prediv

content/article/agha.md

@@ -2,7 +2,7 @@
 title: "A House Against Housing: Post-Displacement Nubian Domesticity"
 authors: ["agha.md"]
 abstract: This text discusses the displacement of the Nubian community and their houses due to hydropower projects, particularly the Aswan Low Dam, and subsequent developments. The impact of these projects led to economic hardships, male migration to urban areas for work, and women managing the Nubian houses. Despite these challenges, the Nubian community displayed resilience in rebuilding their villages. The text also examines the housing project initiated by the state for resettlement, known as \"New Nubia", by the state but referred to unfavorably as \"*Al Tagheer*\" by Nubians. The planning and implementation of this project were criticized for not adequately considering the Nubian culture and community needs, resulting in dissatisfaction among residents. Here, I highlight how Nubians took matters into their own hands, making modifications to the state-built dwellings to align them with their cultural norms. Nubian women played a crucial role in these modifications and the construction of houses, displaying their resilience and adaptability.
-keywords: ["Nubia", "displacement", "resilience", "domesticity", "gender", "architecture"]
+keywords: ["Nubia", "displacement", "House", "Gender", "Architecture"]
 ---
 
 # Displaced Architecture
@@ -52,7 +52,7 @@ reconcile central planning and community participation.[^6]
 However, the planning was hastily finalized and claimed to be "a replica
 of the original housing schemes with a socialist tinge," which is
 visibility contradicted by comparing the plans of Old Nubia and those of
-*tahgeer* (Figure 2).[^7] Notably, the plans were not based on
+*tahgeer*.[^7] Notably, the plans were not based on
 substantial sociological or anthropological studies, as they were
 finalized before the Ethnographic survey on Nubia concluded its
 duties.[^8] The Ethnographic survey, which was first conceived in 1960,

content/article/goo-grauer.md

@@ -0,0 +1,492 @@
+---
+title: "Nubian Women's Bridal Rooms"
+authors: ["goo-grauer.md"]
+abstract: The article discusses the decoration of wedding rooms in Egyptian Nubia before the resettlement of the population due to the construction of the Aswan High Dam in 1964. In the former Nubian villages, it was the task of a bride to decorate a special place, the so-called bride’s room, before the marriage. This activity was part of the extensive house-decoration, consisting foremost of wall paintings, which the women painted with earth colors on their home’s outer and inner walls. Their rich and often opulent adornment with three-dimensional objects made the Nubian bridal rooms particular. Homemade handiwork hung up on the walls or suspended from the ceilings formed the main feature of the room’s design. On top of this, a mixture of peculiar items was displayed. These could be anything the brides considered valuable and composed inventively into an artistic design, whether as an assemblage or as “objets trouvés”. The custom to furnish a bridal room in this manner was discontinued after the Nubians were moved to the new villages north of Aswan. The article is a part of my forthcoming publication “Colors of Nubia, the lost art of women’s house decoration.”. 
+keywords: ["Nubia", "women", "gender", "ethnography", "art", "history"]
+---
+
+**Nubian Women's Bridal Rooms**
+
+This essay deals with the Nubian tradition of particularly decorating
+one room in the house, solely to be used by the bride and her husband
+after marriage, as adhered to before the flooding of Nubia due to the
+Aswan High Dam, which caused the exodus of the Nubian people from their
+villages more than half a century ago. This custom is now totally obsolete.
+
+While some of Nubia's antiquities could be saved from the flood of this
+dam, the homeland of the Nubians vanished without much attention by the
+global community. Between 1963 and 1964, about 100,000 Nubians of
+Egyptian and Sudanese nationality had to be evacuated. Their villages
+drowned in the waters of the huge lake, and their unique decorated mud
+brick houses and wall paintings vanished as well. This very subject I
+discuss in detail in my book "The Colors of Nubia", to be published by
+the AUC Press, Cairo and New York, 2025.
+
+I carried out field studies in former Egyptian Nubia in the early 1960s,
+with a particular emphasis on women's house decoration, sharing the life
+of Nubian families, which allowed me to get an idea of women's
+day-to-day during the last period in the ancestral setting. In the
+beginning of 1964, I participated in the involuntary resettlement of the
+Egyptian Nubians to the area of Kom Ombo, about 50 km north of Aswan,
+the *tahjiir*, the term the Nubians mainly referred to their exodus.
+
+The substitute villages in New Nubia with cramped and monotonous
+dwellings in the middle of a barren desert which the Nubians received
+for their former spacious homes triggered a shock and did not at all
+correspond with what the official propaganda had led people to expect.
+The *tahjiir* turned out to be a traumatic social and cultural incident,
+the adverse impacts of which still manifest themselves today.
+
+Nubians had already experienced resettlement as a consequence of earlier
+dam constructions in 1902, 1912, and 1933. Although these earlier
+constructions were not nearly as ambitious in their extent as the Aswan
+High Dam of the 1960s, they had required villages to be rebuilt further
+away from it, and had caused the loss of vast
+stretches of agricultural land. The result was the forfeiture of
+livelihood. Consequently, since the beginning of the 20th century,
+Nubian men had been obliged to migrate to the Egyptian cities where they
+worked mostly in the service sector. Their remittances supported the
+families back in the villages. They themselves could return home only
+rarely - usually once a year.
+
+Due to the extensive male labor migration many of the isolated Nubian
+villages, especially those in the northern Kunuzi region, were populated
+predominantly by women. They were the ones who carried the full
+responsibility for the household routine, raising the children, and
+caring for the elderly as well as tending the few remaining fields and
+livestock. Also, they crafted furnishings and utensils of Nile mud,
+weaves, and basketry. Their creativity found foremost expression in the
+outstanding Nubian house decoration.
+
+![Nubian women in front of a decorated entry. Koshtammne, W. Neja Hamadaab/ Katabaab, 1963 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig1.jpg "Nubian women in front of a decorated entry. Koshtammne, W. Neja Hamadaab/ Katabaab, 1963 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 1. Nubian women in front of a decorated entry. Koshtammne, W. Neja Hamadaab/ Katabaab, 1963 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+![House entry, decoration with lime and washblue. Toshke, W. Neja Seidaab qibli, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig2.jpg "House entry, decoration with lime and washblue. Toshke, W. Neja Seidaab qibli, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 2. House entry, decoration with lime and washblue. Toshke, W. Neja Seidaab qibli, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+Women pursued fantasies in the design of their bridal rooms. These
+accomplishments contributed significantly to a female Nubian
+identity.[^1] Women also followed traditional practices of folk
+religion, perpetuated a rich oral literature, maintaining and passing on
+the Nubian language, and achieved generally a remarkable degree of
+self-determination, especially in comparison to the peasant women of
+Upper Egypt.
+
+![Decoration with baskets in a barrel-vaulted bridal room. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig3.jpg "Decoration with baskets in a barrel-vaulted bridal room. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 3. Decoration with baskets in a barrel-vaulted bridal room. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+While men constructed the Nubian houses there was one chamber in all
+houses, which -- though not built by women -- carried female
+handwriting. This chamber was the so-called bridal room, *aruusana
+kaa*. In the Fadija area, the bridal room was called *diwan*; Mahgoub
+refers to it as "*diwani*" the bridal hall.[^2]
+
+![Young girl, Wadi el Arab, E. Neja Salahaab, 1963 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig4.jpg "Young girl, Wadi el Arab, E. Neja Salahaab, 1963 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 4. Young girl, Wadi el Arab, E. Neja Salahaab, 1963 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+The bride had in the time preceding the wedding the task of decorating
+this room in her paternal house or compound, which would be the couple's
+private quarters and bedroom for a while. They lived there for at least
+forty days or until the first child was born. Sometimes this arrangement
+lasted for years. The husband\'s income determined if and when he could
+install a living space for the young family at or near his parents's
+compound. While staying with the in-laws, the bridegroom was considered
+a guest of the bride's parents.
+
+The bride was eager to decorate the *aruusana kaa* and to show her
+inventiveness and creativity. For an outsider who had the opportunity to
+visit a Nubian bridal room in the1960s, this proved a remarkable
+experience. One was transported into a fantastic realm of colors and
+forms. The experience had a mysterious character because very little
+light entered the room through the narrow ventilation slots -- *tagaa*
+-- high on the walls just below the ceiling. The place was confined, as
+a bridal room in the Kenzi area rarely exceeded ten square meters.
+Especially so since the two obligatory furniture pieces of any Nubian
+house -- the marital bed and the bridal chest -- were placed in the
+bridal room and took up a good portion of the floor space, leaving the
+walls and the ceiling as the main loci for the overwhelmingly abundant
+decoration. Bridal rooms could have larger dimensions in the Fadija
+area, where houses generally were more spacious.
+
+In contrast to the two-dimensional wall paintings, the bridal room
+decoration is probably best termed as an assemblage, bringing to mind
+the realizations associated with this term in the visual arts of the
+works famously created by Picasso, Duchamp, and Dubuffet. A Nubian bride
+worked on these assemblages for weeks, if not months, before the wedding
+feast. They included a wide range of objects which she prized as
+valuable and of individual significance, ranging from items of artful
+handicraft to *objets trouvés,* found objects that are aesthetically
+pleasing. As one's eye adjusted to the dim lighting, one could see that
+these objects were deliberately and ingeniously arranged, some given
+weight over others in the foreground or background.
+
+![Bridal room with pleated mats, baskets, a gun, photos, and various small plastic objects, from the ceiling suspended slings with enamel bowls. Umbarakaab, W. Neja Siukutti, 1963 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig5.jpg "Bridal room with pleated mats, baskets, a gun, photos, and various small plastic objects, from the ceiling suspended slings with enamel bowls. Umbarakaab, W. Neja Siukutti, 1963 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 5. Bridal room with pleated mats, baskets, a gun, photos, and various small plastic objects, from the ceiling suspended slings with enamel bowls. Umbarakaab, W. Neja Siukutti, 1963 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+Their small size enhanced the effect this room made on a visitor.
+Whereas generally in Nubian houses -- especially the huge compounds with
+their ample yards -- rendered an impression of space and vacuity, being
+devoid of furniture or things standing and lying around, the plenty and
+abundance of objects in the *aruusana kaa* overwhelmed.
+
+The custom of creating and decorating a bridal room possibly had a long
+tradition in Nubia. Formerly, however, the bridal rooms were not located
+within the house or compound. The community set them up at a distance
+from the hamlet to provide privacy for the newlyweds once the nuptial
+ceremonies were completed. Yet, these were not permanent buildings but
+small temporary structures, huts made of acacia branches or palm fronds
+and furnished with homemade mats. In light of the description given by
+Samuel Ali Hussein, who lived as a farmer in the district of Abu Hoor
+between 1885 and 1896, the interior decoration of these structures
+closely resembled the bridal room custom of the 1960s. Hussein mentions
+that a "variety of all sort of things" was displayed in the bride's hut,
+naming these as round, shield-shaped baskets (*tagaddi)*; hampers
+(*koboota)*; mats (*nibid)*; hanging baskets (*tagaddig);* plates
+(*siini);* and mirrors (*koyalli*).[^3]
+
+The remarks of Burckhardt indicate that the custom existed in the wider
+region already at the beginning of the nineteenth century. He wrote,
+"The ladies of Damer adorn their sitting rooms with many large wooden
+bowls or dishes hung against the wall like so many pictures.[^4]" Since
+Damer is located a bit south of Nubia, we can assume that the habit of
+bridal room decoration was adhered in Nubia.
+
+In the 1960s, when Nubian men were predominantly absent as labor
+migrants, this room was, in effect, the wife's private domain, her
+sanctuary, so to speak, serving as the reception place for female guests
+to whom the place was proudly presented. Male visitors and outsiders had
+no access to it. Though the rich decoration all over the room suggested
+an impression of plenty, the fitments of the bridal room consisted
+mainly of the two furniture pieces -- a bed and a chest -- installed at
+the wedding.
+
+The traditional bed was a locally-made *angaree*, a kind of divan, but
+it could also be an imported iron bedstead, even a four-poster.
+Commonly, Nubians slept on home-made mats placed on the ground -- these
+could also be laid on top of the *angaree*. Sometimes a cotton mattress
+was used. The *angaree* beds had a frame from acacia wood and a covering
+with a taut mesh of palm fibers or palm bast: *ashmaan*. When the mesh
+wore out, it could be easily renewed or replaced with wooden boards.
+Bigger households would have several of these *angarees*, which were
+brought during the daytime into the courtyard to be used for sitting.
+Yet, the usually decorated marital bed always remained inside the
+bride's room.
+
+![Angaree beds with mesh. Abu Hoor, E. Neja Khor Rahma, 1962 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig6.jpg "Angaree beds with mesh. Abu Hoor, E. Neja Khor Rahma, 1962 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 6. Angaree beds with mesh. Abu Hoor, E. Neja Khor Rahma, 1962 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+The second furniture item in the bridal room, a wooden chest, housed the
+bride's trousseau. Called *sanduug iskandarani* or "Alexandrian chest,"
+since it formerly came from there, it served as a lockable storage space
+for personal belongings such as jewelry, clothes, blankets, and
+treasured possessions. Things needed for the wife's daily grooming, such
+as homemade massaging ointment (*dilka*) and the antimony eye makeup
+(*nidmee*), were also kept in the chest or on a little wall shelf.
+
+The chests always featured some carved decorations with symmetrically
+arranged motifs, such as stars, stylized flowers, and pairs of animals,
+often lions facing each other. Wooden dowry chests were customary
+throughout the Islamic world from Pakistan to Morocco and from the
+Arabian Peninsula to Zanzibar. As likely prototypes for these chests,
+the wooden boxes of early Portuguese sailors have been suggested.[^5]
+
+![Wooden chest: *sanduug*. Shellaal, Seheel Island, 2013 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig7.jpg "Wooden chest: *sanduug*. Shellaal, Seheel Island, 2013 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 7. Wooden chest: *sanduug*. Shellaal, Seheel Island, 2013 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+While the bridal room assemblages were a central feature of all Nubian
+houses, they were especially exuberant in the Kenuzi region.
+
+At large, the room's walls were first covered with handcrafted braided
+mats, to which flat round basket*s* were attached. These two formed the
+main artisanal product all over Nubia.[^6]
+
+![Mats, round baskets, and hanging slings in a bridal room, under the ceiling rolled up mats, stored on pegs. Mediig, W. Neja Sebue, 1963 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig8.jpg "Mats, round baskets, and hanging slings in a bridal room, under the ceiling rolled up mats, stored on pegs. Mediig, W. Neja Sebue, 1963 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 8. Mats, round baskets, and hanging slings in a bridal room, under the ceiling rolled up mats, stored on pegs. Mediig, W. Neja Sebue, 1963 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+They both played an important role during wedding feasts, being
+fabricated in advance by the bride and her female relatives. The mats
+would be spread on the ground for guests to sit on as they paid their
+respects during the week-long celebrations. A mat might also be placed
+on an *angaree*, serving as a bench for the bridal pair. The
+shield-shaped baskets were primarily used as lids to cover the food
+served on large trays but formed also a popular wedding gift. Following
+the wedding, the mats would be removed from the ground, rolled up, and
+hung on pegs right below the ceiling in the bridal room. As all the
+decorations of the bridal room, they likely had some symbolic
+significance because it was customary in some areas for the wife to
+remove them when her husband died.[^7]
+
+Also, colorful flag-shaped hand fans were hung on top of the mats and
+amongst the baskets.
+
+![Hand fan, cotton and palm material, Kenuzi region, 1962 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig9.jpg "Hand fan, cotton and palm material, Kenuzi region, 1962 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 9. Hand fan, cotton and palm material, Kenuzi region, 1962 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+Primarily, objects which the bride considered as special and worthy of
+being shown were displayed in this room. These comprised a bizarre
+collection of objects peculiar in Nubia, sometimes stranded goods washed
+up along the banks of the river or things brought back by the men from
+their workplaces. Though the latter items had had some utility in the
+Egyptian towns, they were of no use in the Nubian households. Here the
+women to whom these things appeared wondrous subjected them to a kind of
+recycling as they hung them on the walls as decorations.
+
+Sometimes an object would be left unchanged in its original form, but
+sometimes it would be skillfully altered. Electric bulbs -- inoperable
+in Nubia, which had no electricity -- and burned-out batteries were
+carefully embedded into a mesh of colored glass beads. The empty
+cigarette packs from the heavily smoking men were cut open and sewed
+with needle and thread into multi-faceted cardboard stars. Old tin cans
+showing their labels were flattened and nailed to the wall next to
+discarded parts of transistor radios or other appliances. Colorful
+photos from magazines were galleried like precious images. Thus, the
+picture of a white chicken could be hung beside that of a sparsely-clad
+cinema star, which seemed odd in the Nubian context, considering the
+widely-held norms of female decency. Some items came actually from the
+trash left behind by the international archaeological missions sent to
+Nubia in the late 1950s and early 1960s to rescue the monuments
+threatened by the High Dam.
+
+Together with this mixture of decorative and, in the Nubian context,
+seemingly exotic items appeared a multitude of miniature handmade
+objects intended as good luck charms. They were no larger than
+five-to-fifteen centimeters and hung either on the walls or suspended
+from the marital bed's coverlet.
+
+![Bed coverlet decorated with small handmade objects. Magazine clippings and photos are displayed on the wall above the bed. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig10.jpg "Bed coverlet decorated with small handmade objects. Magazine clippings and photos are displayed on the wall above the bed. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 10. Bed coverlet decorated with small handmade objects. Magazine clippings and photos are displayed on the wall above the bed. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+Handcrafted in needlework, these items were made of leather or colorful
+plastic sheeting, available in Egypt since the 1950s. They could
+represent scorpions, human hands, flowers, *aruusa* dolls, or
+small-scale replicas of household equipment, such as mats, bags,
+baskets, and water containers. There were miniaturized fly swatters,
+purses, boxes for eye makeup, and triangular stuffed cushions, termed
+*sambuska*.
+
+Other items could be small geometrical forms such as rings, circles, and
+squares, some of which were considered to have special protective
+powers.
+
+![Small aruusa figure, plastic material. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig11.jpg "Small aruusa figure, plastic material. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 11. Small aruusa figure, plastic material. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+![Bird, plastic material, Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig12.jpg "Bird, plastic material, Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 12. Bird, plastic material, Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+![Protective sign, sambuska, plastic material. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig13.jpg "Protective sign, sambuska, plastic material. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 13. Protective sign, sambuska, plastic material. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+![Star sewn from flattened cigarette boxes. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig14.jpg "Star sewn from flattened cigarette boxes. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 14. Star sewn from flattened cigarette boxes. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+![Protective sign, busug, cotton material, ornamented with cowry shells. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig15.jpg "Protective sign, busug, cotton material, ornamented with cowry shells. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 15. Protective sign, busug, cotton material, ornamented with cowry shells. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+![Various small protective objects. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Drawn by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig16.jpg "Various small protective objects. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Drawn by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 16. Various small protective objects. Toshke, W. Neja Dukki Daur, 1964 (Drawn by the author).~~**
+
+
+Legend:
+
+*zukeriiya shambaal weliil\
+sambuska muslaaya busug*
+
+
+![A dismantled bride's room with painted praying mats. Dehemiit, E. Neja Kogge, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig17.jpg "A dismantled bride's room with painted praying mats. Dehemiit, E. Neja Kogge, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 17. A dismantled bride's room with painted praying mats. Dehemiit, E. Neja Kogge, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+Whereas the walls of most bride's rooms were decorated with objects and
+not painted, there existed some exceptions, two of which are shown. The
+house in Fig. 17, from Dehemiit, E. Neja Kogge, looks ruined as it
+had already been vacated for the exodus. The roof with the valuable
+wooden beams has been removed, and as well the decorative interior
+fitments. The motifs rendered in this room were narrowed down to those
+items of which the prototypes were substantially displayed on the walls:
+handmade mats with ornamental patterns. In this way, a real mat could be
+hung up on top or beside a painted one, the difference between a real
+object shown on the wall and its reproduced image merging, thus
+fulfilling the elsewhere realized function of the painting as a
+placeholder.
+
+It is interesting to note, however, that the discussed small objects
+which the women fabricated for the equipment of their bridal rooms could
+reappear as motifs women painted on the walls of the men's guest room
+(see Fig. 18).
+
+![The same protective objects, which adorned in real the bride's room, appear here as painted motifs in a guest room. Gurte, W. Neja Affedunya, 1963 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig18.jpg "The same protective objects, which adorned in real the bride's room, appear here as painted motifs in a guest room. Gurte, W. Neja Affedunya, 1963 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 18. The same protective objects, which adorned in real the bride's room, appear here as painted motifs in a guest room. Gurte, W. Neja Affedunya, 1963 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+The impression of abundance in a bridal room was intensified by the way
+that the space overhead was also filled. Hanging down from the ceiling
+were slings made of braided wool (s*haaloog*) or leather (*soleddi*),
+the cords strung with snail shells and cowries (*nerre*)*.*[^8]
+
+Suspended in these slings were dozens of empty enamel bowls, porcelain
+plates, or gourds (figures 19 and 20). Although food and utensils were
+stored in the cooking area in the same manner, the sole intention here
+was decoration.
+
+![Enamel bowls in slings suspended from the ceiling, on the four posters a lace curtain to which protective small plastic objects are pinned. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig19.jpg "Enamel bowls in slings suspended from the ceiling, on the four posters a lace curtain to which protective small plastic objects are pinned. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 19. Enamel bowls in slings suspended from the ceiling, on the four posters a lace curtain to which protective small plastic objects are pinned. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+![Double hanging slings, made from wool, with enamel bowls in a barrel-vaulted bridal room. Kalaabshe, 1963 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig20.jpg "Double hanging slings, made from wool, with enamel bowls in a barrel-vaulted bridal room. Kalaabshe, 1963 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 20. Double hanging slings, made from wool, with enamel bowls in a barrel-vaulted bridal room. Kalaabshe, 1963 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+At times ostrich eggs imported from Sudan -- to which magical powers
+were ascribed -- could be seen in such a sling. In addition to the
+room's decoration and simultaneously crowding it even more were wooden
+bars (*waawir*) suspended horizontally by ropes from the ceiling and
+used as racks to store and display the bright clothes and scarfs of the
+women.
+
+Even though the bride's room was distinctly the domain of females, men
+had at least a symbolic presence here in the form of their swords and
+guns, which were presented on the walls, complete with their rows of
+cartridges. The swords used in the men's ceremonial dances and carried
+at a wedding, and guns cherished for occasional hunts in the desert or
+for shooting in the air at festivals. They had often been in the
+family's possession for generations. The guns usually dated back to the
+time of the Mahdi at the end of the nineteenth century.
+
+But besides their weapons, men were present moreover in black and white
+photos on the walls (Figure 21). These photos had been taken by street
+photographers in the Egyptian towns where the men worked, showing them
+dressed either in European fashion or with the local long shirt-like
+gown, *galabieh.* Some of these shots dated from the 1930s and 40s.
+Street photographers offered their services in Aswan since World War I
+and could still be seen on the Corniche in the 1960s. They were equipped
+with huge cameras mounted on wooden tripods in front of which the
+customer would pose on a stool, usually sitting stiffly with both hands
+on the knees and presenting an earnest and dignified facial expression,
+while the photographer disappeared behind his camera under a huge black
+cloth to take the shot.
+
+
+![Photos of male family members on the wall of a bridal room. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).](../static/images/goo-grauer/fig21.jpg "Photos of male family members on the wall of a bridal room. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).")
+
+**~~Figure 21. Photos of male family members on the wall of a bridal room. Shellaal, Bijje island, 1964 (Photographed by the author).~~**
+
+
+The phenomenon of the design and decoration of the former bridal rooms,
+where Nubian women transformed foreign objects into new creations, might
+be understood as an example of how the Nubians, since distant times,
+have adopted outside influences into their culture, appropriating these
+impacts to such an extent that they seemed to be characteristic for
+Nubia, a feature reappearing also in other realms of Nubian culture.
+
+After the exodus of the people to the new settlements near Kom Ombo, the
+tradition of decorating the bridal room was given up.
+
+In the new villages the everyday experience was totally different from
+the one before and life proceeded under changed premises: running water,
+roads, electricity, refrigerators, schools, telephones, and eventually
+TV --- all unknown in Old Nubia --- became matters of fact. In addition,
+many consumer goods became available and money started to play a more
+significant role than before.
+
+Many of the former customs were given up. And the skill of how to
+fabricate craft articles were lost because the material for it was no
+longer available. For example, the handmade mats, previously an
+essential item of Nubian houses, were replaced by plastic items. The two
+traditional pieces of furniture, the *sanduug* chest and the *angaree*
+bed, were considered old fashioned and not used anymore. Instead,
+heavily upholstered armchairs, massive sofas, buffets, tables, and other
+items of modern-day furniture were used. These pieces are ornately
+adorned, often with gold trimmings, as was popular throughout Egypt. The
+often-oversized items narrow down the small rooms, where relatively low
+ceilings enhance the impression of confined space.
+
+The reason for the abandonment of the bridal room decoration might
+partially have been the absence of adequate space, but also and probably
+more so due to the now changed female state of mind. This mental change
+can be attributed to girls' education. The strong cultural influences of
+the Egyptian mainstream must also be considered.
+
+
+**References**
+
+Burckhardt, John Lewis. *Travels in Nubia*. London: John Murray, 1819.
+
+Fernea, Elizabeth Warnock, Robert Alan Fernea, and Aleya Rouchdy.
+*Nubian Ethnographies*. Prospect Heights: Waveland Press Inc., 1991.
+
+Goo-Grauer, Armgard. "House Decoration in Egyptian Nubia Prior to
+1964." *Dotawo* 5 (2018): pp. 13--24.
+
+Goo-Grauer, Armgard. *Colors of Nubia, The lost art of Women's
+House Decoration*. Cairo, N.Y.: American University in Cairo Press, 2025.
+
+Kennedy, John G. (ed.). *Nubian Ceremonial Life. Studies in Islamic
+Syncretism and Cultural Change*. Berkeley: The University of California
+Press and AUC Press, 1978.
+
+Mahgoub, Yasser Osman Moharam. *The Nubian experience. A study of
+the social and cultural meanings of architecture*. Ph.D.
+thesis. The University of Michigan, 1990.
+
+Schäfer, Heinrich. "Nubisches Frauenleben. Texte im Kunūzi Dialekt
+(Mundart von Abuhôr) von Samuel Ali Hisen. Übersetzt und sprachlich wie
+sachlich erläutert." *Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen*
+38 (1935): pp. 201--312.
+
+Stone, Caroline. "The art of the dowry chest." *Aramco World* 66/6 (2015):
+pp. 24--9.
+
+Wenzel, Marian. *House Decoration in Nubia*. London: Gerald
+Duckworth & Co., 1972.
+
+
+[^1]: Goo-Grauer, "House Decoration in Egyptian Nubia Prior to 1964."
+
+[^2]: Mahgoub, "The Nubian Experience," p. 146.
+
+[^3]: Schäfer, "Nubisches Frauenleben," pp. 233--4.
+
+[^4]: Burckhardt, *Travels in Nubia*, p. 270.
+
+[^5]: Stone, "The art of the dowry chest," pp. 24ff.
+
+[^6]: Wenzel, *House Decoration in Nubia*, pp. 25ff; p. 27, fig 4; p. 28 plate 9; p. 29, fig 5.
+
+[^7]: Kennedy,  *Nubian Ceremonial Life*, p. 235.
+
+[^8]: Schäfer, "Nubisches Frauenleben," p. 308; Wenzel, *House Decoration in Nubia*, p. 27, fig 4; Fernea et al., *Nubian Ethnographies*, pp. 39--40.

content/article/habbob.md

@@ -1,7 +1,8 @@
 ---
 title: "Nubian Architectural and Environmental Features before and after Displacement: The model of the village of Tūmās wa 'Afya"
 authors: ["habbob.md"]
-keywords: ["architecture", "home", "homeland", "household", "homelife", "diaspora", "displacement","Nubia", "Nubian", "Aswan High Dam Campaign", "Tumas wa Afya", "resettlement", "Kom Ombo"]
+abstract: This essay  concerns the history of the three main Nubian groups that were displaced as a result of the building of the Aswan High Dam, and their reactions to this displacement.  The loss of their homes was a traumatic experience for most Nubians, as the house was more than just a physical object for them. These were valued spaces, where day-to-day existence, festivities, and family customs unfurled. The Nubian house was imbued with social importance, addressing the heredity of a family and a community. The resettlement that the families had to endure cut off the associations with these social and hereditary spaces, leaving a void that the new homes couldn't fill. This paper compares traditional old Nubian homescapes before relocation with the new governmental dwellings built for them following their forced displacement. I have focussed upon the village of Tomas wa 'Afya, which was located 220 kilometers south of the town of Aswan, discussing the history of the village, the houses that were built there, and the failures of the government's promises to the people. While the families that were displaced were deeply disappointed in the new area and houses, they were eventually able, through their resilience and resourcefulness, to retain a lot of the aspects and details of their heritage, habits, and traditions.
+keywords: ["Nubia", "High Dam", Tūmās wa Afya", "resettlement", "Kom Ombo", "Kenuz", "Fedija", "Nubian homes", "Nubian homescapes"]
 ---
 
 # Introduction
@@ -750,17 +751,13 @@ three main villages, each of which had two sub-villages:
     settlement was called Al Ra\'iisiya (Arabic for \'main\'). Its
     sub-village was called Khaliiliye-Ashmaawi.
 
-```{=html}
-<!-- -->
-```
+
 -    "Tūmās wa \'Afya Itneen" (Arabic for \'2\') was located at
     25°19\'52.41\" N, 32°29\'25.23\" E. Al Ra\'iisiye was called
     Moradaab-Maarya. Its sub-village was called Izbet el Zeet-Izbet el
     Saab.
 
-```{=html}
-<!-- -->
-```
+
 -   "Tūmās wa \'Afya Talaata" (Arabic for \'3\') was located at
     25°22\'46.24\" N, 32°28\'43.34\" E. Al Ra\'iisiya was called
     Mansur-Saab. Its sub-village was given three different designations:
@@ -1229,7 +1226,7 @@ houses they were presented within the resettlement villages.
 # Afterword
 
 Bahr Osman Habbob, my maternal grandfather, was born on August 7, 1910,
-in the village of Tomas wa \'Afya, near Derr (Nubia) in the Aswan
+in the village of Tūmās wa \'Afya, near Derr (Nubia) in the Aswan
 Governorate. He started his education at the village's Quranic school at
 five. In 1920, his older half-brother Maher Osman came from Cairo,
 brought him to the city, and enrolled him in an elementary school in the
@@ -1243,7 +1240,7 @@ the top of his class each of those four years.
 After leaving school, Bahr worked various jobs, including as a doorman
 at an Italian school in Alexandria, and later as a bank collector, a
 position he held until he retired at sixty. From 1930 to 1975, he served
-as secretary for the village association for Tomas wa 'Afya in
+as secretary for the village association for Tūmās wa 'Afya in
 Alexandria.
 
 Upon retirement, he returned to his village, which had been relocated to

content/article/hamdeen.md

@@ -26,9 +26,7 @@ Earth was used as the building material in all ancient cultures, not
 only for homes but for religious buildings as well.[^4] In Sudan, the
 study of earthen construction materials is very rare, mudbricks were
 considered common building materials that were used in Sudan from 2500
-BCE, during
-
-the Kerma period, and are still widely used as building materials in
+BCE, during the Kerma period, and are still widely used as building materials in
 many regions of Sudan. The materials used to make these bricks include
 Nile mud, sand, chopped straw, and animal dung. Makers mixed these
 materials in varying quantities to produce bricks with different
@@ -67,10 +65,10 @@ trees also play an essential role in the building of animal pens.
 As for the elements of the interior homescape, wood, palm and doum
 fronds are used as a basic element in the manufacture of home
 furniture, such as beds, wooden chairs, and *brooches* that are used
-as rugs for sitting, in addition to the use of palm and doum palm
-leaves in the manufacture of ropes, shoes, also were used as hangers
+as rugs for sitting. In addition palm and doum palm
+leaves were used in the manufacture of ropes, shoes, as well as hangers
 called locally "*mashlaib*" which are used to place food utensils in
-high areas of the ground and *Tabag* which used for the covering food.
+high areas of the ground and *Tabag* which are used for the covering food.
 In the internal homescape of Sudanese houses wood is also used to
 manufacture what is called "Sahara" which is used to store clothes,
 decorative items, and other items inside homes. In addition, human
@@ -109,7 +107,7 @@ Dosha (west bank) and Wawa (east bank), in the north. Its northern
 boundary is most visibly marked by the cliff-face known as Jebel Dosha
 which overlooks the west bank of the river some five kilometers
 downstream of Soleb, the end of a long ridge that runs approximately
-three kilometers into the desert to the west-north- west, forming a
+three kilometers into the desert to the west-north-west, forming a
 prominent natural feature, the region extends over a distance of
 approximately 141 kilometers (ca. 88 miles) from Hannik to Wawa.
 Within this area, the landscape is highly varied, including some very
@@ -121,6 +119,12 @@ three main areas (north, middle, and south) of the El Mahas region in
 April 2019. I chose these four sites to serve as case studies for the
 study of mudbrick inclusions in Christian Sudan.
 
+
+![The area of study.](../static/images/hamdeen/Fig1.jpg "The area of study.")
+
+**~~Figure 1. The area of study.~~**
+
+
 These four sites can be described in brief as follows:
 
 **Site (1) TMB016** (19°42.935/30°22.72)**:** This site was located
@@ -156,7 +160,7 @@ is Hambujneen Kisse (Osman and Edwards 2012) (Fig.2b).
 a rocky hillock, with modern buildings on lower ground below the hill.
 It is a well-preserved medieval settlement known by local people as
 Tinutti. At least five substantial mudbrick structures can be
-identified. It is well-preserved. Several rooms still retain their
+identified. Several rooms still retain their
 barrel vaulting and parts of the central structure stand nearly 5
 meters high.
 
@@ -183,10 +187,6 @@ survived appears to be 'Late' and 'Terminal Christian' ceramic types.
 Outside this structure are traces of less substantial structures
 surviving as a few courses of rough stone walling (Fig.2d).[^9]
 
-![The area of study.](../static/images/hamdeen/Fig1.jpg "The area of study.")
-
-**~~Figure 1. The area of study.~~**
-
 ![The four sites discussed in the chapter: a) TMB016. b) MAS021. c) DFF008. d) DFF009 (photos by Eng. Omer).](../static/images/hamdeen/Fig2.jpg "The four sites discussed in the chapter: a) TMB016. b) MAS021. c) DFF008. d) DFF009 (photos by Eng. Omer).")
 
 **~~Figure 2. The four sites discussed in the chapter: a) TMB016. b) MAS021. c) DFF008. d) DFF009 (photos by Eng. Omer).~~**
@@ -205,7 +205,7 @@ and sand. Two metal sieves with a mesh size of 0.5 and 1 millimetres
 were used for the wet sieving to separate the plant remains. The
 separated material was dried and examined under binoculars in the
 Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts, University of Al Neelain
-(Sudan), and Institute of Archaeology, University of Nicolas Copernicus,
+(Sudan), and Institute of Archaeology, University of Nicolas Copernicus
 (Poland). To aid with identification, we used fresh seeds as a reference
 collection alongside determination literature. Some animal dung and
 insect remains were separated during the sorting processing of the plant
@@ -215,23 +215,23 @@ macro-remains.
 
 ## Results of extracted plant remains from the Homescape
 
-Seven plant species were encountered as seeds\\fruits were extracted and
+Seven plant species were encountered as seeds, while fruits were extracted and
 identified from the mudbrick samples. The assemblage of seeds and fruits
 were preserved by desiccation. Table (1) shows the Latin names of the
 determined species and their distribution in the sites. The cereal
 appeared clearly and can be identified from the seeds of the *Triticum
-aestivum* (Fig.3a)*, Hordeum vulgare* (Fig.3b) added to some parts of
-spikelets, chaffs, and glume fragments for those two cereals. *Sorghum
+aestivum* (Fig.3a)* and Hordeum vulgare* (Fig.3b). These two cereals were added to some parts of
+spikelets, chaffs, and glume fragments. *Sorghum
 bicolor* was presented from spikelet with grain inside (Fig.4c) and
-*Setaria italica* was also represented from their seeds. (Fig.3d)
+*Setaria italica* was also represented from their seeds (Fig.3d).
 *Adansonia digitate* appeared from small fragments of the fruit pulp
-shell (Fig.3e) *Acacia nilotica* was identified from the seed remains
-(Fig.3f) the *Cyperus rotundus* which appeared in the materials from the
+shell (Fig.3e). *Acacia nilotica* was identified from the seed remains
+(Fig.3f) and the *Cyperus rotundus* appeared in the materials from the
 complete purple nutsedge roots (Fig.3g). Some animal remains, animal
-dung (Fig. 3h) and insect remains (Fig.3i) appeared in the samples. More
-analysis for identification will be done at a later date.
+dung (Fig. 3h), and insect remains (Fig.3i) appeared in the samples. More
+analysis for further identifications will be done at a later date.
 
-![A table showing plant species that were identified from the Samples.](../static/images/hafsaas/Table1.jpg "A table showing plant species that were identified from the Samples.")
+![A table showing plant species that were identified from the Samples.](../static/images/hamdeen/Table1.jpg "A table showing plant species that were identified from the Samples.")
 
 **~~Table 1. Plant species that were identified from the Samples.~~**
 
@@ -334,7 +334,7 @@ others (namely rice, wheat, barley, maize).[^17] Sorghum is especially
 important in the semiarid tropics of Africa and South Asia, with
 significant production also in China, Southeast Asia, and the
 Americas.[^18] There is clear evidence for the use of wild sorghum in
-the eastern Sahara as early 6000 BCE and by Neolithic populations in
+the eastern Sahara as early as 6000 BCE and by Neolithic populations in
 central Sudan by the fourth millennium BCE.[^19] Evidence for the
 transition from wild sorghum to domesticated sorghum can be sequenced
 in the stratigraphy of Qasr Ibrim. It suggests that domestication may
@@ -396,7 +396,7 @@ of which have medical and ethnographic value. These plants were
 probably collected or available for this purpose by people living in
 the Christian settlements in the Third Cataract region. One of these
 riverine wild floras is *Cyperus rotundus,* a type of grass that
-appear from the complete purple nutsedge roots from site TMB016,
+appeared from the complete purple nutsedge roots from site TMB016,
 DFF008 and DFF009. This species has been in association with humans
 from remote pre-history to the present. It was consumed as a food for
 thousands of years in prehistoric times, but is viewed as a
@@ -406,8 +406,8 @@ tuber, thought to have been collected as food, were found at the
 later sites at Al Khiday, 25 kilometers south of Omdurman.[^30] The
 complex of burial sites has yielded dental calculus samples from
 pre-Mesolithic, Neolithic, Late Meroitic, and Mesolithic ages,
-covering more than 7000 years, Cyperaceae tuber was recoded from the
-Kushite site at Kawa dating back to Napatan period 750-400 BCE.[^31]
+covering more than 7000 years. Cyperaceae tuber was recorded from the
+Kushite site at Kawa dating back to Napatan period (750-400 BCE).[^31]
 
 Ecologically, *Cyperus rotundus* is commonly found in cultivated
 areas, disturbed areas, roadsides, lawns, parks, and wastelands, and
@@ -533,7 +533,7 @@ period for water storage, medical needs, and shelter as well. Today
 Sudanese women employ *Cyperus rotundus* for cosmetic and perfumery
 purposes, and it may have been used during the Christian period also.
 
-There are three flora landscape in the area of study based on our
+There are three flora landscapes in the area of study based on our
 plant remains, cultivated flora which include the four cereals:
 *Triticum aestivum*, *Hordeum vulgare, Sorghum bicolor,* and *Setaria
 italica*. Riverine wild flora which can noted clearly form the remains
@@ -574,10 +574,10 @@ International Symposium on Archaeometry*, edited by Isabella Turbanti-Memmi,
 Andrews, F.W. *The Flowering Plants of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan
 (Volume II Sterculiacea-Dipsacaceae)*. Arbroath: T. Buncle & co. Ltd, 1952.
 
-Arpin, T. and P. Goldberg. "Using Optical Microscopy to Evaluate
+Arpin, T., and P. Goldberg. "Using Optical Microscopy to Evaluate
 Human History." *Microscopy and Analysis* 18 (2004): pp. 13--15.
 
-Auld, B. A. and R.W. Medd. *Weeds: an illustrated botanical guide to the weeds of Australia*. Melbourne: Inkata Press, 1987.
+Auld, B. A., and R.W. Medd. *Weeds: an illustrated botanical guide to the weeds of Australia*. Melbourne: Inkata Press, 1987.
 
 Auwal, M.S., Shuaibu, A., Ibrahim, A., and M. Mustapha.
 "Antibacterial Properties of Crude Pod Extract of *Acacia nilotica*
@@ -593,16 +593,16 @@ Third International Conference on the Archaeology of the Fourth Nile
 Cataract, University of Cologne, 13--14 July 2006*, edited by Hans-Peter Wotzka, pp. 77--81. Africa Praehistorica 22. Köln: Heinrich-Barth-Institut, 2012.
 
 Beldados, A. "Millets in Eastern Sudan: an Archaeobotanical Study."
-*Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa* 54:4 (2019): pp. 501-515.
+*Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa* 54:4 (2019): pp. 501--15.
 DOI: 10.1080/0067270X.2019.1691844.
 
 Bekele-Tesemma A. *Useful Trees and Shrubs of Ethiopia:
 Identification, Propagation and Management for 17 Agroclimatic Zones*.
 Nairobi: World Agroforestry Centre, 2007.
 
-Bendixen, L.E. Nandihalli, U.B. 1987. "Worldwide Distribution of Purple
+Bendixen, L.E., and U.B. Nandihalli. "Worldwide Distribution of Purple
 and Yellow Nutsedge (*Cyperus rotundus* and C. *esculentus*)." *Weed Technology*
-1 (1987): pp. 61--65.
+1 (1987): pp. 61--5.
 
 Buckley, S., Usai, D., Jakob, T., Radini, A. and K. Hardy. "Dental
 Calculus Reveals Unique Insights into Food Items, Cooking, and Plant
@@ -620,7 +620,7 @@ Doggett, Hugh. *Sorghum*. Harlow, UK: Longman, 1970.
 De Caluwe, Emy. *Market Chain Analysis of Baobab (Adansonia digitata
 L.) and Tamarind (Tamarindus indica L.) Products in Mali and Benin*.
 Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
-Doctor (PhD) in Applied Biological Sciences: Agronomy, University Press,
+Doctor (PhD) in Applied Biological Sciences: Agronomy. University Press,
 Belgium, 2011.
 
 Ebrahim, A.M., Eltayeb, M.H., Khalid, H., Mohamed, H., Abdalla, W.,
@@ -640,7 +640,7 @@ Fuller, D. "The Economic Basis of the Qustul Splinter State:
 Cash Crops, Subsistence Shifts, and Labour Demands in the Post-Meroitic
 Transition." In *The Kushite World: Proceedings of
 the 11th International Conference for Meroitic Studies, Vienna 1--4
-September 2008*, edited by Michael H. Zach, pp. 33--60 Vienna: Verein der Förderer der Sudanforschung, 2015.
+September 2008*, edited by Michael H. Zach, pp. 33--60. Vienna: Verein der Förderer der Sudanforschung, 2015.
 
 Fuller, D., T. Denham, M. Arroyo-Kalin, L. Lucas, C.J. Stevens, L. Qin. R. Allaby, and M.D. Purugganan. "Convergent evolution and parallelism in plant domestication revealed by an expanding archaeological record." *Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences* 111/17 (2014):
 pp. 6147--52. doi:10.1073/pnas.1308937110.
@@ -649,7 +649,7 @@ Fuller, D., and D. Edwards. "Medieval Plant Economy in Middle Nubia:
 Preliminary Archaeobotanical Evidence from Nauri." *Sudan & Nubia* 5 (2001):
 pp. 97--103.
 
-Gebauer J. and G. Ebert. "Tropische Wildobstarten. Ein Potenzial fur
+Gebauer, J., and G. Ebert. "Tropische Wildobstarten. Ein Potenzial fur
 die Zukunft?" *Humboldt-Spektrum* 2/3 (2002): pp. 96--100
 
 Geus, F. "Two Seasons in Sai Island (1996-1997)." *Kush* 18 (2003):
@@ -659,11 +659,11 @@ Hulse, Joseph H., Evangeline M. Laing, and Odette E. Pearson.
 *Sorghum and Millets: Their Composition and Nutritive Value*. London:
 Academic Press, 1980.
 
-Gunasekera, T.G. and D.N.S. Fernando. "Agricultural Importance,
+Gunasekera, T.G., and D.N.S. Fernando. "Agricultural Importance,
 Biology, Control and Utilization Cyperus rotundus." *Planter*
 70 (1994): pp. 537--44.
 
-Hamdeen, H.M. and P. Pokorny. "Plant Impressions from the Surfaces of
+Hamdeen, H.M., and P. Pokorny. "Plant Impressions from the Surfaces of
 Christian Pottery at Banganarti." In *Banganarti
 Studies II*, edited by Bogdan Żurawski, pp. 199-213. Nubia VIII. Warsaw: Institute of Mediterranean and Oriental
 Cultures. Polish Academy of Sciences, 2022.
@@ -678,7 +678,7 @@ and Barley on the Fire-Mud Basin from the Christian Site MRB-05-001 at
 El Mirebiet Oasis in El Ga'ab Depression, Western Dongola, Sudan."
 *Sudan & Nubia* 22 (2018): pp. 167--71.
 
-Hardy, K. and L. Kubiak-Martens (eds). *Wild Harvest: Plants in
+Hardy, K., and L. Kubiak-Martens (eds). *Wild Harvest: Plants in
 the Hominin and Pre-agrarian Worlds*. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2016.
 
 Henn, T., S. Jacomet, D. U. Nagy, and R. W. Pál. "Desiccated
@@ -695,12 +695,12 @@ Sumerian Agriculture* 1 (1984): pp. 114--52.
 Homsher, R.S. "Mudbricks and the Process of Construction in the
 Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant." *Near Eastern Archaeology* 75/4 (2912): pp. 1-27.
 
-Houben, H. and H. Guillard. *Earth Construction: A Comprehensive
+Houben, H., and H. Guillard. *Earth Construction: A Comprehensive
 Guide*. London: Intermediate Technology Publications, 1994.
 
 Iwu, M.M. *Handbook of African Medicinal Plants*. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2014.
 
-Kabore, D, Sawadogo-Lingani H, Diawara B, Compaore, C.S., Dicko M.H., and M.
+Kabore, D., Sawadogo-Lingani H., Diawara B., Compaore, C.S., Dicko M.H., and M.
 Jakobsen. "A Review of Baobab (*Adansonia digitata*) Products:
 Effect of Processing Techniques, Medicinal Properties and Uses." *African Journal of Food Science* 5 (2011): pp. 833--44.
 
@@ -709,7 +709,7 @@ Ahmed Fortress in Lower Wadi Howar, Northern Sudan. The Fruit and Seed
 Remains." *Sudan & Nubia* 17 (2013), pp. 33--41.
 
 Kamatou, G.P., Vermaak I., and A.M. Viljoen "An Updated Review of
-Adansonia Digitata: a Commercially Important African Tree". *South African Journal of Botany*
+Adansonia Digitata: a Commercially Important African Tree." *South African Journal of Botany*
 77 (2011): pp. 908--19.
 
 Lim T.K. *Edible Medicinal and Non-Medicinal Plants: Volume 1,
@@ -743,19 +743,19 @@ Sedimentological Composition: A Case Study from Tell El- Muqdam,
 Egyptian Delta." *Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt* 35 (1998):
 pp. 129--46.
 
-Mueller, M.S. and E. Mechler. *Medicinal Plants in Tropical Countries.
+Mueller, M.S., and E. Mechler. *Medicinal Plants in Tropical Countries.
 Traditional Use--Experience--Facts*. Stuttgart: Georg Thieme Verlag, 2005.
 
-Nussinovitch A. *Plant Gum Exudates of the World: Sources,
+Nussinovitch, A. *Plant Gum Exudates of the World: Sources,
 Distribution, Properties, and Application*. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2010.
 
 O'Rourke, M. K. "Pollen from Adobe Brick." *Journal of
 Ethnobiology* 3/1 (1983): pp. 39--48.
 
-Osman, A. and D.N. Edwards. *The Archaeology of a Nubian
+Osman, A., and D.N. Edwards. *The Archaeology of a Nubian
 Frontier: Survey on the Nile Third Cataract, Sudan*. Leicester: Mauhaus Publishing, 2011.
 
-Osman M.A. "Chemical and Nutrient Analysis of Baobab (*Adansonia
+Osman, M.A. "Chemical and Nutrient Analysis of Baobab (*Adansonia
 Digitata*) Fruit and Seed Protein Solubility." *Plant Foods for Human Nutrition*
 59 (2004): pp. 29--33.
 
@@ -764,13 +764,13 @@ M. Madella. "Plant Exploitation in Neolithic Sudan: A Review in the
 Light of New Data from the Cemeteries R12 and Ghaba." *Quaternary
 International* 412 (2016): pp. 36--53.
 
-Parsons, W. T. and E.G. Cuthbertson. *Noxious Weeds of Australia*. Second Edition. Melbourne: CSIRO Publishing, 2001.
+Parsons, W. T., and E.G. Cuthbertson. *Noxious Weeds of Australia*. Second Edition. Melbourne: CSIRO Publishing, 2001.
 
 Pock Tsy, J.-M.L., Lumaret R., Mayne D., Vall A.O.M., Abutaba Y.I.M., and M. Sangna. "Chloroplast DNA Phylogeography Suggests a West African Centre of
 Origin for the Baobab, *Adansonia digitata* L. (Bombacoideae,
 Malvaceae)". *Molecular Ecology* 18/8 (2009): pp. 1707--15.
 
-Pokorna A. and J. Beneš. "Plant Macroremains from the Old Kingdom
+Pokorna, A., and J. Beneš. "Plant Macroremains from the Old Kingdom
 Mudbrick Construction of the Werkaure Tomb. Results of Carpological and
 Xylotomical Analyses." In *Mastaba of Werkaure. Vol. I
 (Old Kingdom Strata)*, edited by J. Krejí, pp. 283--93. Prague: Charles University in Prague, Faculty of
@@ -800,7 +800,7 @@ Ryan, Philippa. "Plant Exploitation from Household and Landscape Perspectives: T
 Reports from the 2000--2008 Seasons*, edited by I. Hodder, pp. 163--90.
 Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, 2013.
 
-Schütt, P. and H. Wolf. "Adansonia Digitata." In *Bäume der Tropen*, edited by Peter Schütt,
+Schütt, P., and H. Wolf. "Adansonia Digitata." In *Bäume der Tropen*, edited by Peter Schütt,
 Weisgerber, H., Schuck H.J., Lang U., Stimm B., and A. Roloff, pp. 312--18. Hamburg: Nicol Verlagsgesellschaft, 2014.
 
 Sergeev A. Yu., Lebedeva E. Yu., and M.A. Lebedev. "Mudbricks from
@@ -808,11 +808,11 @@ Giza and Abu Erteila: Archaeobotanical, Technological, and Historical
 Aspects of Study." *Vostok (=Oriens)* 5 (2019): pp. 6--29. 
 DOI: 10.31857/S086919080006891-7.
 
-Shinnie, P. L. and J. R. Anderson. *The Capital of Kush 2. Meroë
+Shinnie, P. L., and J. R. Anderson. *The Capital of Kush 2. Meroë
 Excavations 1973-1984*. Meroitica 20. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004.
 
 Singh, B.N., Singh, B.R., Singh, R.L., Prakash, D., Sarma, B.K., and H.B. Singh. "Antioxidant and Anti-Quorum Sensing Activities of Green Pod
-of *Acacia Nilotica* L". *Food and Chemical Toxicology*. 47/4 (2009): pp. 778--86.
+of *Acacia Nilotica* L." *Food and Chemical Toxicology*. 47/4 (2009): pp. 778--86.
 
 Snowden, Joseph D. *The Cultivated Races of Sorghum*. London:
 Adlard & Sons, 1936.
@@ -821,13 +821,13 @@ Stemler, Ann B. L. "A Scanning Electron Microscopic Analysis of
 Plant Impressions in Pottery from the Sites of Kadero, El Zakiab, Um
 Direiwa and El Kadada." *Archéologie du Nil Moyen* 4 (1990): pp. 87--105.
 
-Teel Wayne and Terry Hirst. *A pocket directory of trees and seeds in Kenya*.
+Teel, Wayne, and Terry Hirst. *A pocket directory of trees and seeds in Kenya*.
 Nairobi: Kengo, 1990.
 
 Trigger, B. G.. *History and Settlement in Lower Nubia*. Yale
 University Publication in Anthropology 69. New Haven, CT: Yale University, 1965.
 
-Van Beek, G. W. and O. Van Beek. *Glorious Mud! Ancient and
+Van Beek, G. W., and O. Van Beek. *Glorious Mud! Ancient and
 Contemporary Earthen Design and Construction in North Africa, Western
 Europe, the Near East, and Southwest Asia*. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
 Institute Scholarly, 2008.
@@ -839,23 +839,23 @@ London: British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1991.
 Vantini, G. *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*. Warsaw and Heidelberg: Polish Academy of Sciences and
 Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1975.
 
-Van Wyk B.E. *Food Plants of the World: an Illustrated Guide*.
+Van Wyk, B.E. *Food Plants of the World: an Illustrated Guide*.
 Portland: Timber Press, 2006.
 
-Venter F. and J.A. Venter. *Making the Most of Indigenous Trees*.
+Venter, F., and J.A. Venter. *Making the Most of Indigenous Trees*.
 Pretoria: Briza Publications, 1996.
 
-Wasylikowa, Krystyna and Jeff Dahlberg. "Sorghum in the Economy
+Wasylikowa, Krystyna, and Jeff Dahlberg. "Sorghum in the Economy
 of the Early Neolithic Nomadic Tribes at Nabta Playa, Southern Egypt."
-In *The exploitation of plant resources in
-ancient Africa*, edited by M. van der Veen, pp. 11--32. New York: Kluwer, 1999.
+In *The Exploitation of Plant Resources in
+Ancient Africa*, edited by M. van der Veen, pp. 11--32. New York: Kluwer, 1999.
 
 Walsh, R.P.D. "Climate, Hydrology, and Water Resources." In *The agriculture of the Sudan*, edited by G.M. Craig,
 pp. 19--53. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.
 
 Wenkel, A. *Im Schatten des Baobabs*. Berlin: Jaja Verlag, 2014.
 
-Wilcox, G. and S. Fornite. 1999. "Impressions of Wild Cereal Chaff in
+Wilcox, G., and S. Fornite. 1999. "Impressions of Wild Cereal Chaff in
 Pise from the 10th Millennium Uncal B.P. at Jerf Ahmar and Mureybet:
 Northern Syria." *Vegetation History and Archaeobotany* 8 (1999): pp. 21--24.
 
@@ -864,7 +864,7 @@ A. Beldados. "Evidence for Sorghum Domestication in Fourth
 Millennium BC Eastern Sudan: Spikelet Morphology from Ceramic
 Impressions of the Butana Group". *Current Anthropology* 58 (2017): pp. 673--83.
 
-Zohary, D. and M. Hopf. *Domestications of Plants in the Old
+Zohary, D., and M. Hopf. *Domestications of Plants in the Old
 World, the Origin and Spread of Cultivated Plants in West Asia, Europe
 and the Nile Valley*. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988.
 
@@ -884,7 +884,7 @@ Agricultural Information"; O' Rourke, "Pollen from Adobe Brick."
 [^4]: Minke *Building with Earth Design and Technology of a
 Sustainable Architecture*, pp. 11--12.
 
-[^5]: Van Beek and Van Beek *Glorious Mud!*, p. 135.
+[^5]: Van Beek and Van Beek, *Glorious Mud!*, p. 135.
 
 [^6]: Hillman, "Traditional Husbandry and Processing of Archaic
 Cereals in Recent Times," pp. 127--8.
@@ -914,7 +914,7 @@ Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant"; Houben and Guillaud, *Earth Construction*, p
 [^16]: On the Napatan site HP736 in the Wadi Umm Rahau at the Fourth
     Nile Cataract, see Badura, "Plant Remains from the Napatan Settlement in Wadi
 Umm-Rahau." On the Egyptian and Napatan site in
-    Kawa, see Fuller, "Early Kushite Agriculture." On Gala Abu Ahmad, see Kahlheber, "Archaeobotanical Investigations at the Gala Abu
+    Kawa, see Fuller, "Early Kushite Agriculture." On Gala Abu Ahmed, see Kahlheber, "Archaeobotanical Investigations at the Gala Abu
 Ahmed Fortress in Lower Wadi Howar, Northern Sudan." On
     Meroe, see Shinnie and Anderson, *The Capital of Kush 2*, p. 366.
 

content/article/jennings.md

@@ -0,0 +1,210 @@
+---
+title: "Houses of Egyptian Nubia: West Aswan Then and Now"
+authors: ["annejennings.md"]
+abstract: While most of the Nubians in Sudan and Egypt were relocated when the Egyptian High Dam was constructed in 1964, not all of them were. Several Nuban villages sitting north of the High Dam were in no danger of inundation, and were not evacuated. The houses which the Nubians built and continue to build in these villages, distinctive and beautiful, continue to be cherished by their owners. Here I present photographs of the houses in the village of West Aswan, where I lived for 3 ½ years, showing traditional as well as more modern styles, to demonstrate that the extraordinary Nubian culture, ancient as it is, has not disappeared despite great change.
+keywords: ["Nubia", "Egyptian Nubia", "Nubian village", "West Aswan", "Houses", "Architecture", "High Dam", "Tourism"]
+---
+
+
+Egyptian Nubia is that area of Nubia which extends from the First
+Cataract, near the town of Aswan, to the Sudanese border. The people in
+this area call themselves Kenuz and speak the language which they call
+Kenuzi or Matoki.[^1] Traditionally, their economy involved a
+combination of subsistence farming, animal husbandry, and date
+production on a narrow strip of land next to the Nile. The erection of
+the first dam in 1903, and subsequent elevations in 1913 and 1933,
+crippled their agricultural system. Because of the difficulties of
+farming the land, Nubian men had sought employment outside of Nubia for
+centuries, returning to their homeland only periodically. Those who
+remained in the villages -- mostly women, children, and old men -- were
+dependent upon remittances from these migrants.
+
+Most of the Kenuz were relocated when their homeland was flooded because
+of the elevation of the Aswan Dam in 1964. At the time of relocation,
+approximately 70,000 Egyptian Nubians (both male and female), were
+living outside of Nubia.[^2] Many Nubians returned to their homeland
+when the relocation began, and approximately 50,000 were resettled in
+the thirty-three villages built to accommodate them near the town of Kom
+Ombo, thirty miles north of Aswan. This was named New Nubia.
+
+Not all the Nubians moved from the Aswan area, however. Several
+villages, situated north of the High Dam, were in no danger of
+inundation and so were not evacuated. In this photographic essay, I wish
+to show my photographs of some of the homes that the people who
+inhabited the hamlet (*neja*) of Gubba, in the village of West Aswan,
+were living in during the time I lived there. My first field trip was in
+1981, and the house that I lived in, as well as most others of the
+village, was built of clay/mud bricks that had been dried in the sun,
+and then plastered over with more clay to make a smooth surface for
+painting. This photo shows the houses in one of the *nejas* of West
+Aswan, with its mudbrick walls and barrel vault roofs. These roofs allow
+the air to circulate freely within the homes, keeping the inhabitants
+cool.
+
+
+![The houses in one of the *nejas* in West Aswan, with their barrel-vault roofs. (Jennings, 1981).](../static/images/jennings/fig1.jpg "The houses in one of the *nejas* in West Aswan, with their barrel-vault roofs. (Jennings, 1981).")
+
+**~~Figure 1. The houses in one of the *nejas* in West Aswan, with their barrel-vault roofs. (Jennings, 1981).~~**
+
+
+
+![Within the *neja* of Gubba, doors open up into the square (*melaga*). (Jennings, 1981).](../static/images/jennings/fig2.jpg "Within the *neja* of Gubba, doors open up into the square (*melaga*). (Jennings, 1981).")
+
+**~~Figure 2. Within the *neja* of Gubba, doors open up into the square (*melaga*). (Jennings, 1981).~~**
+
+
+Within the *neja* of Gubba, houses have been built in such a way that
+every nine or ten of them surrounds a large open area (*melaga*). Doors
+open onto this square, which may have as its focal point a large tree,
+or a small kiosk selling canned milk and candy, or a water spigot.
+
+
+![Many walls display a representation of Al Buraq, the mythical being who, according to legend, carried Mohammed to heaven on her back. (Jennings, 1981).](../static/images/jennings/fig3.jpg "Many walls display a representation of Al Buraq, the mythical being who, according to legend, carried Mohammed to heaven on her back. (Jennings, 1981).")
+
+**~~Figure 3. Many walls display a representation of Al Buraq, the mythical being who, according to legend, carried Mohammed to heaven on her back. (Jennings, 1981).~~**
+
+
+Many walls display a representation of al Buraq, the mythical being who,
+according to legend, carried Mohammed to heaven on her back.
+
+
+![Some houses have paintings on their walls, indicating that the owner has made the pilgrimage to Mecca (Jennings, 1981).](../static/images/jennings/fig4.jpg "Some houses have paintings on their walls, indicating that the owner has made the pilgrimage to Mecca (Jennings, 1981).")
+
+**~~Figure 4. Some houses have paintings on their walls, indicating that the owner has made the pilgrimage to Mecca (Jennings, 1981).~~**
+
+
+Some houses have paintings on their walls, along with a verse from the
+Quran, indicating that the owner has made the pilgrimage to Mecca.
+
+
+![Most houses have benches of smoothly plastered clay (*mastabas*) that are built along the fronts of the outside walls. (Jennings, 1981).](../static/images/jennings/fig5.jpg "Most houses have benches of smoothly plastered clay (*mastabas*) that are built along the fronts of the outside walls. (Jennings, 1981).")
+
+**~~Figure 5. Most houses have benches of smoothly plastered clay (*mastabas*) that are built along the fronts of the outside walls. (Jennings, 1981).~~**
+
+
+![These *mastabas* are gathering places for men and women at the end of the working day. (Jennings, 1981).](../static/images/jennings/fig6.jpg "These *mastabas* are gathering places for men and women at the end of the working day. (Jennings, 1981).")
+
+**~~Figure 6. These *mastabas* are gathering places for men and women at the end of the working day. (Jennings, 1981).~~**
+
+
+Most houses have benches of smoothly plastered clay (*mastabas*), that
+are built along the fronts of the outside walls, where both men and
+women congregate at the end of the day to share tasks and good
+conversation, and to bask in the freshening evening breezes.
+
+
+![The wide courtyard of a traditional Nubian home, where celebrations and ceremonies are held. (Jennings, 2007).](../static/images/jennings/fig7.jpg "The wide courtyard of a traditional Nubian home, where celebrations and ceremonies are held. (Jennings, 2007).")
+
+**~~Figure 7. The wide courtyard of a traditional Nubian home, where celebrations and ceremonies are held. (Jennings, 2007).~~**
+
+
+The traditional Nubian home has an inner courtyard which is quite wide,
+with a large sandy floor. Traditional celebrations and ceremonies are
+held in these courtyards, so they must be quite large.
+
+
+![A tourist group being welcomed into the courtyard of a Nubian house. (Jennings, 2007).](../static/images/jennings/fig8.jpg "A tourist group being welcomed into the courtyard of a Nubian house. (Jennings, 2007).")
+
+**~~Figure 8. A tourist group being welcomed into the courtyard of a Nubian house. (Jennings, 2007).~~**
+
+
+The Nubians of West Aswan, as well as those living in surrounding
+villages such as West Saheil and Hessa, are quite dependent upon
+tourism. Foreign tourists are brought into the home (usually just the
+courtyard area), served tea, and allowed to wander around the area so
+that they can see what a traditional Nubian home looks like. It is hoped
+that they will also buy souvenirs.
+
+
+![Women of the family may also contribute to the household income by drawing tattoos on tourists with henna. (Jennings, 2007).](../static/images/jennings/fig9.jpg "Women of the family may also contribute to the household income by drawing tattoos on tourists with henna. (Jennings, 2007).")
+
+**~~Figure 9. Women of the family may also contribute to the household income by drawing tattoos on tourists with henna. (Jennings, 2007).~~**
+
+
+The women of the family may also contribute to the household income by
+drawing tattoos with henna.
+
+
+![A house of the older style (Jennings, 1997).](../static/images/jennings/fig10.jpg "A house of the older style (Jennings, 1997).")
+
+**~~Figure 10. A house of the older style (Jennings, 1997).~~**
+
+
+![A two-storey house made of bricks rather than mudbricks (Jennings, 1997).](../static/images/jennings/fig11.jpg "A two-storey house made of bricks rather than mudbricks (Jennings, 1997).")
+
+**~~Figure 11. A two-storey house made of bricks rather than mudbricks (Jennings, 1997).~~**
+
+
+In 1981, I rarely saw two-storey houses, but there were a couple, made
+of bricks rather than mudbricks. These walls were strong enough to
+support a second storey.
+
+When I returned to Gubba in 1986, I saw several new houses which
+departed from the plan of the more traditional homes. Newer houses were
+built of stone and concrete, although they were still plastered over
+with clay and painted. They were much more uncomfortable than the older
+houses, as stone tends to be hotter than adobe, and they were roofed
+with tin. Nevertheless, stone and concrete walls are stronger, and
+enabled the families to add a second storey to the home.
+
+By 2007, the newer houses had become larger and more comfortable, with
+tiled floors throughout the house, and with glassed-in windows and
+air-conditioning. They also have large kitchens with Western-style
+stoves and refrigerators, and bathrooms with toilets and showers.[^3]
+
+By that time, the villagers were making quite a bit of money from
+tourism, so many of their houses were geared towards welcoming tourists.
+This is such a home in Gubba.
+
+
+![This home is offered as a Bed & Breakfast for any tourist who wants to spend more time in Nubia. (Jennings, 2007).](../static/images/jennings/fig12.jpg "This home is offered as a Bed & Breakfast for any tourist who wants to spend more time in Nubia. (Jennings, 2007).")
+
+**~~Figure 12. This home is offered as a Bed & Breakfast for any tourist who wants to spend more time in Nubia. (Jennings, 2007).~~**
+
+
+This home is also offered as a Bed&Breakfast for any foreigner who wants
+to spend more time in Nubia.
+
+Restaurants, such as this one which has been constructed in an old
+Nubian house, and the one below, have been built in West Aswan to invite
+the tourist trade.
+
+
+![A cafe which has been reconstructed in an old Nubian house for the tourist trade (Jennings, 2007).](../static/images/jennings/fig13.jpg "A cafe which has been reconstructed in an old Nubian house for the tourist trade (Jennings, 2007).")
+
+**~~Figure 13. A cafe which has been reconstructed in an old Nubian house for the tourist trade (Jennings, 2007).~~**
+
+
+![A restaurant which was built in West Aswan to invite the tourist trade. (Jennings, 1997).](../static/images/jennings/fig14.jpg "A restaurant which was built in West Aswan to invite the tourist trade. (Jennings, 1997).")
+
+**~~Figure 14. A restaurant which was built in West Aswan to invite the tourist trade. (Jennings, 1997).~~**
+
+
+Other contributors to this volume have discussed the shock and
+disappointment that those who were relocated felt when they beheld their
+new homes. The houses of New Nubia appear to have been based upon an
+architect's assumption about the kinds of homes that the Nubians had
+lived in. It seems to me that the planners of New Nubia had never
+actually visited Aswan or any of the Nubian villages surrounding it, as
+evidenced by my photographs of their houses, but had assumed that the
+Nubians lived the same way other Egyptian farming people lived. Due to
+racism and indifference, the houses of New Nubia were built in a style
+that was completely unrelated to the houses of Old Nubia.
+
+**References**
+
+Fernea, Robert A. and John G Kennedy. *Initial Adaptations to
+Resettlement: A New Life for Egyptian Nubians*. Cairo: The American
+University in Cairo, 1966.
+
+Jennings, Anne. *Nubian Women of West Aswan: Negotiating Tradition and
+Change.* Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2009.
+
+Rouchdy, Aleya. "Languages in Contact: Arabic-Nubian". *Anthropological
+Linguistics 22*/8 (1980): pp. 334-44.
+
+[^1]: Rouchdy, "Languages in Contact."
+
+[^2]: Fernea and Kennedy, *Initial Adaptations to Resettlement*.
+
+[^3]: Jennings, *Nubian Women of West Aswan*.

content/article/schrader.md

@@ -1,8 +1,8 @@
 ---
 title: "A Bioarchaeological Approach to Everyday Life: Squatting Facets at Abu Fatima"
 authors: ["schrader.md"]
-abstract: This paper offers a bioarchaeological approach to everyday life at Abu Fatim through an examination of squatting facets of the ancient population of Nubia.
-keywords: ["bioarchaeology", "everyday life", "Nubia", "squatting"]
+abstract: Human skeletal remains adapt throughout the life course, thereby recording a lived experience. Bioarchaeologists can interpret skeletal data in light of everyday life, a crucial component to social practice, structure, and transformation. In this article, I examine tibial squatting facets, as an embodied product of repetitive squatting, to elucidate everyday life in Bronze Age Nubia. I use the site of Abu Fatima (2500-1500 BCE, Third Cataract) as a case study. At Abu Fatima, 95% of individuals (20/21) had squatting facets, suggesting the vast majority of the population repetitively engaged in a squatting position throughout their lifecourse. This included men and women of all ages. This is much higher than most other comparative studies on tibial squatting facets. Additionally, I reference previous strontium isotope analysis to speak to whether or not migrants or locals were more likely to squat. Both groups, were squatting with regularity. While we cannot speak to the exact activities that were being done while squatting, this study posits a few suggestions and draws an interesting line of continuity between the daily lives of ancient and modern Nubian populations.
+keywords: ["osteoarchaeology", "skeletal", "Nubia", "Sudan", "Middle Nile"]
 ---
 
 
@@ -254,25 +254,25 @@ Table 2. Frequency of Squatting Facets in Other Populations
 |||||
 | Population | Squatting Facet Presence | Sample Size | Citation |
 | Abu Fatima | 95% | 21| Present study |
-| Ancient Egypt | 96% | 300 | Satinoff [^25] |
-| Ancient Egypt | 33% | 3 | Thomson et al. [^26] |
-| Byzantine (13th century CE) | 48% | 100 | Ari et al. [^27] |
-| Late Stone Age (1st millennium BCE), South Africa | 50% | 56 | Dlamini and Morris [^28] |
-| Early farming (5th-19th centuries CE), South Africa | 77% | 17 | Dlamini and Morris [^29] |
-| 18th century Cape Town | 5% | 21 | Dlamini and Morris [^30] |
-| 20th century Cape Town cadavers | 0% | 29 | Dlamini and Morris [^31] |
-| South African (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 27% | 11 | Thomson [^32] |
-| Neanderthals (Europe, Near East) | 91% | 11 | Trinkaus [^33] |
-| European (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 13% | 40 | Thomson [^34] |
-| Scottish (Anatomical Department, University of Edinburgh) | 17% | 118 | Wood [^35] |
-| Asian (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 48% | 23 | Thomson [^36] |
-| Native American (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 37% | 19 | Thomson [^37] |
-| Polynesia (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 75% | 4 | Thomson [^38] |
-| Melanesia (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 71%  | 38 | Thomson [^39] |
-| Australian (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 79% | 14 | Thomson [^40] |
-| Australian (Collection of Anatomical Museum of the University of Edinburgh) | 81% | 236 | Wood [^41] |
-| Indian (20th century) cadavers and "museum specimens" | 77% | 292 | Singh [^42] |
-| Panjabi, Indian | 87% | 52 | Charles [^43] |
+| Ancient Egypt | 96% | 300 | Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of the Talus and Tibia in Ancient Egyptians" |
+| Ancient Egypt | 33% | 3 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes” |
+| Byzantine (13th century CE) | 48% | 100 | Ari et al., “The Squatting Facets on the Tibia of Byzantine (13th) Skeletons" |
+| Late Stone Age (1st millennium BCE), South Africa | 50% | 56 | Dlamini and Morris, “An Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa" |
+| Early farming (5th-19th centuries CE), South Africa | 77% | 17 | Dlamini and Morris, “An Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa" |
+| 18th century Cape Town | 5% | 21 | Dlamini and Morris, “An Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa"] |
+| 20th century Cape Town cadavers | 0% | 29 | Dlamini and Morris, “An Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa" |
+| South African (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 27% | 11 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes" |
+| Neanderthals (Europe, Near East) | 91% | 11 | Trinkaus, “Squatting among the Neandertals: A Problem in the Behavioral Interpretation of Skeletal Morphology" |
+| European (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 13% | 40 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes"] |
+| Scottish (Anatomical Department, University of Edinburgh) | 17% | 118 | Wood, “The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine" |
+| Asian (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 48% | 23 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes" |
+| Native American (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 37% | 19 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes" |
+| Polynesia (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 75% | 4 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes" |
+| Melanesia (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 71%  | 38 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes" |
+| Australian (Oxford/Royal College of Surgeons' Museum) | 79% | 14 | Thomson et al., “The Influence of Posture on the Form of the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different Races of Man and the Higher Apes" |
+| Australian (Collection of Anatomical Museum of the University of Edinburgh) | 81% | 236 | Wood, “The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine" |
+| Indian (20th century) cadavers and "museum specimens" | 77% | 292 | Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indians" |
+| Panjabi, Indian | 87% | 52 | Charles, “The Influence of Function, as Exemplified in the Morphology of the Lower Extremity of the Panjabi" |
 |||||
 
 <br/>
@@ -294,7 +294,7 @@ position.
 It is also interesting to note that previous bioarchaeological research
 of the Abu Fatima collection indicates that approximately 25% of this
 population were of non-local origin, meaning they migrated from
-someplace else and eventually died and were buried at Abu Fatima.[^44]
+someplace else and eventually died and were buried at Abu Fatima.[^25]
 This was assessed via strontium isotope analysis, which compares
 strontium values from dental enamel (produced during childhood) to local
 geology; if these values are similar, we can deduce that the individual
@@ -348,27 +348,27 @@ In other squatting facet studies, bioarchaeologists have concluded that
 individuals with squatting facets may have regularly participated in
 grinding, basketmaking, spinning, weaving, baking, milking animals,
 preparing dung, knitting rugs, sitting around a fire, and working in the
-fields.[^45] There is also some evidence within Egypt to suggest that
-scribes may have frequently taken a squatting position.[^46]
+fields.[^26] There is also some evidence within Egypt to suggest that
+scribes may have frequently taken a squatting position.[^27]
 Archaeological evidence in Nubia indicates that percussion instruments
-were used in a squatting position.[^47] Lastly, there are many
+were used in a squatting position.[^28] Lastly, there are many
 iconographic examples from Ancient Egypt of women given birth in a
-squatting position.[^48] However, for the skeleton to modify it would
+squatting position.[^29] However, for the skeleton to modify it would
 need to be a highly repetitive behavior. It's certainly possible that
 childbirth contributed to the development of squatting facets, it was
 probably in combination with other activities.
 
-![Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10: https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275).](../static/images/schrader/Fig4.jpg "Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10: https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275).")
+![Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10) https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275 (last accessed November 27, 2024).](../static/images/schrader/Fig4.jpg "Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10) https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275 (last accessed November 27, 2024).")
 
-**~~Figure 4. Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10: https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275).~~**
+**~~Figure 4. Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10) https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275 (last accessed November 27, 2024).~~**
 
 
-![Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601: https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023).](../static/images/schrader/Fig5.jpg "Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601: https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023).")
+![Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601) https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023 (last accessed November 27, 2024).](../static/images/schrader/Fig5.jpg "Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601) https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023 (last accessed November 27, 2024).")
 
-**~~Figure 5. Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601: https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023).~~**
+**~~Figure 5. Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601) https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023 (last accessed November 27, 2024).~~**
 
 Satinoff conducted a study of squatting facets in an Egyptian
-sample.[^49] The origins of the skeletal material remain unclear as the
+sample.[^30] The origins of the skeletal material remain unclear as the
 only documentation provided is that they were housed at the Institute of
 Anthropology at the University of Turin; however, no chronological or
 spatial information was provided. Satinoff found that of the 300 male
@@ -405,10 +405,9 @@ chatting with friends.
 
 # Acknowledgements
 
-My thoughts are with the people of Sudan as the country, at the time of
-writing, is in the midst of a horrific war. This publication is part of
-the project Embodied Inequality (VI.Vidi.201.153) of the Research
-Programme VIDI which is financed by the Dutch Research Council (NWO).
+My thoughts are with the people of Sudan as the country, at the time of writing, is in the midst of a horrific war. 
+I would like to thank my collaborator and co-director of the Abu Fatima project, Dr. Stuart Tyson Smith for his continued support.
+This publication is part of the project Embodied Inequality (VI.Vidi.201.153) of the Research Programme VIDI which is financed by the Dutch Research Council (NWO).
 
 # References
 
@@ -568,7 +567,8 @@ Bray, pp. 39--64. New York: Plenum Publishers, 2003.
 Smith, Stuart Tyson. "The Nubian Experience of Egyptian Domination during the New
 Kingdom." In *The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia*, edited by Geoff
 Emberling and Bruce Beyer Williams, pp. 369--94. Oxford: Oxford University
-Press, 2021. 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190496272.013.20.
+Press, 2021. 
+https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190496272.013.20
 
 Smith, Stuart Tyson. *Wretched Kush: Ethnic Identities and Boundaries in Egypt's
 Nubian Empire*. London: Routledge, 2003.
@@ -662,69 +662,19 @@ Wood, W.Q. "The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine." *Journal of Anatomy*
 
 [^24]: Schrader et al., "Decolonizing Bioarchaeology in Sudan."
 
-[^25]: Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of the Talus and Tibia
-    in Ancient Egyptians."
+[^25]: Schrader et al., "Intraregional 87Sr/86Sr Variation in Nubia."
 
-[^26]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
-    the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
-    Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
-
-[^27]: Ari, Oygucu, and Sendemir, "The Squatting Facets on the Tibia of
-    Byzantine (13th) Skeletons."
-
-[^28]: Dlamini and Morris, "An Investigation of the Frequency of
-    Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa."
-
-[^29]: Dlamini and Morris.
-
-[^30]: Ibid.
-
-[^31]: Ibid.
-
-[^32]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
-    the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
-    Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
-
-[^33]: Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals."
-
-[^34]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
-    the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
-    Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
-
-[^35]: Wood, "The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine."
-
-[^36]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
-    the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
-    Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
-
-[^37]: Ibid.
-
-[^38]: Ibid.
-
-[^39]: Ibid.
-
-[^40]: Ibid.
-
-[^41]: Wood, "The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine."
-
-[^42]: Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indians."
-
-[^43]: Charles, "The Influence of Function, as Exemplified in the
-    Morphology of the Lower Extremity of the Panjabi."
-
-[^44]: Schrader et al., "Intraregional 87Sr/86Sr Variation in Nubia."
-
-[^45]: Baykara et al., "Squatting Facet"; Dlamini and Morris, "An
+[^26]: Baykara et al., "Squatting Facet"; Dlamini and Morris, "An
     Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age
     Foragers from South Africa"; Molleson, "Bones of Work at the Origins
     of Labour."
 
-[^46]: Casson, *Everyday Life in Ancient Egypt*.
+[^27]: Casson, *Everyday Life in Ancient Egypt*.
 
-[^47]: Kleinitz, "Soundscapes of the Nubian Nile Valley."
+[^28]: Kleinitz, "Soundscapes of the Nubian Nile Valley."
 
-[^48]: Haimov-Kochman, Sciaky-Tamir, and Hurwitz, "Reproduction Concepts
+[^29]: Haimov-Kochman, Sciaky-Tamir, and Hurwitz, "Reproduction Concepts
     and Practices in Ancient Egypt Mirrored by Modern Medicine."
 
-[^49]: Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of the Talus and Tibia
+[^30]: Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of the Talus and Tibia
     in Ancient Egyptians."

content/article/shattainterview.md

@@ -0,0 +1,679 @@
+---
+title: "A Conversation with Khalid Shatta"
+authors: ["annaboozer.md", "shatta.md"]
+abstract: Anna Boozer interviewed visual artist Khalid Shatta about his artwork and its relationship to homelife over Zoom on August 22nd 2024. The following interview offers a transcript of that conversation, while smoothing over side comments and transitions.
+keywords: ["photography", "Sudan"]
+---
+
+
+
+**Boozer:** Can you tell us about your background and how it inspires
+you?
+
+**Shatta:** My name is Khalid Mohamed Hammad Elkhatteem. My nickname is
+Khalid Shatta. Two years ago, my older brother told me that our great
+grandfather was named Shatta also. I am Sudanese. I come from the Nuba
+Mountains in Kordofan, which is in the southern part of Sudan now. I was
+born in the Nuba Mountains but my family moved to Khartoum because of
+the war during that time and I grew up in Khartoum.
+
+I think my family can say also that they are a collapse of the history
+of the war in Sudan. I grew up in Sudan. I can feel the way I grew up in
+Khartoum. I now try to understand how my family, they were trying to
+settle down to the new place in their home. We weren't used to it. Sudan
+is a very diverse country -- its languages, its culture.
+
+I grew up in Shag-al-Nil in Khartoum. In my area most of the people
+migrated from South Sudan, Nuba Mountains, or Darfur and most of those
+people are the people who moved because of the war or the dictator
+regime or the basic needs. So, I grew up with a lot of challenges of the
+basic needs of the family and also the basic needs of me to continue my
+school journey. It was always ups and downs.
+
+I started art -- I don't really know when did I start. Ever since I knew
+myself, I was drawing or painting. Art for me is not only a talent or
+hobby but also art is a kind of sacred space for me to escape and
+express myself. It's a silent language that I do understand myself.
+
+I really like to travel and because of the situation of my family and of
+Sudan. My father, he passed away a long time ago and it was very hard
+during that time. We suffered a lot and I turned out to live in the
+streets for many years. What inspires me is people and places and
+migration itself is an inspiration. Because now in a way I feel at home
+wherever I go. I start having that concept of "I'm from here. I'm a
+human being. I'm a special creature in this universe. Why I should
+locate myself and say 'I belong to this place'?"
+
+I've been in Norway now for thirteen years in two places. And even in my
+country, I never stayed with my family for five years. So, the concept
+of family brings many questions for me. Once you have the right to stay
+in one place and the freedom to move that is home. Where you stay, find
+solace here, and how you can struggle to find a place to stay. But my
+soul is here in Norway now. But I am also very happy to have that
+concept that I also belong to another people, another country.
+
+**Boozer:** Multiple belongings.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. And that shows also how it's a human journey. Some
+people are arriving and some people are falling so it leaves me to
+understand that all we have is civilization and history because we're
+all connected. And in a way to also be indigenous and native -- everyone
+is native if you believe we came from one human family. We are the
+result of all this evolution. It doesn't matter where we are located.
+But also, I think I like history and culture, art, everything. But in a
+way I'm also observing.
+
+**Boozer:** It sounds like you carefully observe all of the people and
+places around you for inspiration. Is that right?
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. Also, yes sometimes is sad because the human history is
+built with blood and it is a very painful journey to reach wherever we
+are. But, also its full of change and challenge because sometimes you
+have a question, such as "what is an American"?
+
+**Boozer:** There's no simple answer to that.
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah! And also, in Sudan even in our ancient history there
+is a lot of sacrifice for the gods, there is also violence. It's painful
+but in a way, it is also interesting how we change and accept.
+
+**Boozer**: All of the growing pains that we go through.
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah. And the beauty too. In Sudan I went to the Nuba
+Mountains, I was very scared when I was there because there was war. I
+was scared to just walk into the forest. It's just war. But when I came
+to Norway, I became more connected to the nature. Because when you are
+scared you can't enjoy the beauty around you.
+
+**Boozer:** You can't relax and observe.
+
+**Shatta:** I think places play a huge role in my artistic inspiration,
+so I like to travel.
+
+**Boozer:** It sounds like places, people, and deep histories inspire
+much of your work.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, and also me and my journey of life.
+
+**Boozer:** Do you have any rituals or routines that help you with your
+creative process?
+
+**Shatta:** Actually, no, I have no routine. I just love to paint. I
+don't know how to express that. I don't have rituals. Sometimes my
+paintings inspire me. Sometimes just lying on my bed and looking at this
+painting seeing the canvas, the color, knowing I painted it, thinking
+"wow, this is nice!" And I feel good about that. Just to put my thoughts
+on canvas and create those kinds of shadows. Sometimes I don't
+understand it, but I like to not understand it. I like it that it
+creates a curiosity. Sometimes I can't explain my art, but, also, I feel
+it in my bones, I feel it in my soul. I can feel the power in it. I left
+my country because of my art. The government forced me to leave. I came
+to Europe because of my art. I won an international competition. I am
+here because of my art. I believe in that. Art can bring me to travel
+and also it can save me. I do believe in this power of art. I can see
+that power. Sometimes it is spiritual. It's something I don't understand
+also. But it is something that is very powerful. It is the essence of
+many things.
+
+**Boozer:** You spoke earlier about how art was your silent language and
+that it is a necessary form of communication for you. Although I am not
+an artist, it made sense to me how important it is to get something out
+of yourself. That art can feel true even if you don't understand it.
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah. It is beautiful.
+
+**Boozer:** How do you stay motivated to create?
+
+**Shatta:** You know understanding also motivates me. Just to try to
+understand is motivating. Because understanding goes both ways. At the
+end of the day, it is understanding. If it is pain, you understand why
+it is pain. If it is happiness, you understand why it is happiness. So,
+for me, understanding itself motivates me.
+
+**Boozer:** So, understanding your feelings motivates you.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, understanding what I'm passing through. For example,
+we're passing through hard times. For me as a Sudanese even though I
+live in Norway I can see my people are just dying. There are so many
+people dying. But I need to understand the process of why we're having
+war. Also, it makes me more calm to accept the understanding rather than
+supporting the war. It's a really nice way of motivation.
+
+**Boozer:** You're accomplished at painting, drawing, and photography.
+What draws you to one medium over another? What differences do you find
+in your art when you change medium?
+
+**Shatta:** In my family I don't have a picture of me as a child. I had
+one picture when I think I was about five years or something, but I lost
+it.
+
+**Boozer:** Oh no!
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah! I didn't find it and my family didn't find it, the
+picture. But after that also I travelled a lot in Sudan. I moved to stay
+in different places. The first time I held a camera was with an
+organization for displaced children. They gave us a camera just to take
+a picture. I was happy! I felt I had a new eye to see things. And after
+that I just kept going, taking pictures. I even took photographic design
+at art school in Sudan. I like to take pictures but I find a different
+enjoyment in painting and drawing because I feel like it's all me. It's
+connected with my soul and my thoughts. And I feel like this is the
+knowledge I want to dive into more than taking pictures. But I can take
+pictures too. And from that time until now, I'm just painting, and I can
+see which level I am now. So now I'm thinking to take pictures because I
+feel like, wow. Because starting in 2009 I was a good photographer in
+Sudan and I made a lot of money from that, but it makes me very busy
+digitally. Now I'm more connected with my soul and my heart and my
+hands. I love that. And also, it gives me more perspective to create to
+make photographs. But also, because there are a billion great
+photographs. Photographs are very important, especially in the twentieth
+century, all of the history that changed the world through the
+photographs. Even the archive I'm working with in Berlin, because this
+is the one who did propaganda for Hitler, we see it's all about
+photographs. And even Mussolini it's about photographs. The
+assassination of Kennedy, it\'s about photographs.
+
+**Boozer:** The photographs are moving in a very specific way.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. You know Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, it's the
+pictures. And it's important in that sense. But to paint or to draw is
+more meaningful. It connects me more. I feel it's me, me. Because we are
+humans, we want that. We like to take the credit. Because this
+photograph is the work of the camera. This painting is me.
+
+**Boozer:** You feel more connected to the paintings.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. Maybe I don't understand why. Maybe I don't have the
+right approach. I think this picture is the work of the camera. This
+painting is the work of me. But maybe I don't understand. Maybe don't
+have the right answer for now.
+
+**Boozer:** Or your feelings may change over time.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes.
+
+**Boozer:** We talked before this interview about a photograph that you
+took and I'd like to talk about it more now. Or we could talk about
+another piece that reminds you of homelife or disconnection that has a
+story behind it.
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (1)”, Shatta’s hometown in El-Korgal, Nuba Mountains, Sudan.  (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig1.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (1)”, Shatta’s hometown in El-Korgal, Nuba Mountains, Sudan.  (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 1. “The Unknown Hope (1)”, Shatta’s hometown in El-Korgal, Nuba Mountains, Sudan.  (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Boozer:** This one in the Nuba mountains with the white jalabiya
+(figure 1). This is where my mom and dad were born. And I don't know how
+to put it in English. You can feel the connection of home. The meaning
+is always very deep. The forest is home. The trees are a soul. And they
+are building what we call *rakooba* in Arabic.
+
+**Boozer:** A thatch hut?
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. And I really love it. The way of the motion and the
+connection. And even in my painting series, *The Migration of the Soul*,
+humans migrate from nature. When we migrated from nature, we became very
+harsh with each other. Because we don't have the language of the
+surroundings. We don't have the understanding. And I think that many
+village people are more connected with nature and they know how to
+define themselves with basic things. But in a way, they have a real
+connection with their land with nature. And I felt that in this picture.
+
+**Boozer:** Yes, you can see it in the way his arms cross.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes.
+
+**Boozer:** The connection is happening between him and the land.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, the connection. You feel like you really belong to this
+earth.
+
+**Boozer:** Yes, it's beautiful. I see that connection. This one (figure
+2). This is the one we were talking about before, right?
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (2)”, Damazin Market, Blue Nile, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig2.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (2)”, Damazin Market, Blue Nile, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 2. “The Unknown Hope (2)”, Damazin Market, Blue Nile, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, this is the one. And on the boy's t-shirt it says "the
+eagle human eye". You see it?
+
+**Boozer:** Yes.
+
+**Shatta:** And if you think about it, I took this photograph in 2011.
+Now some of them may have three or five kids. You know how it is in my
+culture. And think about how in this kind of situation they are the ones
+who are killing. They are the ones who are stealing. They are the ones
+who are in the war. They are everything. And even me. If I am there, I
+am going to do the same thing. Because this is where I was born, this is
+how I was raised. This is what is normal. Because in Norway the police
+have no guns when patrolling. Just imagine if you grow up in a place
+where you have gangs everywhere.
+
+And also, it explains the trap of the history of Sudan. You know,
+because we are in war for more than sixty or seventy years, and even
+before that we have the British and the Egyptians, and the Turkish. In
+Sudan we never had a rest just to settle. The culture of war is very
+deep. The culture of war is also mixed with slavery and I think this is
+still what is ruling Sudan. It doesn't matter what place in Sudan you
+are located. Because especially this war reflects what Sudan is. It is
+very fragile. There is no basis of identity. It is a mix of races. It is
+a mix of people struggling. It is a mix of many things. But all these
+things are missing one thing. We don't have institutions to hold what we
+need, what we want to be as Sudanese. And I think this is one of the
+things. And even the system of the army that we have is a system from
+when the British colonized. And even the problem of South Sudan. They
+divided it because of the lack of opportunity for education because of
+the many lacks. And now South Sudan is divided too. And at that time,
+they said it was Christianity that was the issue, but now what about
+Khartoum?
+
+In a way you feel there is a country, there is a land full of minerals,
+full of resources, but there is no-one who belongs to it really. You can
+question yourself why are we like that. Even in Europe you can find a
+church that is four hundred years old or six hundred or more than that.
+They have this knowledge, these buildings. You don't feel that different
+from six hundred years ago. And some of those buildings are better than
+now. And that shows how we are very far even in the history because
+Meroitic, Kemetic, or Kushitic civilization you can be proud of that.
+But maybe we don't even belong to those people. It shows the dilemma of
+education, academic, of things. Because we need to accept that first. We
+need to see where history leaves us. We need to see that more. Maybe
+this picture for me holds those ideas. Because people think the problem
+is just from the former regime. No. It is deeper. It is more than that.
+
+**Boozer:** There are deep roots to it and the tree keeps growing,
+supported by those roots.
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (3)”, International Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Khartoum (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig3.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (3)”, International Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Khartoum (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 3. “The Unknown Hope (3)”, International Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Khartoum (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. Because even the people who are in charge now in Sudan.
+They are Sudanese from our families. They came from the same
+communities. So, why do we ignore that? Ah, so this picture (figure 3),
+I took it in Omdurman. At that time, we were moving the South Sudanese
+and people from the Nuba Mountains. This is before the dividing of South
+Sudan. So, just imagine now what is happening in Sudan. People migrate.
+So, this is my city.
+
+**Boozer:** I love this one (figure 4).
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (4)” in the El-Haj Yousif Neighborhood, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig4.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (4)” in the El-Haj Yousif Neighborhood, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 4. “The Unknown Hope (4)” in the El-Haj Yousif Neighborhood, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah, this is really nice, you know? This guy, he's adopted.
+Maybe he's a soldier now. Our neighbor was the first woman where I lived
+to adopt. It was for me -- wow -- you know? Because we were living in a
+poor city, in a ghetto, so for me -- wow -- that was really nice. It was
+inspiring to me. And now maybe he's in high school or something.
+
+**Boozer:** It's been thirteen years now. That's a long time in a
+child's life.
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah. I just loved his expression.
+
+**Boozer:** Yes, his face is so sweet.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. This is the Fulani, the Fulani people (figure 5).
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (5)”, Blue Nile, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig5.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (5)”, Blue Nile, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 5. “The Unknown Hope (5)”, Blue Nile, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Boozer:** Tell us about the Fulani.
+
+**Shatta:** The Fulani, or Housa, are people who are located in many
+countries in Africa. The huge Fulani community is in Nigeria. But you
+find them in Sudan, in Senegal, in Chad, in Mali. Not like the Dogons.
+But the Fulani are linked even with the Tuwari, Tugu, and have other
+kinds of links. They really love cows like the Nuer in South Sudan. In
+Sudan we know them as *Omboro*. They are very spiritual. They are Muslim
+but also other things. In the Nuba Mountains we call in *kujur*, like
+voodoo, but those people also have these kinds of rituals with their
+cows.
+
+**Boozer:** So, they have other traditions and spiritualism entangled
+with Islam.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, it is mixed because they are Muslim. Yes, all over
+Africa and even in Sudan where most of us are Muslim we have our roots
+in other traditions. This one is in el Kargal my hometown (figure 6).
+This is also Fulani.
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (6)”, Shatta’s hometown, El-Korgal, Nuba Mountains, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig6.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (6)”, Shatta’s hometown, El-Korgal, Nuba Mountains, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 6. “The Unknown Hope (6)”, Shatta’s hometown, El-Korgal, Nuba Mountains, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Boozer:** Awe, so cute!
+
+**KS:** Yes.
+
+**Boozer:** This is a beautiful one (figure 7).
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (7)”, El-Haj Yousif Neighborhood, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig7.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (7)”, El-Haj Yousif Neighborhood, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 7. “The Unknown Hope (7)”, El-Haj Yousif Neighborhood, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** This is my niece.
+
+**Boozer:** She's so beautiful. Her face and the light you capture on it
+is just amazing.
+
+**Shatta:** It's really beautiful. This picture, I took it in a kitchen,
+but I took it I think with candles for light and a red lamp.
+
+**Boozer:** The lighting on it is so beautiful. Her face is so striking.
+
+**Shatta:** Now they are in a safer place. Kassala. They got out of
+Khartoum two months ago.
+
+**Boozer:** I'm glad to hear that...but...everyone is moving. It's so
+hard.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, just imagine how tough it was for them.
+
+**Boozer:** Just to get out of the heart of the war.
+
+
+![“The Unknown Hope (8)”, the Roseires Dam, Blue Nile at Ad Damazin, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).](../static/images/shatta/fig8.jpg "“The Unknown Hope (8)”, the Roseires Dam, Blue Nile at Ad Damazin, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).")
+
+**~~Figure 8. “The Unknown Hope (8)”, the Roseires Dam, Blue Nile at Ad Damazin, Sudan (Khalid Shatta, 2011).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. There's one picture, I need to discuss with you, this
+one (figure 8). Imagine these people. They live beside the dam on the
+Blue Nile. Those people live just three meters from the dam and they
+don't have access.
+
+**Boozer:** They don't have access to the water?
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, they don't have access to the water.
+
+**Boozer:** That's incredible. They're so close.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, I love this picture. This one is part of a series. When
+did I take this one? This was part of *Migration of the Soul* or *Gods
+in Action*. The red drawings. Should we also look at them?
+
+**Boozer:** Yes, let's do that! I have them here. I really like this one
+(figure 9).
+
+
+![“Migration of the Soul” (Khalid Shatta, 2019).](../static/images/shatta/fig9.jpg "“Migration of the Soul” (Khalid Shatta, 2019).")
+
+**~~Figure 9. “Migration of the Soul” (Khalid Shatta, 2019).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, this one is nice.
+
+**Boozer:** Would you like to tell us a bit about it?
+
+**Shatta:** This one is part of *Migration of the Soul*. The point is
+not the physical migration but the mental migration. And also, the way
+how we feel disconnected from our own existence. For me it is also more
+like how we are engaging in time together. But also, time changes and
+many things can disappear with time, through time. For example, for us
+as humans -- I'm just thinking, I don't know if I'm right or not -- but
+we are the last creatures who live on this earth. When we arrived here,
+we found everything for us, whether through evolution or whatever. We
+find the trees, we find the world, we find everything. And from there we
+build the human civilization. And we had the first migration and it's a
+lot of knowledge that came from this small family of human beings. And
+then came the first ancient peoples the first ancient civilizations. And
+now we are here in, say 2000. For me, to be in 2000, wow, just imagine
+that we are the product of many little, little things.
+
+**Boozer:** Many small past actions and events?
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. And when we look at this perspective, just wow. It's
+not about how long am I going to live, but how did I become a product of
+all of human evolution.
+
+**Boozer:** Coming to this body, to this place, during this period.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, with these clothes, with this knowledge. You know? So,
+if you can see, there are Wifi signs. So, for us, as modern peoples,
+sometimes when we go to temples, or to mosques, or to church, we get
+shocked by what those people in ancient times created. The beauty. But
+for us even we have our own civilization. You are in New York City; I am
+in Oslo. We speak through our laptops.
+
+**Boozer:** That is its own wonder.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. You see it is also evolution and our time. And if we
+brought someone from ancient times here, he would be -- wow -- he's
+going to worship us!
+
+**Boozer:** Yes, the technology we command is incredible.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. You see, he's going to worship us. It's normal! And
+that's why I feel sometimes, it's like humans we have really smart and
+beautiful minds to create things. But when we link our soul with belief,
+we lost our power somehow. Also, there are the trees in the picture,
+human trees. It's like a forest. So, for me, it's about we and them.
+It's about our history and about our present.
+
+**Boozer:** The deep history running into the present.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, and sometimes we forget that. That's what inspires me
+too. The forgetting.
+
+**Boozer:** I love this one (figure 10).
+
+
+![“Gods in Action (1)” (Khalid Shatta, 2021).](../static/images/shatta/fig10.jpg "“Gods in Action (1)” (Khalid Shatta, 2021).")
+
+**~~Figure 10. “Gods in Action (1)” (Khalid Shatta, 2021).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** It is from a series called *Gods in Action*. So, *Gods in
+Action* was inspired by a specific ocean. Solomon Islands and those
+people. The way they portray their gods is a very scary way. And even
+when they welcome someone, it is scary. For me, I find it very
+interesting how people live by the ocean. The way they are creating
+their gods. For me, if you live near the ocean you need to have a god
+that can scare the huge waves of the water. I don't know. I'm just
+trying to think through it. So, I call it *God's in Action* because
+let's imagine how God moves things. Many of us have the image of God,
+but where is the action?
+
+**Boozer:** He looks like a very active God here.
+
+
+![“Gods in Action (2)” (Khalid Shatta, 2021).](../static/images/shatta/fig11.jpg "“Gods in Action (2)” (Khalid Shatta, 2021).")
+
+**~~Figure 11. “Gods in Action (2)” (Khalid Shatta, 2021).~~**
+
+
+**Shatta:** Yes, he's moving! This one is the Nile (figure 11). In
+Africa in general we like to organize by family and by sticking
+together. Sometimes I feel, in Sudan in general, we have connections
+with nature in a spiritual way. Because we are always symbolizing
+things. People portray themselves like the snake, the lion, whatever.
+Maybe the point is to study the movement of these animals and to portray
+themselves as like these creatures. And also, the fish. The fish is my
+favorite sign. I enjoy using it in my art. And in Sudan, in the Nuba
+Mountains, they draw alligators, elephants, and fish in the caves.
+Because, as we said before, there is a lot of knowledge that we
+inherited through our ancestors. It came through the blood. It needs our
+body to relax to receive that knowledge again.
+
+So, I feel like maybe if the wars end in Sudan it's possible to bring
+back again a lot of things, a lot of knowledge that we didn't understand
+as of now. This knowledge needs caring from the government to move
+forward. But, for me, I'm just saving my questions so sometimes my art
+is just a question for the future of how to use it in Sudan. Because
+sometimes I feel Sudan is just an empty place. We have to build it from
+scratch. And I use art sometimes as the missing home. Because here I
+live really good. I enjoy life. But sometimes I get this feeling of
+"ahhh, I came from Sudan." I remember. And I feel sad and I feel like,
+wow, I have to do that in Sudan. Because I feel what we are missing.
+What we are missing in Sudan, we are missing the foundation. This is an
+illustration showing question (figure 12). I love the human expression.
+The eyes. I paint a lot of eyes.
+
+
+![“Gods in Action (3)” (Khalid Shatta, 2023).](../static/images/shatta/fig12.jpg "“Gods in Action (3)” (Khalid Shatta, 2023).")
+
+**~~Figure 12. “Gods in Action (3)” (Khalid Shatta, 2023).~~**
+
+
+**Boozer:** This one has so many eyes and faces. It looks like there are
+many perspectives on the question.
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah.
+
+**Boozer:** Thank you so much for going through these with me.
+
+**Shatta:** You're welcome. There are also many new ones.
+
+**Boozer:** How has living abroad shaped your perspective of homelife in
+Sudan?
+
+**Shatta:** I think living in Norway, it's a balance of understanding
+myself, understanding my country, understanding Norway. Because, in a
+way, sometimes I feel I am missing something in Sudan. But me being here
+it makes it easier to observe. I become more like a watcher. I can see
+my tree, my journey in Sudan. I can see how I landed here. And there are
+many things in Sudan that I couldn't understand because of many things.
+Because of the basic needs, because of the war, because of the family.
+Every time I understand something that I used to struggle to understand.
+But also understanding that side of trauma and the struggle with the new
+world to settle in a new place. In a way it gives me rest to understand
+Sudan. But also, some years ago it all clashed together and I lost
+myself. You understand?
+
+**Boozer:** Yes.
+
+**Shatta:** Deep trauma, depression, stress, and anxiety and on top of
+that what's going on. Boom. It was really -- wow. And now I'm just
+saying it's a good experience. *Yanni*,[^1] I love the journey! Because
+also Norway, it's a place that makes me able to understand myself right
+now. And also, in my art journey because I made all those arts here. To
+make art is not an easy thing if you live in fear.
+
+**Boozer:** You need mental space in order to create.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. For me, because of the space I manage to paint and to
+get inspired. Norway is good for my artistic journey. Also, it is really
+a good starting to know people to understand another part of the world
+and also to understand how we are different and how even our problems
+are totally different. And how our sadness could be the same volume and
+the same meaning as the pain of the war. People here die of depression.
+They die of suicide. They die with a lot of things -- with the drugs or
+whatever. The people in Sudan, they die of starving, with the war, or
+with the gangs. But at the end of the day, they are both lost in
+themselves. They are dying. They do not exist anymore. So, I mean all
+suffering is a war in itself. Also, it's a good understanding for me.
+Because I can understand. Because many people if they live in a poor
+situation, they think life is like that. They think they are the only
+people who are suffering. But then you go out and there are other
+people.
+
+**Boozer:** You can get a broader perspective.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. I am happy to experience that. Not only to live and to
+listen, but I am part of this system too. There are things you can't
+learn through reading. You have to live it. This is what I can say.
+
+**Boozer:** What impact do you hope your art has on others?
+
+**Shatta:** Because I paint from my soul, I believe in that. I don't
+know. I believe in my feelings. There are some things, even for me I do
+not understand, but I can see it in the way I love my art and the way
+other people love my art.
+
+**Boozer:** You just want for them to enjoy it and get what they want
+from it. Is that right?
+
+**Shatta:** No, it's not only like that. I really love my art. For me, I
+need it, I feel the beauty of it. And when people see that too, I see it
+more and I appreciate that. Wow. It means a lot to me. I attract someone
+through my art.
+
+**Boozer:** That it's having an impact, someone's finding meaning in it,
+and making a connection with you? That it helps you see your art in a
+new way?
+
+**Shatta:** Yes. And that's beautiful. Wow. What I'm trying to say is,
+yeah, I appreciate that. Art, it comes from the soul. It is the language
+of the heart, so when people like my art it makes me feel I am honest
+when I am painting and when I am drawing. And also, it connects me. For
+instance, my art is like research. When I start a painting, I start to
+search. I like to go deep, and deep, and deep. And even it connects me,
+especially the project I'm working on now which is about history, about
+humans, about Sudan, Nubia, about many things. But also, wow, it's a
+sign of how those people find me and my art. Why me? That's why I'm
+saying I believe in this art.
+
+**Boozer:** How do you see art contributing to a feeling of home among
+the people who have been displaced due to the current war? Does art have
+a place in giving people a feeling of home?
+
+**Shatta:** I know we have war in Sudan. But I can't speak for any
+artist, but in a way, it needs time to observe. You can always paint.
+You know this painting? This is the first painting I made just about
+Sudan (figure 13) after I went to Cairo after one year. I campaigned
+about war, I campaigned about war, but I didn't feel it. You see? But
+me, in Cairo, I couldn't ignore it. That's why I made this painting.
+Because of what is going on in Sudan. It makes me have to try to
+understand the whole things, how we came to this war, just to attack. To
+attack what is going on. Because for me, what comes out, it is part of
+the solution. You see now, this is part of the solution. And it is part
+of the problem. It's a lot of things. It's the politics. Its many
+things. But at the same time, art is the witness of the time. From
+person to person, it is different. But I don't feel I can speak about
+this question in Sudan, but still I paint. I paint. I painted this
+painting because this is how I see the pain of war. But also, in a way,
+I guess I need to be careful also to use the art in a good way. Because
+now we are in a war, I am worried about Sudan...but I am not there yet.
+I prefer just to let it come naturally. This painting is about Sudan.
+And maybe critiquing the homescape because for people this is how they
+are feeling.
+
+
+![“15th April Panic – Battle of Khartoum 2023” (Khalid Shatta, 2024).](../static/images/shatta/fig13.jpg "“15th April Panic – Battle of Khartoum 2023” (Khalid Shatta, 2024).")
+
+**~~Figure 13. “15th April Panic – Battle of Khartoum 2023” (Khalid Shatta, 2024).~~**
+
+
+**Boozer:** Their disconnect and the swarm of thoughts about war no
+matter where they are.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes.
+
+**Boozer:** Are there any new mediums or projects you'd like to explore?
+
+**Shatta:** Yeah, actually, last month, I was in Portugal. I went for a
+community called "Sacred Activism." I think now I'm looking to get in
+more communities. So, I need just to spend a lot of time with many
+indigenous communities. Because, one day I want to do this in Sudan. I
+felt this was something I really needed. I feel very connected with
+that. To be with a community. To be more spiritual with people. Tamira,
+it is a place in Portugal. The founder is German. Now they are just
+creating space. Most of the people are from Israel, the United States,
+Germany, from Portugal, from Brazil. They create space just to grieve,
+to express themselves in art and rituals and love and sexuality and
+power. It's a lot of things. So, this is what I'm exploring.
+
+**Boozer:** You're always exploring.
+
+**Shatta:** Yes.
+
+[^1]: *Yanni* is a filler used in spoken Arabic equivalent to "like" or
+    "you know" in English.

content/author/annaboozer.md

@@ -5,4 +5,4 @@ affiliation: City University of New York
 
 # Biography
 
-Anna Lucille Boozer is professor at the City University of New York and the director of The Meroë Archival Project in Sudan.
+Anna Lucille Boozer is Professor of Roman Mediterranean Archaeology and Ancient History at Baruch College and the Graduate Center at the City University of New York. She directs MAP: The Meroë Archival Project in Sudan and the CUNY excavations at Amheida in Egypt.

content/author/goo-grauer.md

@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
+---
+title: Armgard Goo-Grauer
+affiliation: Independent researcher
+---
+
+# Biography
+
+Armgard Goo-Grauer is a German ethnologist who studied art, African languages, and comparative religion. In the early 1960s, she did fieldwork in Nubia and witnessed the involuntary displacement of the population in 1964, a consequence of the Aswan High Dam.

content/author/habbob.md

@@ -5,4 +5,9 @@ affiliation: Independent researcher
 
 # Biography
 
-Maher Habbob is
+Maher Habbob is a Fadija (Nubian) scholar with a strong commitment to the preservation of Nubian heritage, folklore, and language.  He holds a degree in social work, specializing in community development, from Aswan University.  Additionally, he has completed three postgraduate studies: NGO Management, and  Environmental Management, from Cairo University, and a Tour Guiding diploma from the Higher Institute of Tourism in Luxor.
+
+Maher is the author of Mo'jam al-Amthal al-Noubiya (A Dictionary of Nubian Proverbs, 2014), and has contributed to Thayer Scudder's  "Aswan High Dam Resettlement of Egyptian Nubians" (Springer, 2016).  His work has been featured in respected publications, including Akhbar al-Adab; Al-Thaqafa al-Gadida;
+Amkenah Magazine; and Dotawo, where he has written on topics such as community sharing and traditional Nubian practices.
+
+Currently based in Aswan, Maher works as a tour guide while continuing his efforts to study and share the richness of Nubian culture and history.

content/author/schrader.md

@@ -5,4 +5,4 @@ affiliation: Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University
 
 # Biography
 
-Sarah Schrader is a bioarchaeologist.
+Sarah Schrader is an Associate Professor at Leiden University and is head of the Laboratory for Human Osteoarchaeology. Sarah, in collaboration with co-director Dr. Stuart Tyson Smith, has been excavating the Abu Fatima cemetery since 2015.

content/author/shatta.md

@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
+---
+title: Khalid Mohamed Hammad Elkhattem
+affiliation: Visual artist
+---
+
+# Biography
+
+Khalid Shatta is an Olso-based visual artist who primarily uses painting and drawing as his form of visual expression. He is also well-known for his photography. Khalid is originally from the Nuba Mountains in Sudan. He grew up Khartoum before moving to Norway.

content/issue/dotawo9.md

@@ -1,7 +1,8 @@
 ---
 title: "Dotawo 9: Nubian Homescapes from Antiquity to the Present"
 editors: ["annaboozer.md", "annejennings.md"]
-has_articles: ["boozerintro.md", "hamdeen.md", "schrader.med", "yvanez.md", "fulcher.md", "agha.md", "habbob.med", "sadeq.md", "asmaataha.md", "tsakoswelsby.md"]
+authors: ["annaboozer.md"]
+has_articles: ["boozerintro.md", "hamdeen.md", "schrader.med", "yvanez.md", "fulcher.md", "agha.md", "habbob.med", "sadeq.md", "goo-grauer.md", "jennings.md", "asmaataha.md", "tsakoswelsby.md", "shattainterview.med"]
 keywords: ["homescape", "home", "homeland", "household", "homelife", "diaspora", "displacement", "tahgeer" ,"Nubia", "Nubian", "Aswan High Dam Campaign", "war", "genocide", "resettlement", "Kom Ombo", "stereotype", "longue durée"]
 ---
 
@@ -383,21 +384,21 @@ than ever.
 **References**
 
 Ingold, Tim. \"The Temporality of the Landscape.\" *Conceptions of Time
-and Ancient Society/World Archaeology* 25, no. 2 (1993): 152-74.
+and Ancient Society/World Archaeology* 25, no. 2 (1993): pp. 152--74.
 
 Janmyr, Maja. \"The Nubians of Egypt: A Displaced Population.\" In *An
 Atlas of Contemporary Egypt*, edited by Hala Bayoumi and Karine Benafla,
-96-7. Paris: CNRS Éditions 2023.
+pp. 96-7. Paris: CNRS Éditions 2023.
 
 Yao, Alice. \"The Great Wall as Destination? Archaeology of Migration
 and Settlers under the Han Empire.\" In *Archaeologies of Empire: Local
 Participants and Imperial Trajectories*, edited by Anna Lucille Boozer,
-B.S. Düring and Bradley J Parker, 57-88. Albuquerque, NM: SAR & UNM
+B.S. Düring, and Bradley J Parker, pp. 57-88. Albuquerque, NM: SAR & UNM
 Press, 2020.
 
 Youssef, Maaï, and Mayada Madbouly. \"Displaced People and Migrants in
 Cairo.\" In *An Atlas of Contemporary Egypt*, edited by Hala Bayoumi and
-Karine Benafla, 32-3. Paris: CNRS Editions, 2023.
+Karine Benafla, pp. 32-3. Paris: CNRS Editions, 2023.
 
 [^1]: For a basic geographic and temporal introduction to Nubia, see
     Janmyr, \"The Nubians of Egypt: a displaced population.\"