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@ -316,7 +316,7 @@ irregular, oval, oblong, and ovoid,[^63] which fit a Naqada I date.
In Cemetery 7, four weapons or tool-weapons were found in three graves
-- two maces and two ground stone axes (Figure 2). The mace-heads
were of the disc-shaped type and made of black and white/*pink* speckled
were of the disc-shaped type and made of black and white speckled
stone. The shape is similar to the disc-shaped maces of Neolithic
Sudan.[^64] Maces were specialized striking weapons, while ground stone
axes could have been used as both weapons and tools. However, the size
@ -600,7 +600,7 @@ indication of violence.[^121] Moreover, blunt force trauma to the skull
is more easily attested archaeologically than injuries from arrows,
spears, and daggers, which often affect soft tissues.[^122] In northern
Lower Nubia, several violent deaths caused by fractures to the skull
inflicted by a blunt instrument -- probably a mace -- are attested
after blunt force violence, probably with a mace, are attested
during the mid-4th millennium BCE.[^123] The practice of attacking the
head also led to distinctive defensive injuries.[^124] Fractures of the
distal ulna in the lower arm can derive from fending a blow to the head.
@ -648,10 +648,10 @@ parry fracture of her right ulna. This fracture is a typical defensive
injury.[^135] The graves of both victims were on the fringe of the
cemetery, and the male in grave 257 was probably the last individual to
be buried in the cemetery before abandonment.[^136] The male in grave
267 had a healed fracture probably not related to interpersonal
267 had a healed fracture probably unrelated to interpersonal
violence.
Injuries relating to violence were also recorded at Cemetery 14
Injuries caused by violence were also recorded at Cemetery 14
(Appendix 3). The male in grave 10 died from excessive blunt force
violence to the skull, eight fractured ribs on his right side, and a
fracture on the right side of the pubis. The violence had caused much
@ -669,20 +669,20 @@ in grave 29 had fractured the distal portion of the right ulna,[^142]
which suggests a parry fracture caused when fending a blow to the
head.[^143] Additionally, the mid-point of the left clavicle had a
healed fracture (Figure 7a).[^144]
A direct frontal blow with a
heavy device,[^145] like a mace, could inflict this injury. Both
injuries seem related to interpersonal violence and may have occurred
during a single attack. The male in grave 24 also had a healed fracture
of the middle of the right clavicle (Figure 7b).[^146]
![Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 24. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig7a.jpg "Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 24. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 74).")
**~~Figure 7a: Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 24. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).~~**
A direct frontal blow with a
heavy device,[^145] like a mace, could inflict this injury. Both
injuries seem related to interpersonal violence and may have occurred
during a single attack. The male in grave 24 also had a healed fracture
of the middle of the right clavicle (**Figure 7b**).[^146]
![Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig7b.jpg "Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).")
![Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 75).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig7b.jpg "Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 75).")
**~~Figure 7b: Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 74).~~**
**~~Figure 7b: Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 75).~~**
The archaeologists recorded no injuries related to interpersonal
violence at Cemetery 41/200, but the skeletal remains were fragmentary
@ -693,12 +693,12 @@ Abundant skeletal evidence for interpersonal violence was recorded at
Cemetery 45 (Appendix 6). The elderly male in grave 211 appears to
have been executed by having the back of his neck cut with a sharp
instrument. This individual received seven incisions across the
posterior surface of three of the cervical vertebrae (Figure
posterior surface of two of the cervical vertebrae (Figure
8).[^148]
![The man in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig8.jpg "The man in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).")
![The male in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig8.jpg "The male in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).")
**~~Figure 8: The man in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).~~**
**~~Figure 8: The male in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).~~**
This practice of execution has in recent years been revealed
on a large scale at Hierakonpolis.[^149] The anatomists suggested that a
@ -713,7 +713,7 @@ an assault with blunt force violence.[^154] Individuals in grave 204 and
235 had healed fractures most likely unrelated to interpersonal
violence.
## Missing Skulls in the A-Group Cemeteries of the Proto-Phase
## Absent Skulls in the A-Group Cemeteries of the Proto-Phase
In addition to the violent deaths just described, the skull was missing
from several graves in the cemeteries of the A-Group predecessors. In
@ -788,7 +788,7 @@ criminals, which are later attested in Egypt.[^172] Sean P. Dougherty
and Renée Friedman indeed suggest that the people with severed necks in
Cemetery HK43 had received capital punishment.[^173]
I propose that we should consider the possibility that the bodies
I propose that we consider the possibility that the bodies
without heads dating to the proto-phase in northern Lower Nubia belonged
to A-Group predecessors killed in action and decapitated on the
battlefield.[^174] Decapitation of prisoners of war certainly was a
@ -819,16 +819,16 @@ material. Most of the injuries seem to have been caused by blunt force
violence -- most probably stone maces. However, two individuals died in
attacks where sharp force violence also was used -- most likely
copper-alloy weapons. Both males and females were injured and killed in
these cemeteries (see Appendices 1-6).
these cemeteries (see Appendices 2-6).
![Violent deaths, violent injuries antemortem, absent and broken skulls in total and in per cent in A-Group cemeteries dating to the proto-phase. Data from Appendices 2-6.](../static/images/hafsaas/Table2.jpg "Violent deaths, violent injuries antemortem, missing skulls, and broken skulls in total and in per cent in A-Group cemeteries dating to the proto-phase. Data from Appendices 2-6.")
**~~Table 2. Violent deaths, violent injuries antemortem, missing skulls, and broken skulls in total and in per cent in A-Group cemeteries dating to the proto-phase. Data from Appendices 2-6.~~**
Furthermore, ten individuals appear to have been buried without their
Furthermore, nine individuals appear to have been buried without their
skull, and seventeen individuals were uncovered with their skull broken
(see Table 2). In the sample of 167 burials, the skull was missing
in 6 per cent of the graves. Additionally, 10 per cent of the burials
in 5 per cent of the graves. Additionally, 10 per cent of the burials
were found with the head broken. Relevant comparative evidence from the
Bronze Age is hard to find. Most cemeteries in Lower Nubia have been
plundered in ancient and modern times. Furthermore, the human remains in
@ -991,8 +991,8 @@ resettled on the plains of Meris and Dehmit further south.
The next clashes took place soon afterwards at Meris and Dehmit. Beside
the violent deaths and injuries, I have identified a pattern where up to
12 per cent of the individuals in the cemeteries of the A-Group
predecessors in northern Lower Nubia were recorded with their skull
missing (see Table 2). Furthermore, up to 22 per cent of the
predecessors in northern Lower Nubia were recorded with the skull
absent (see Table 2). Furthermore, up to 22 per cent of the
individuals had their skull broken post-mortem. Especially cemeteries 41
and 45 have high numbers of missing and broken skulls. Archaeologists
usually explain the absence of the skull in Nubia as an effect of grave
@ -1083,19 +1083,19 @@ predecessors and the Naqada people increasingly came to define
themselves in opposition to each other, and their cultural and social
differences continued to widen with time. For the latter half of the
4th millennium BCE, the A-Group people left a distinctive
archaeological heritage in the region between Bab el-Kalabsha and Batn
el-Hajar (see Map 1).
archaeological heritage in the region between Bab el-Kalabsha in northern Lower Nubia and Batn
el-Hajar above the Second Cataract.
When the ethnic boundary was in place, the Naqada people established at
least eight sites in northern Lower Nubia.[^208] The narrow passage with
towering cliffs at Bab el-Kalabsha was a natural position for exercising
territorial control, and the distribution of sites suggests that this
was the border between A-Group and Naqada territory. During Early
A-Group phase/Naqada II, the A-Group people and the Naqada people
was the border between A-Group and Naqada territory. During the Early
A-Group phase, the A-Group people and the Naqada people
started interacting in peaceful ways across the ethnic boundary.[^209]
Exchange between the Naqada people and the A-Group people made it
profitable to belong to the A-Group people as the whole community
prospered from the activity.[^210] The Naqada people retreated from
prospered.[^210] The Naqada people retreated from
northern Lower Nubia with the establishment of the southern border of
the dynastic and territorial state of Egypt at the First Cataract at the
shift between Naqada IIIB and IIIC around 3085 BCE.[^211] The A-Group
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[^8]:
Wengrow et al., "Cultural Convergence in the Neolithic of the Nile
Valley," pp. 102-103.
Valley," pp. 102-3.
[^9]: Stevenson, "The Egyptian Predynastic and State Formation," p. 431.
[^10]:
@ -1550,7 +1550,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
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[^14]: Nordström, _Neolithic and A-Group sites_; Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Hierarchy and Heterarchy;" Roy, _The Politics of Trade_; Glück, "The Heritage of the A-Group;" Gatto, "The A-Group and 4th Millennium BCE Nubia."
[^14]: Nordström, _Neolithic and A-Group sites_; Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Hierarchy and Heterarchy"; Roy, _The Politics of Trade_; Glück, "The Heritage of the A-Group"; Gatto, "The A-Group and 4th Millennium BCE Nubia."
[^15]:
See for instance Takamiya, "Egyptian Pottery Distribution in
A-Group Cemeteries," p. 56 for the establishment of the contact, and
@ -1566,18 +1566,18 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Some examples from the last 20 years: Hendrickx,
"Predynastic---Early Dynastic Chronology," p. 71 and p. 76; Wengrow,
_The Archaeology of Early Egypt_, p. 75; Bard, "Political Economies
of Predynastic Egypt and the Formation of the Early State;" Gatto,
of Predynastic Egypt and the Formation of the Early State"; Gatto,
"The A-Group and 4th Millennium BCE Nubia," p. 127 and p. 129.
[^18]: Also spelled Kubaniya and Kubaniyeh.
[^19]:
Some examples from the last 20 years: Edwards, _The Nubian past_,
pp. 68-69; Nordström, "The Nubian A-Group," p. 134; Takamiya,
pp. 68-9; Nordström, "The Nubian A-Group," p. 134; Takamiya,
"Egyptian Pottery Distribution in A-Group Cemeteries," p. 41;
Friedman, "The Nubian Cemetery at Hierakonpolis," p. 62; Török,
_Between Two Worlds_, p. 35; Roy, _The Politics of Trade_, p. 49;
Glück, "The Heritage of the A-Group," p. 199; Meurer, "Nubians in
Egypt from the Early Dynastic Period to the New Kingdom," p. 290).
Egypt from the Early Dynastic Period to the New Kingdom," p. 290.
[^20]:
Gatto, "Cultural Entanglement at the Dawn of the Egyptian
@ -1589,14 +1589,14 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Frontier of the Emerging State of Ancient Egypt_, p. 336.
[^22]: Earle and Kristiansen, "Organizing Bronze Age Societies," p. 243.
[^23]: Otto, Thrane, and Vandkilde, "Warfare and Society," pp. 16-17.
[^23]: Otto, Thrane, and Vandkilde, "Warfare and Society," pp. 16-7.
[^24]: Jones, _The Archaeology of Ethnicity_, p. xiii.
[^25]: Barth, "Introduction," pp. 10-11.
[^25]: Barth, "Introduction," pp. 10-1.
[^26]:
Barth, "Enduring and Emerging Issues in the Analysis of
Ethnicity," p. 12; Smith, "Ethnicity," p. 1.
[^27]: Barth, "Introduction," pp. 10-11.
[^27]: Barth, "Introduction," pp. 10-1.
[^28]: E.g., Smith, _Wretched Kush_, p. 14.
[^29]: Eriksen, _Ethnicity and Nationalism_, p. 12.
[^30]: Jones, _The Archaeology of Ethnicity_, p. 75 and p. 78.
@ -1604,14 +1604,14 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^32]: Bourdieu, _Outline of a Theory of Practice_, p. 72.
[^33]: Bentley, "Ethnicity and Practice," p. 27.
[^34]: Jones, _The Archaeology of Ethnicity_, p. 120.
[^35]: Smith, _Wretched Kush_, pp. 18-19.
[^35]: Smith, _Wretched Kush_, pp. 18-9.
[^36]: Maceachern, "Scale, Style, and Cultural Variation," p. 123.
[^37]: See Barth, "Introduction," p. 14.
[^38]: Gosselain, "Materializing Identities."
[^39]: Hodder, _Symbols in Action_, p. 22 and p. 58.
[^40]:
Emberling, "Ethnicity in Complex Societies," p. 318; Manzo,
"Clash of Civilization on the First Cataract?" p. 103; Smith,
"Clash of Civilization on the First Cataract?," p. 103; Smith,
_Wretched Kush_, p. 31; Stevenson, _The Predynastic Egyptian
Cemetery of el-Gerzeh_, p. 77.
@ -1637,7 +1637,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Wengrow, "Rethinking 'Cattle Cults' in Early Egypt," p. 96;
Wengrow et al. "Cultural Convergence in the Neolithic of the Nile
Valley," p. 105; Haaland and Haaland, "Early Farming Societies along
the Nile\*," p. 548.
the Nile," p. 548.
[^49]: Stevenson, "The Egyptian Predynastic and State Formation," p. 432.
[^50]:
@ -1659,7 +1659,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^53]:
E.g., Gatto, "Cultural Entanglement at the Dawn of the Egyptian
History," p. 110; Raue, "Cultural Diversity of Nubia in the Later
3rd--mid 2nd Millennium BC," p. 294.
3rd-mid 2nd Millennium BC," p. 294.
[^54]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
@ -1678,26 +1678,26 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^58]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 33-45.
[^59]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 257-259. See also Smith, "The
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 257-9. See also Smith, "The
Development of the A-Group Culture in Northern Lower Nubia," p. 98;
Roy, _The Politics of Trade_, pp. 68-69.
Roy, _The Politics of Trade_, pp. 68-9.
[^60]:
See Hendrickx, "Predynastic-Early Dynastic Chronology," table
II/1.4b.
[^61]: Usai, "Other Stone Tools," pp. 56-57.
[^61]: Usai, "Other Stone Tools," pp. 56-7.
[^62]: Aston, Harrell, and Shaw, "Stone," p. 57.
[^63]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 33-38.
[^64]: Usai, "Other Stone Tools," pp. 55-56
[^65]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 141-144.
[^63]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 33-8.
[^64]: Usai, "Other Stone Tools," pp. 55-6
[^65]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 141-4.
[^66]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, fig. 77.
[^67]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, pp.
257-262.
257-62.
[^68]:
See Nordström, "Gender and Social Structure in the Nubian
@ -1708,9 +1708,9 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Pastoralist," p. 10 for pastoral labor structured by gender (and
age).
[^70]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 142-144.
[^70]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 142-4.
[^71]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, fig. 92/1-2.
[^72]: Usai, "Other Stone Tools," pp. 56-57.
[^72]: Usai, "Other Stone Tools," pp. 56-7.
[^73]: Stevenson, "Social Relationships in Predynastic Burials," p. 191.
[^74]:
Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, p. 142, p. 144,
@ -1720,7 +1720,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Wengrow et al. "Cultural Convergence in the Neolithic of the Nile
Valley," p. 103.
[^76]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 113-114.
[^76]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 113-4.
[^77]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, p. 269 and p. 285.
@ -1728,28 +1728,28 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^78]: See above.
[^79]:
Hafsaas-Tsaoks, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 266-270.
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 266-70.
[^80]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, table 18.
[^81]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 134-135.
[^82]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 133-137.
[^81]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 134-5.
[^82]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 133-7.
[^83]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 271-273.
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 271-3.
[^84]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, p. 211.
[^85]:
Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 211-214 and
Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 211-4 and
fig. 145.
[^86]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, p. 272.
[^87]: See Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 212-213.
[^87]: See Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 212-3.
[^88]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, p. 272.
@ -1770,11 +1770,11 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^92]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, pp.
169-173.
169-73.
[^93]:
Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, p. 258 and pp.
262-265.
262-5.
[^94]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, fig. 212/2-5, 12.
[^95]: Stevenson, _The Predynastic Egyptian Cemetery of el-Gerzeh_, p. 145.
@ -1785,7 +1785,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^98]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 316-317.
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 316-7.
[^99]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
@ -1793,7 +1793,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^100]:
See Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the
Emerging State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 285-294 for more details.
Emerging State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 285-94 for more details.
[^101]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
@ -1810,7 +1810,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^105]: Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, p. 116.
[^106]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 327-328.
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 327-8.
[^107]:
Crevecoeur et al., "New Insights on Interpersonal Violence in
@ -1818,12 +1818,12 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Sahaba."
[^108]: McMahon, "State Warfare and Pre-state Violent Conflict," p. 181.
[^109]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 137-139.
[^109]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 137-9.
[^110]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, pp.
116-117.
116-7.
[^111]: Friedman, "Hierakonpolis," pp. 38-39.
[^111]: Friedman, "Hierakonpolis," pp. 38-9.
[^112]:
Droux and Pieri, "Further Adventures at HK6: The 2010 Season,"
p. 4.
@ -1838,7 +1838,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Judd, "Continuity of Interpersonal Violence between Nubian
Communities," p. 324 with references.
[^120]: Judd, "Trauma in the City of Kerma," pp. 46-48.
[^120]: Judd, "Trauma in the City of Kerma," pp. 46-8.
[^121]:
Martin and Harrod, "Bioarchaeological Contributions to the Study
of Violence," p. 121.
@ -1846,7 +1846,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^122]: McMahon, "State Warfare and Pre-state Violent Conflict," p. 182.
[^123]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, pp.
330-332.
330-2.
[^124]:
Filer, "Ancient Egypt and Nubia as a Source of Information for
@ -1865,7 +1865,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^128]:
Blood-stained bones were observed in some well-preserved human
remains, see Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human
Remains_, pp. 329-330. However, stains from decomposed blood are
Remains_, pp. 329-30. However, stains from decomposed blood are
usually absent in violent deaths uncovered from archaeological
contexts, see Walker, "A Bioarchaeological Perspective on the
History of Violence," p. 578.
@ -1875,14 +1875,14 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
of Violence," p. 124.
[^130]:
E.g., Molleson, "The Nubian Pathological Collection;" Filer,
E.g., Molleson, "The Nubian Pathological Collection"; Filer,
"Ancient Egypt and Nubia as a Source of Information for Cranial
Injuries;" Judd and Redfern, "Trauma," p. 362; Cockitt, et al.
Injuries"; Judd and Redfern, "Trauma," p. 362; Cockitt et al.
"Capturing a Century of Study."
[^131]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, pp.
331-332.
331-2.
[^132]:
See Martin and Harrod, "Bioarchaeological Contributions to the
@ -1891,7 +1891,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^133]: Marshall and Buzon, "Bioarchaeology in the Nile Valley."
[^134]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, pp.
331-332.
331-2.
[^135]: Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, p. 313.
[^136]:
@ -1942,10 +1942,10 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
p. 108.
[^156]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, p. 134.
[^157]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 212-214.
[^157]: Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, pp. 212-4.
[^158]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_, pp.
155-156; Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, p. 213.
155-6; Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, p. 213.
[^159]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
@ -1953,15 +1953,15 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^160]:
Reisner, _The Archaeological Survey of Nubia_, p. 262 and pp.
264-265
264-5
[^161]:
Elliot Smith and Wood Jones, _Report on the Human Remains_,
pp. 170-173.
pp. 170-3.
[^162]:
Gilbert, _Weapons, Warriors and Warfare in Early Egypt_, pp.
42-43.
42-3.
[^163]: McMahon, "State Warfare and Pre-state Violent Conflict," p. 182.
[^164]: Dougherty and Friedman, "Sacred or Mundane."
@ -1969,11 +1969,11 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^166]: Dougherty and Friedman, "Sacred or Mundane," p. 316.
[^167]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 279-280.
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 279-80.
[^168]: Dougherty and Friedman, "Sacred or Mundane," p. 313.
[^169]: Wilkinson, _Early Dynastic Egypt_, p. 266.
[^170]: Wengrow, _The Archaeology of Early Egypt_, pp. 116-123.
[^170]: Wengrow, _The Archaeology of Early Egypt_, pp. 116-23.
[^171]: Dougherty and Friedman, "Sacred or Mundane," p. 327.
[^172]: Wilkinson, _Early Dynastic Egypt_, p. 266.
[^173]: Dougherty and Friedman, "Sacred or Mundane," p. 330.
@ -1981,7 +1981,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, p. 281.
[^175]: Buzon, "Bioarchaeology of Nubia," pp. 1052-1053.
[^175]: Buzon, "Bioarchaeology of Nubia," pp. 1052-3.
[^176]: Gatto, "Egypt and Nubia in the 5th-4th Millennia BCE."
[^177]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
@ -2012,7 +2012,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^184]:
E.g., Nordström, _Neolithic and A-Group Sites_, p. 28; Edwards,
_The Nubian Past_, p. 70; GLÜCK, "The Heritage of the A-Group," p. 209.
_The Nubian Past_, p. 70; Glück, "The Heritage of the A-Group," p. 209.
[^185]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
@ -2025,7 +2025,7 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^188]:
Gatto, "Egypt and Nubia in the 5th-4th millennia BCE," pp.
129-130.
129-30.
[^189]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
@ -2074,15 +2074,15 @@ Wilkinson, Toby A.H. _Early Dynastic Egypt_. London: Routledge, 1999.
[^209]:
Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 336-337.
State of Ancient Egypt_, pp. 336-7.
[^210]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Hierarchy and Heterarchy."
[^211]:
Seidlmayer, "Town and State in the Early Old Kingdom," pp.
112-113.
112-3.
[^212]:
Smith, "Nubia and Egypt," p. 259; Edwards, _The Nubian Past_, p.
73; Török, _Between Two Worlds_, pp. 50-51; Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on
73; Török, _Between Two Worlds_, pp. 50-1; Hafsaas-Tsakos, _War on
the Southern Frontier of the Emerging State of Ancient Egypt_, pp.
376-381.
376-81.

54
content/article/honegger.md
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@ -35,7 +35,7 @@ with the Egyptian Kingdom are anecdotal. Only a few tombs from the Kerma
period (2550-1480 BC) have been reported by Charles Bonnet in his
excavation reports on the Eastern Cemetery of Kerma.[^1] His most
important discovery consists of an almost intact tomb of a naturally
mummified archer (Fig. 1). Also dating from the *Kerma ancien II* phase
mummified archer (Figure 1). Also dating from the *Kerma ancien II* phase
(2300-2150 BC), the same tomb contained the body of a young man, whose head
had been displaced by grave-robbers.[^2] He was accompanied by arrow
remains and two bows of simple curvature, 120 cm long. One of the bows
@ -58,7 +58,7 @@ phase of the cemetery and of the Kingdom (1750-1500 BC), best known
thanks to the work of George A. Reisner, undertaken at the beginning of
the 20th century.[^6] Since then, excavations were undertaken between
1979 and 1999 by Charles Bonnet, who investigated 27 sectors spread over
its entire surface (Fig. 2), and between 2008 and 2018, we have
its entire surface (Figure 2), and between 2008 and 2018, we have
undertaken systematic excavations in sectors of the early stages of the
cemetery (2550-1950 BC), that correspond to the formation of the Kingdom
of Kerma.[^7] They provide previously unpublished information on the
@ -71,7 +71,7 @@ kingdom and its domination over a large part of Upper Nubia.
As part of our programme on the evolution of society in Early Kerma, we
have reinvestigated and completed the excavations of Sectors 23, 27, and
8, and have opened Sectors 28, 29, 30, and 31 (Fig. 3). The tombs have
8, and have opened Sectors 28, 29, 30, and 31 (Figure 3). The tombs have
been systematically excavated, taking into account information on the
surface (burial mounds, ceramic deposits, bucrania, fireplaces, and post
holes) and collecting the material contained in the tombs and infill of
@ -89,7 +89,7 @@ absolute chronology was constructed using 23 <sup>14</sup>C dates that were
confronted with the typology of Kerma pottery and Egyptian imports, and
this makes it possible to distinguish five successive phases between
2550 and 1950 BC: *Kerma ancien 0, I, II, III,* and *Kerma moyen I*
(Fig. 3).[^8]
(Figure 3).[^8]
![Map of the Early Kerma and early Middle Kerma sectors in the Eastern Cemetery. From the initial installation in Kerma ancien 0 (2550-2450 BC) to the emergence of the first royal tomb in Kerma moyen I (2050-1950 BC), the dimensions of the tombs increase, the rituals become more complex and the hierarchisation of society increases until the appearance of a royalty.](../static/images/honegger/Fig3.jpg "Map of the Early Kerma and early Middle Kerma sectors in the Eastern Cemetery. From the initial installation in Kerma ancien 0 (2550-2450 BC) to the emergence of the first royal tomb in Kerma moyen I (2050-1950 BC), the dimensions of the tombs increase, the rituals become more complex and the hierarchisation of society increases until the appearance of a royalty.")
@ -130,14 +130,14 @@ well as bucrania in front of some tumuli. Tombs with multiple burials
are also more frequent, indicating the development of accompanying or
sacrificed people, which will increase significantly in the succeeding
periods. The distinction between male and female graves becomes
systematic and stereotyped (Fig. 4). If the buried women are
systematic and stereotyped (Figure 4). If the buried women are
systematically endowed with a stick, an ornament, and sometimes
particular objects or tools such as potter\'s tools, the male tombs are
systematically endowed with a bow.[^10]
During the *Kerma ancien III* phase, the same tendencies identified in
the previous phase continued. In the sectors of this period, we noticed
that young boys\' graves were also accompanied by bows (Fig. 5).
that young boys\' graves were also accompanied by bows (Figure 5).
![Graves of an archer and of a woman with a stick of the Kerma ancien II Phase (2300-2100 BC), found in Sector 23 of the Easter Cemetery of Kerma. The grave of the archer contained two individuals: a young man in the central position and a woman placed by his side. A dog, a bow, an ostrich feathers fan, and a bronze mirror accompanied the young man. The grave with a wooden stick contained a woman aged 20-29 years. Both graves were partially plundered and a part of the skeletons is here reconstructed.](../static/images/honegger/Fig4.jpg "Graves of an archer and of a woman with a stick of the Kerma ancien II Phase (2300-2100 BC), found in Sector 23 of the Easter Cemetery of Kerma. The grave of the archer contained two individuals: a young man in the central position and a woman placed by his side. A dog, a bow, an ostrich feathers fan, and a bronze mirror accompanied the young man. The grave with a wooden stick contained a woman aged 20-29 years. Both graves were partially plundered and a part of the skeletons is here reconstructed.")
**~~Figure 4. Graves of an archer and of a woman with a stick of the Kerma ancien II Phase (2300-2100 BC), found in Sector 23 of the Easter Cemetery of Kerma. The grave of the archer contained two individuals: a young man in the central position and a woman placed by his side. A dog, a bow, an ostrich feathers fan, and a bronze mirror accompanied the young man. The grave with a wooden stick contained a woman aged 20-29 years. Both graves were partially plundered and a part of the skeletons is here reconstructed.~~**
@ -171,7 +171,7 @@ which would culminate at the end of the Kingdom of Kerma. The central
inhumations in the largest tumuli are supposed to be the graves of the
rulers; the other tumuli could belong to high status individuals or to
free men and women.[^12] In certain instances a mud-brick chapel was
erected on the west side of the tumulus (Fig. 6).[^13]
erected on the west side of the tumulus (Figure 6).[^13]
During Classic Kerma the diameter of the largest graves is between 30
and 90 meters. The three most famous ones were built to a
@ -189,13 +189,13 @@ south of the ancient town of Kerma and dates about 1480 BC.[^16]
# The archers' graves
From the *Kerma ancien II* to the *Kerma moyen I* phases onwards (Fig.
From the *Kerma ancien II* to the *Kerma moyen I* phases onwards (Figure
3) all male tombs that we excavated between 2008 and 2018 are equipped
with a bow, even those of children.[^17] Of course, many graves are too
looted to conclude that archery equipment was present, but as soon as
the grave is better preserved, the presence of archery elements is
attested, the smallest clue being the presence of the string made of
twisted sinews, probably from sheep or goats (Fig. 7). In view of the
twisted sinews, probably from sheep or goats (Figure 7). In view of the
number of graves excavated, we can therefore suppose that the presence
of men or boys with weapons is systematic for the earlier phases.
However, it is not possible to conclude definitively that the presence
@ -221,7 +221,7 @@ assisted by Nubians. It is therefore very likely that they simply did
not observe these fleeting remains.
In the "Cemetery M" (Middle Kerma,
see fig. 3), the documentation, published with that of the "Cemetery N",
see figure 3), the documentation, published with that of the "Cemetery N",
is not better than the latter. No archer or bow was identified. It is
only in Classic Kerma that this practice seems to disappear, according
to Reisner's documentation,[^20] which is of much better quality than
@ -241,7 +241,7 @@ archers were identified. Again, the excavations were carried out almost
systematically by Nubian excavators who were not trained to find small
remains as bow stings. Nevertheless, Bonnet reports the presence of some
archers in Early Kerma sectors, as well as in Middle Kerma sectors. The
famous mummy of an archer (Fig. 1) comes from Sector 4[^23] (*Kerma
famous mummy of an archer (Figure 1) comes from Sector 4[^23] (*Kerma
ancien II*) and five other graves of archers were excavated in Sector 23
(*Kerma ancien II*).[^24] For Middle Kerma, two graves of archers
were discovered in Sector 9 and one in Sector 11 (*Kerma moyen I*), as
@ -255,7 +255,7 @@ until the end of Middle Kerma.[^27]
Let us return to the archers\' graves of the oldest sectors.[^28] Their
equipment consists of:
\- One or two bows, single or double-curved (Fig. 8). It seems to us
\- One or two bows, single or double-curved (Figure 8). It seems to us
that not too much should be made of this distinction, because the double
curvature can be achieved by deformation. It does not necessarily
suggest a composite bow, attested in Egypt later and supposedly
@ -274,7 +274,7 @@ alongside the bow. In some instances, the extent of the bow's curvature
leads one to believe that it was strung when placed in the tomb. The bow
is always placed to the north of the body, close to the hands. It is
occasionally decorated with a plume of ostrich feathers at its extremity
(Fig. 9). It has not been possible to identify the species of wood used
(Figure 9). It has not been possible to identify the species of wood used
to manufacture the bows since these had been too severely damaged by
termites.
@ -288,7 +288,7 @@ termites.
to the arrows of Naga-ed-Der in Egypt, dated to the 6th to 12th
Dynasty, i.e., a period contemporaneous with Middle Kerma.[^31] The
arrowheads are lunates made of quartz, carnelian, or sometimes flint
(Fig. 10). The few surviving examples correspond to the A3 type of
(Figure 10). The few surviving examples correspond to the A3 type of
fitting defined by Clark et al.[^32] with one lunate placed at the tip of the
arrow and the other two at the sides. The arrows would have been
inserted in a quiver, but in at least one instance they were placed
@ -306,8 +306,8 @@ are more slender, like the example in Figure 11.
**~~Figure 11. Leather quiver 72 cm long with braided leather strap attachment (Kerma moyen I, Sector 31).~~**
\- A leather archer\'s wrist-guard of a specific model that seems to be
typical of the Kerma tradition (Fig. 12). These have been found in a few
cases *in situ*, on the left wrist of the deceased (Fig. 13), they are
typical of the Kerma tradition (Figure 12). These have been found in a few
cases *in situ*, on the left wrist of the deceased (Figure 13), they are
always of the same design, with the protective part provided with two
concave sides and a pointed end. Some similar specimens are known from
Egypt in the mass grave of soldiers found at Deir el-Bahari of the 12th
@ -327,16 +327,16 @@ belongs to Nubian archers originally attached to the Kerma culture.[^34]
These observations will be the subject of more detailed descriptions in
the future, especially the numerous leather objects, which are the
subject of a recently started PhD thesis.[^35] Of all the tombs
excavated, only two adult tombs were almost (Fig. 1) or completely
intact (Fig. 13). Enriched by the observations made on the other male
excavated, only two adult tombs were almost (Figure 1) or completely
intact (Figure 13). Enriched by the observations made on the other male
tombs, it is possible to reconstruct the appearance of these archers,
who resemble quite closely the representations made by the Egyptians,
notably those on the temple of Amun at Beit El-Wali, which describe the
expedition of Rameses II in Nubia (Fig. 14). Although later than the
expedition of Rameses II in Nubia (Figure 14). Although later than the
tombs where we made our observations, the white earrings of the men
depicted in these frescoes are the same as those that first appear in
the *Kerma ancien II* phase and continue thereafter. In fact, these
earrings obtained from a Nile shell were found only in male tombs (Fig.
earrings obtained from a Nile shell were found only in male tombs (Figure
15).
![Shell earrings from male graves (Kerma ancien II, Sector 23). Their diameter is between 2 and 3 cm.](../static/images/honegger/Fig15.jpg "Shell earrings from male graves (Kerma ancien II, Sector 23). Their diameter is between 2 and 3 cm.")
@ -344,7 +344,7 @@ earrings obtained from a Nile shell were found only in male tombs (Fig.
Similarly, the men of Kerma wear a sheep-skin loincloth that still
has its wool, which can be dark brown, beige, or quite frequently
bicoloured, with alternating black and beige spots (Fig. 16).
bicoloured, with alternating black and beige spots (Figure 16).
![Sheep-skin loincloth that still has its wool (Kerma ancien I, Sector 27). The bicoloured fur is composed of black and beige spots.](../static/images/honegger/Fig16.jpg "Sheep-skin loincloth that still has its wool (Kerma ancien I, Sector 27). The bicoloured fur is composed of black and beige spots.")
**~~Figure 16. Sheep-skin loincloth that still has its wool (Kerma ancien I, Sector 27). The bicoloured fur is composed of black and beige spots.~~**
@ -358,11 +358,11 @@ Eastern Cemetery. Moreover, we cannot exclude that some archers were
naked and did not wear a loincloth, as suggested by an engraving from
Wadi Sabu at the 3rd cataract where a series of six archers
wearing a feather on their head, are rendered in a figurative style very
close to that observed at Kerma (Fig. 17);[^37] among this group, only one archer
close to that observed at Kerma (Figure 17);[^37] among this group, only one archer
is wearing a loincloth, while the others are naked. Finally, we did not
have occasion to observe the presence of a feather belonging to the
headdress of the buried, but Bonnet points out the trace of a headband
in the tomb of a mummified archer (Fig. 1) that could have served to
in the tomb of a mummified archer (Figure 1) that could have served to
attach a feather.[^38]
@ -410,7 +410,7 @@ the pit and around the tumulus. Other criteria, such as the animal and
human sacrifices -- which some prefer to call accompanying deaths --
also underline the status of the individuals insofar as their number is
proportional to the dimensions of the grave. Finally, the quantity of
Egyptian ceramics gives an idea of the intensity of exchanges (Fig.
Egyptian ceramics gives an idea of the intensity of exchanges (Figure
18).
![Competitive lavish funerals are evidenced by the increase of deposits of exotic goods in and next to the grave, ‘sacrificed people’, bucrania, and elaborate funerary pots. The proportions were calculated on the basis of 409 graves excavated between 2008 and 2018 (Honegger 2018b).](../static/images/honegger/Fig18.jpg "Competitive lavish funerals are evidenced by the increase of deposits of exotic goods in and next to the grave, ‘sacrificed people’, bucrania, and elaborate funerary pots. The proportions were calculated on the basis of 409 graves excavated between 2008 and 2018 (Honegger 2018b).")
@ -447,12 +447,12 @@ warriors in funeral rites could be a consequence of this.
From this point onwards, indications of a more marked social
stratification rapidly increase alongside a growth of imports,
human sacrifices, bucrania in front of the largest tombs, as well as
red fine ware with black rims, whose decorations multiply (Fig. 18).
red fine ware with black rims, whose decorations multiply (Figure 18).
One can imagine a competition between dominant lineages, as we have
suggested in an analysis of the significance of fine ceramics and their
decorations[^47]. This competition would have lead to the emergence of a
dominant lineage that concentrated wealth and showed it in funeral rites,
as exemplified by the first royal tombs, which appear around 2000 BC (Fig. 19).
as exemplified by the first royal tombs, which appear around 2000 BC (Figure 19).
It is from this period onwards that the necropolis will undergo a spectacular
development, much more important demographically than natural population
growth could allow. Kerma must therefore have been the centre of the
@ -589,7 +589,7 @@ between Ancient Nubia and Egypt 3700 BC - 500 AD*. Leiden: Brill, 2009.
Vogel, Carola. "Fallen Heroes?: Winlock\'s \'Slain
Soldiers\' Reconsidered." *The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology* 89
(2003): pp. 239-245.
(2003): pp. 239-45.
Walsh, Carl. "Techniques for Egyptian Eyes: Diplomacy and
the Transmission of Cosmetic Practices between Egypt and Kerma." *Journal

16
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@ -646,7 +646,7 @@ ironic comment on Donald Trump's slogan "Make America Great Again", but
it also emphasized the reliance on the powerful Sudanese ancestors
dominating in north-eastern Africa during the Kushite period. The people of ancient Nubia were captured as slaves by Egypt. Then
the power dynamics between Nubia and Egypt shifted, and Kush ruled Egypt
as pharaohs of the 25th Dynasty (about 747--656 BCE). Thus, art
as pharaohs of the 25th Dynasty (about 747-656 BCE). Thus, art
teaches history; the Sudanese cannot live in chains, and they are
capable to regain their freedom. Ben Jones, with his artworks, alludes
to modern times in world history. His graphics portray al-Bashir and his
@ -1049,7 +1049,7 @@ Anonymous. "We Are Fed up! The Power of a New Generation of Sudanese
Youth Activists." *Open Democracy*, August 31, 2012.
https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/we-are-fed-up-power-of-new-generation-of-sudanese-youth-activists/.
Anonymous. "They Were Shouting 'Kill Them.'" *Human Rights Watch*, November 17, 2019..
Anonymous. "They Were Shouting 'Kill Them.'" *Human Rights Watch*, November 17, 2019.
https://www.hrw.org/report/2019/11/18/they-were-shouting-kill-them/sudans-violent-crackdown-protesters-khartoum.
Berridge, W. J. *Civil Uprisings in Modern Sudan: The 'Khartoum Springs'
@ -1112,11 +1112,11 @@ Elhassan, Sara. "How Sudanese Art Is Fueling the Revolution."
*OkayAfrica*, February 21, 2019.
https://www.okayafrica.com/young-sudanese-art-is-fueling-the-protest-revolution/.
---------. "Sudan's revolution Isn't a Fluke; It's Tradition."
Elhassan, Sara. "Sudan's revolution Isn't a Fluke; It's Tradition."
*OkayAfrica*, June 14, 2019.
https://www.okayafrica.com/sudans-revolution-isnt-a-fluke-its-tradition/.
---------. "Inside Sudan's Viral Revolution: What You Need to Know."
Elhassan, Sara. "Inside Sudan's Viral Revolution: What You Need to Know."
*OkayAfrica*, June 21, 2019.
https://www.okayafrica.com/inside-sudans-viral-revolution-what-you-need-to-know/.
@ -1178,10 +1178,10 @@ Lamensch, Marie. "Sudan's Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with
Alaa Satir."
https://www.themantle.com/arts-and-culture/sudans-artists-revolution-1.
---------. "Sudan's Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with Assil
Lamensch, Marie. "Sudan's Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with Assil
Diab."
---------. "Sudan's Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with Mounir
Lamensch, Marie. "Sudan's Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with Mounir
Khalil."
https://www.themantle.com/arts-and-culture/sudans-artists-revolution-2.
@ -1384,7 +1384,7 @@ https://roape.net/2019/09/05/the-revolution-has-emerged-sudans-acute-contradicti
[^39]: For more information see: Global Gender Gap Report.
[^40]: SIHA, "Criminalisation of women in Sudan. A need for
Fundamental Reform," pp. 8-13, 41-43.
Fundamental Reform," pp. 8-13 and pp. 41-3.
[^41]: Salih and Wilson, "Sudanese Women Take Lead in Protests Against
Bashir."
@ -1473,7 +1473,7 @@ https://roape.net/2019/09/05/the-revolution-has-emerged-sudans-acute-contradicti
[^77]: https://twitter.com/Merg_Salih/status/1401508418708545540
[^78]: Casciarri and Manfredi, "Freedom, Peace and Justice," pp. 15-17*.
[^78]: Casciarri and Manfredi, "Freedom, Peace and Justice," pp. 15-7.
[^79]: Deshayes, Etienne, and Medani, "Reflection."

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[^20]: Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage Centre in
Nubia. The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper Church at
Banganarti*, pp. 383-85 (inscription nr. 578). The citation is from
Banganarti*, pp. 383-5 (inscription nr. 578). The citation is from
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[^21]: Idem, p. 562-3 and inscription 964.
@ -845,7 +845,7 @@ Vogel, pp. 113-43. Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institut 2013.
Antoine," p. 160 and ill. IV.
[^30]: Esbroeck, "Mercurius of Caesarea, Saint," pp.
1593b-1594a.
1593b-4a.
[^31]: See Frend, "The Cult of Military Saints in
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@ -898,7 +898,7 @@ Vogel, pp. 113-43. Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institut 2013.
[^44]: It should be noted that two more terms may be linked with ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ
for "shield": the first is ⲅⲟⲩϣ (or ⲅⲟⲩⲥ), perhaps from ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ for
"shield" and ϣⲁ for "spear", but [Osman, "The
"shield" and ϣⲁ for "spear", but Osman, "The
Post-Medieval Kingdom of Kokka: A Means for a Better Understanding
of the Administration of the Medieval Kingdom of Dongola," p. 191
proposes an alternative explanation of the word, albeit still
@ -909,27 +909,27 @@ Vogel, pp. 113-43. Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institut 2013.
argyraspides, chalcaspides."
[^46]: Maspero, *Organisation militaire de l'Égypte
byzantine*, pp. 66-68.
byzantine*, pp. 66-8.
[^47]: For an up-to-date discussion of the issue, see
Simmons, *Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusading World,
1095-1402*.
[^48]: Ostrogorsky, "Observations on the Aristocracy in
Byzantium," pp. 13-14
Byzantium," pp. 13-4
[^49]: Koukounas, *Georgios Phrantzes, Chronicon*.
[^50]: Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p.
[^50]: Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, pp.
369-70.
[^51]: Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p.
329; Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque
médiévale*, p. 93-112.
médiévale*, pp. 93-112.
[^52]: Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p.
639; Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque
médiévale*, p. 53-91.
médiévale*, pp. 53-91.
[^53]: Łajtar, "On the Name of the Capital of the Nubian
Kingdom of Makuria."
@ -941,8 +941,8 @@ Vogel, pp. 113-43. Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institut 2013.
"Representations of the Archangel Michael in Wall Paintings from
Christian Nubia," pp. 85-6.
[^56]: See Hafsaas and Tsakos, "Michael and other archangels behind an eight-pointed cross-symbol from Medieval Nubia: A view from Sai Island in northern Sudan"; Tsakos, "Sources about the cult and persona of the
archangel Michael in Nubia."
[^56]: See Hafsaas and Tsakos, "Michael and Other Archangels behind an Eight-Pointed Cross-Symbol from Medieval Nubia: A View from Sai Island in Northern Sudan"; Tsakos, "Sources about the Cult and Persona of the
Archangel Michael in Nubia."
[^57]: For the use of the title archistratēgos for the archangel
Raphael, see Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage
@ -973,8 +973,8 @@ Vogel, pp. 113-43. Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institut 2013.
419-22.
[^64]: For a discussion framed as background for an analysis of the
title "Eparch of Nobadia," see Hendrickx, "The "Lord
of the Mountain". A Study of the Nubian *eparchos of Nobadia*."
title "Eparch of Nobadia," see Hendrickx, "The 'Lord
of the Mountain'. A Study of the Nubian *eparchos of Nobadia*."
[^65]: Mason, *Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A
Lexicon and Analysis*, pp. 138-40.

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@ -328,9 +328,9 @@ representations were later damaged in the genital area. There are two
groups and in between them there are cattle. The groups are flanked with
men who lead them forward.
![Relief blocks from the north wall of M250](../static/images/matic/fig1.jpg "Relief blocks from the north wall of M250")
![Relief blocks from the north wall of M250 (redrawn after Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*: 140-141, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42).](../static/images/matic/fig1.jpg "Relief blocks from the north wall of M250 (redrawn after Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*: 140-141, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42).")
**~~Figure 1. Relief blocks from the north wall of M250 in the sequence east-west (redrawn after Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*: 140--141, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42).~~**
**~~Figure 1. Relief blocks from the north wall of M250 in the sequence east-west (redrawn after Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*: 140-141, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42).~~**
The blocks of the southern wall, with representations of women and children, are not
@ -719,7 +719,7 @@ FHN I-IV
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[^1]: For criticism of androcentrism, see Conkey &
Spector, "Archaeology and the Study of Gender," pp. 5--14;
Spector, "Archaeology and the Study of Gender," pp. 5-14;
for criticism of heteronormative interpretations of the past, see
Dowson, "Why Queer Archaeology? An Introduction,"
pp. 161--165; for giving voices to ancient women and recognizing
pp. 161-65; for giving voices to ancient women and recognizing
different genders behind the archaeological record, see
Gilchrist, *Gender and Archaeology*;
Sørensen, *Gender Archaeology*;
Díaz-Andreu, "Gender identity," pp. 1--42; for viewing
Díaz-Andreu, "Gender identity," pp. 1-42; for viewing
gender as a system, see Conkey & Spector, "Archaeology
and the Study of Gender," pp. 4--16; for gender as a result of
and the Study of Gender," pp. 4-16; for gender as a result of
performative practice, see Perry & Joyce, "Providing
a Past for Bodies that Matter: Judith Butler\'s Impact on the
Archaeology of Gender." The literature in gender archaeology is vast
@ -1131,16 +1131,16 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^3]: Lohwasser, *Die königlichen Frauen*;
Lohwasser, "Queenship in Kush: Status, Role and
Ideology of Royal Women," pp. 61--76; Lohwasser. "The Role
and Status of Royal Women in Kush," pp. 61--72.
Ideology of Royal Women," pp. 61-76; Lohwasser. "The Role
and Status of Royal Women in Kush," pp. 61-72.
[^4]: Lohwasser, "Gibt es mehr als zwei Geschlechter? Zum
Verhältnis von Gender und Alter," pp. 33--41.
Verhältnis von Gender und Alter," pp. 33-41.
[^5]: Phillips, "Women in Ancient Nubia," pp. 280--98. The
[^5]: Phillips, "Women in Ancient Nubia," pp. 280-98. The
necessity of studying gender, rather than focusing solely on women
has also been emphasized recently, Lohwasser and
Philipps, "Women in Ancient Kush," pp. 1015--32.
Philipps, "Women in Ancient Kush," pp. 1015-32.
[^6]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Edges of Bronze and Expressions of
Masculinity"; Karlsson, "Gender and Kushite State
@ -1157,34 +1157,34 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
Thedéen, *To Tender Gender*.
[^9]: Jensen and Matić, "Introduction: Why do
we need archaeologies of gender and violence, and why now?," pp. 1--23.
we need archaeologies of gender and violence, and why now?," pp. 1-23.
[^10]: Bourdieu, *Masculine Domination*, pp. 1--2; Bourdieu,
"Symbolic Violence," pp. 339--42; Žižek, *Violence. Six
Sideways Reflections*, pp. 1--2; for the application of these concepts
[^10]: Bourdieu, *Masculine Domination*, pp. 1-2; Bourdieu,
"Symbolic Violence," pp. 339-42; Žižek, *Violence. Six
Sideways Reflections*, pp. 1-2; for the application of these concepts
in archaeology and Egyptology, see Jensen and
Matić, "Introduction: Why do We Need Archaeologies of
Gender and Violence, and Why Now?," pp. 1--23; Matić,
Gender and Violence, and Why Now?," pp. 1-23; Matić,
"Traditionally Unharmed? Women and Children in NK Battle Scenes,"
pp. 245--60; Matić, *Body and Frames of War*, pp. 139--48;
pp. 245-60; Matić, *Body and Frames of War*, pp. 139-48;
Matić, *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
[^11]: For example, see Kuhrt, "Women and War," pp. 1--25.
[^11]: For example, see Kuhrt, "Women and War," pp. 1-25.
[^12]: Matić, "Die \'\'römische\'\' Feinde in der
meroitischen Kunst," pp. 251--62; Spalinger, *The
meroitischen Kunst," pp. 251-62; Spalinger, *The
Persistence of Memory in Kush*; Spalinger, *Leadership
under Fire*, pp. 201--42; Wöß, "The Representations of
Captives and Enemies in Meroitic Art," pp. 585--600.
under Fire*, pp. 201-42; Wöß, "The Representations of
Captives and Enemies in Meroitic Art," pp. 585-600.
[^13]: Matić, "Her Striking but Cold Beauty: Gender and
Violence in Depictions of Queen Nefertiti Smiting the Enemies,"
pp. 103--21; Matić, "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and
Children in NK Battle Scenes," pp. 245--60; Matić, *Body
and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, pp. 139--48; Matić, *Violence
pp. 103-21; Matić, "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and
Children in NK Battle Scenes," pp. 245-60; Matić, *Body
and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, pp. 139-48; Matić, *Violence
and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
[^14]: Butler, *Frames of War*, pp. 1--10.
[^14]: Butler, *Frames of War*, pp. 1-10.
[^15]: Butler, *Frames of War*, p. 26.
@ -1197,9 +1197,9 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
Theory and Antiracist Politics."
[^19]: Matić, "The Best of the Booty of His Majesty:
Evidence for Foreign Child Labor in New Kingdom Egypt," pp. 53--63;
Evidence for Foreign Child Labor in New Kingdom Egypt," pp. 53-63;
Matić, "Begehrte Beute. Fremde Frauen als Raubgut im
Alten Ägypten," pp. 15--8.
Alten Ägypten," pp. 15-8.
[^20]: The author is currently working on a comprehensive study of the
ancient Egyptian and Nubian lists of spoils of war from the Egyptian
@ -1211,7 +1211,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^22]: Macadam. *The Temples of Kawa I*. *Text*, p. 36;
Macadam, *The Temples of Kawa I.* *Plates*, Pls.
11--12; FHN I, pp. 172--73.
11-12; FHN I, pp. 172-73.
[^23]: Redford, "Taharqa in Western Asia and Libya," p. 190.
The stela actually does not bear the name of Taharqa and Jean Revez
@ -1227,7 +1227,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^26]: For appointing prisoners of war to temples and temple workshops
in New Kingdom Egypt, see Matić, "The Best of the
Booty of His Majesty: Evidence for Foreign Child Labor in New
Kingdom Egypt," pp. 53--63.
Kingdom Egypt," pp. 53-63.
[^27]: FHN II, p. 447.
@ -1245,7 +1245,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^33]: FHN II, p. 489.
[^34]: FHN II; pp. 489--90.
[^34]: FHN II, pp. 489-90.
[^35]: FHN II, p. 490.
@ -1255,7 +1255,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
Memory," p. 161; For the same practice in ancient Egypt, at least until
the New Kingdom, see Matić, "The Best of the Booty of
His Majesty: Evidence for Foreign Child Labor in New Kingdom Egypt,"
pp. 53--63.
pp. 53-63.
[^38]: FHN II, pp. 722-3; The connection to the conflict with Rome has
been challenged since, Zach, "A Remark on the
@ -1272,7 +1272,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^41]: Török, *Meroe City*, p. 104.
[^42]: Török, *The Kingdom of Kush*, p. 401;
Török, *The Image of the Ordered World*, pp. 219--20.
Török, *The Image of the Ordered World*, pp. 219-20.
[^43]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, p. 262.
@ -1294,10 +1294,10 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
on the Military in Egypt during the XXVth Dynasty," p. 48, Figs. 3 and
4.
[^46]: Wenig, *Africa in Antiquity*, pp. 59--60.
[^46]: Wenig, *Africa in Antiquity*, pp. 59-60.
[^47]: Hofmann, "Notizen zu den Kampfszenen am sogenannten
Sonnentempel von Meroe," pp. 519--21.
Sonnentempel von Meroe," pp. 519-21.
[^48]: Chapman and Dunham, *Decorated Chapels of the
Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 17.
@ -1316,15 +1316,15 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
VIII*, p. 139.
[^53]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*,
pp. 189--90.
pp. 189-90.
[^54]: Minas-Nerpel and Pfeiffer,
"Establishing Roman Rule in Egypt: The Trilingual Stela of C.
Cornelius Gallus from Philae," pp. 285--8.
Cornelius Gallus from Philae," pp. 285-8.
[^55]: Kormysheva, "Political Relations between the Roman
Empire," p. 306; Török, *Between the Two Worlds*,
pp. 434--6.
pp. 434-6.
[^56]: Jameson, "Chronology of the Campaigns of Aelius
Gallus and C. Petronius," p. 77; Török, *Between the Two
@ -1340,7 +1340,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^60]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, p. 139.
[^61]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*,
pp. 140--1, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42; p. 257, Abb. 95.
pp. 140-1, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42; p. 257, Abb. 95.
[^62]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, p. 140,
Abb. 38; p. 257, Abb. 95.
@ -1352,7 +1352,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^65]: For example, in tribute scenes from the tombs of Useramun-TT 131,
Rekhmire-TT 100, Horemhab-TT 78 but also the Beit el-Wali temple of
Ramesses II, Matić, "Children on the Move: *ms.w wr.w*
in the New Kingdom Procession Scenes." pp. 378--9, Fig. 12.
in the New Kingdom Procession Scenes." pp. 378-9, Fig. 12.
[^66]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, p. 189.
@ -1360,7 +1360,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
VIII*, p. 139.
[^68]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*,
pp. 138--9, Abb. 37b.
pp. 138-9, Abb. 37b.
[^69]: Török, *The Image of the Ordered World,* p. 220;
Breyer, *Einführung in die Meroitistik*, p. 67.
@ -1376,13 +1376,13 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
Kunst," p. 258.
[^73]: Matić, "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and Children
in NK Battle Scenes," pp. 245--60; Matić, *Body and
Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, pp. 139--48.
in NK Battle Scenes," pp. 245-60; Matić, *Body and
Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, pp. 139-48.
[^74]: Strathern, *Before and After Gender*, p. 21.
[^75]: Parkinson, "Homosexual' Desire and Middle Kingdom Literature";
Matić, *Body and Frames of War*, pp. 139--48;
Matić, *Body and Frames of War*, pp. 139-48;
Matić, *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
[^76]: Grimal, *La Stèle Triomphale,* p. 177; FHN I, p. 111.
@ -1427,7 +1427,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
in Ancient Kush," p. 1021.
[^94]: McCoskey, "Gender at the Crossroads of Empire".
pp. 61--8.
pp. 61-8.
[^95]: Wilkins, Barnard, and
Rose, "Roman Artillery Balls from Qasr Ibrim, Egypt,"
@ -1443,16 +1443,16 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
images, and that the status of queens smiting enemies is lower than
the status of the king smiting male enemies, Matić,
"Her Striking but Cold Beauty: Gender and Violence in Depictions of
Queen Nefertiti Smiting the Enemies," pp. 103--21.
Queen Nefertiti Smiting the Enemies," pp. 103-21.
[^98]: Matić, "Her Striking but Cold Beauty: Gender and
Violence in Depictions of Queen Nefertiti Smiting the Enemies,"
pp. 103--21; Matić, "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and
Children in NK Battle Scenes," pp. 245--60; Matić, *Body
and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, pp. 139--48.
pp. 103-21; Matić, "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and
Children in NK Battle Scenes," pp. 245-60; Matić, *Body
and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, pp. 139-48.
[^99]: Williamson, "Alone before the God: Gender, Status,
and Nefertiti's Image," pp. 179--92.
and Nefertiti's Image," pp. 179-92.
[^100]: Matić, *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
@ -1477,7 +1477,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^108]: Matić, "Her Striking but Cold Beauty: Gender and
Violence in Depictions of Queen Nefertiti Smiting the Enemies,"
pp. 116--7.
pp. 116-7.
[^109]: For exceptionality and the possible divinization of Amanirenas
(1st century CE), see Zach, "A Remark on the 'Akinidad'
@ -1497,4 +1497,4 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^113]: For the military activities of Ahhotep and Hatshepsut see,
Matić, *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*;
Taterka, "Military expeditions of King Hatshepsut,"
pp. 90--106.
pp. 90-106.