16]: Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals."
|
|
|
|
[^17]: Boulle, "Evolution of Two Human Skeletal Markers of the Squatting
|
|
Positoin."
|
|
|
|
[^18]: Dlamini and Morris, "An Investigation of the Frequency of
|
|
Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa."
|
|
|
|
[^19]: Molleson, "Seed Preparation in the Mesolithic."
|
|
|
|
[^20]: Molleson, "Bones of Work at the Origins of Labour."
|
|
|
|
[^21]: Schrader and Smith, "Socializing Violence."
|
|
|
|
[^22]: Mann, Hunt, and Lozanoff, *Photographic Regional Atlas of
|
|
Non-Metric Traits and Anatomical Variants in the Human Skeleton*.
|
|
|
|
[^23]: Buikstra and Ubelaker, *Standards for Data Collection from Human
|
|
Skeletal Remains*.
|
|
|
|
[^24]: Schrader et al., "Decolonizing Bioarchaeology in Sudan."
|
|
|
|
[^25]: Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of Teh Talus and Tibia
|
|
in Ancient Egyptians."
|
|
|
|
[^26]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
|
|
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
|
|
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
|
|
|
|
[^27]: Ari, Oygucu, and Sendemir, "The Squatting Facets on the Tibia of
|
|
Byzantine (13th) Skeletons."
|
|
|
|
[^28]: Dlamini and Morris, "An Investigation of the Frequency of
|
|
Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa."
|
|
|
|
[^29]: Dlamini and Morris.
|
|
|
|
[^30]: Ibid.
|
|
|
|
[^31]: Ibid.
|
|
|
|
[^32]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
|
|
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
|
|
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
|
|
|
|
[^33]: Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals."
|
|
|
|
[^34]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
|
|
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
|
|
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
|
|
|
|
[^35]: Wood, "The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine."
|
|
|
|
[^36]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
|
|
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
|
|
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
|
|
|
|
[^37]: Ibid.
|
|
|
|
[^38]: Ibid.
|
|
|
|
[^39]: Ibid.
|
|
|
|
[^40]: Ibid.
|
|
|
|
[^41]: Wood, "The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine."
|
|
|
|
[^42]: Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indians."
|
|
|
|
[^43]: Charles, "The Influence of Function, as Exemplified in the
|
|
Morphology of the Lower Extremity of the Panjabi."
|
|
|
|
[^44]: Schrader et al., "Intraregional 87Sr/86Sr Variation in Nubia."
|
|
|
|
[^45]: Baykara et al., "Squatting Facet"; Dlamini and Morris, "An
|
|
Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age
|
|
Foragers from South Africa"; Molleson, "Bones of Work at the Origins
|
|
of Labour."
|
|
|
|
[^46]: Casson, *Everyday Life in Ancient Egypt*.
|
|
|
|
[^47]: Kleinitz, "Soundscapes of the Nubian Nile Valley."
|
|
|
|
[^48]: Haimov-Kochman, Sciaky-Tamir, and Hurwitz, "Reproduction Concepts
|
|
and Practices in Ancient Egypt Mirrored by Modern Medicine."
|
|
|
|
[^49]: Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of the Talus and Tibia
|
|
in Ancient Egyptians."
|