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---
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title: "Introduction"
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authors: ["annaboozer.md"]
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keywords: ["homescape", "home", "homeland", "household", "homelife", "diaspora", "displacement", "tahgeer" ,"Nubia", "Nubian", "Aswan High Dam Campaign", "war", "genocide", "resettlement", "Kom Ombo", "stereotype", "longue durée"]
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---
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# Introduction
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This volume goes to press as a war once again threatens homelife in
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Sudan. This conflict, which began in April 2023, has created the largest
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internally displaced population in the world -- well over one million at
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this stage, although firm numbers are difficult to come by. In addition
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to displacement, some communities, such as Darfur, face genocide. And
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yet this conflict has escaped international attention and outrage. This
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war is not remote to the individuals who contributed to this volume,
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some of whom were themselves displaced by warfare. Others search for
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information to support friends and colleagues who remain in Sudan. And
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still others give us optimism while they work with diaspora communities
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to heal the trauma of war, displacement, and genocide. Themes of
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homescape and displacement weave through these contemporary experiences,
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demonstrating the continued relevance of these topics today.
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This volume takes a long-term perspective on Nubian houses and
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households to explore the distinctive material, visual, and
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phenomenological worlds of Nubian homescapes. Nubia extends from the
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area around Aswan in Egypt to the contemporary town of Debba in Sudan, a
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region that roughly corresponds to the area between the first and fourth
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cataracts along the Nile. Nubians have existed as a distinct
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ethno-linguistic group since ancient times.[^1]
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Contributors to this volume of *Dotawo* explore homelife during periods
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when there were changes in the political and social organization in
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Nubia. By exploring a range of case studies that include objects,
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bodies, households, floral remains, workspaces, houses, and art we aim
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to understand how ordinary people made and continue to make their homes
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and livelihoods during periods of systemic change. In the process, we
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consider how these same sources reveal the power of everyday activities
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to transform broad social organizations from the bottom up. We also
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explore how some ancient social practices in Nubia might live on and
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continue to structure life in the present.
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Many of our contributors have explored homescapes creatively, remaining
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attentive to the multisensory, embodied, and intersectional ways that
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people experienced the home. We have encouraged these creative
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approaches because they capture the essence of homescapes better than
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academic prose alone. For this reason, this volume of *Dotawo* includes
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photographic essays, artwork, and fiction in addition to sociological,
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anthropological, archaeological, and linguistic approaches to the topic.
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This introduction situates the themes that structure this volume --
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homescapes, resettlement, and the *longue durée*. A brief history of the
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Nubian diaspora provides insights into this step change in Nubian
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lifeways and suggests comparisons for how contemporary displaced
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communities can move forward. And, finally, I introduce the twelve
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contributions to this volume, which range from ancient to contemporary
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Nubian society and span a range of disciplines -- archaeology, art,
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sociology, history, linguistics, and cultural anthropology among them.
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# Homescapes
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People often define *home* as a place where one lives permanently,
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usually as a member of a family or household. But home is more than a
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physical place and the people contained within it. Home is also where
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people tend to feel most at ease because they are familiar with the
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sounds, smells, and patterns of life within and beyond house walls.
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Meanwhile, *homescapes* may be defined as the physical or symbolic
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landscapes of one's home or homeland. In this way, a homescape may be as
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palpable as a house and its surrounding environs. Or it might be more
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ethereal. For example, an individual's accent might evoke feelings of
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home and inclusion to a native speaker who hears them speak, as Asmaa
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Taha describes in her contribution to this volume.
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Tim Ingold invented the term *taskscape* as a play on the word
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*landscape*. In his words, "just as a landscape is an array of features,
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so -- by analogy -- is the taskscape an array of related
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activities.[^2]" We define our own term *homescape* in a similar manner
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-- as an array of features related to the home. A homescape, then, is a
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socially constructed space of human activity, understood as having
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spatial, conceptual, or emotional boundaries and delimitations. Of key
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importance to Ingold's definition of taskscape was that it be understood
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as perpetually in process rather than in a static or immutable state.
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We, too, consider the malleability of homescape to be a key component of
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its definition. Concepts of homescape thus contain a dichotomy within
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them -- they rely on both deep histories of connection as well as fluid
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processes of formation and reformation. People actively make their
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homescapes as they go about their everyday lives. They forge a home from
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the land, imbuing it with memory, meaning, and significance.[^3] This
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agency within everyday life, even amid circumstances of forced movement,
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is at the forefront of many contributions to this volume.
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Diasporas, whether voluntary or enforced, rupture concepts of *home* and
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*homescape.* The dispersion of a people from their original homeland
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creates scattered communities that combine their homeland with their new
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place of residence. These amalgamations between homeland and new home
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are complicated by the circumstances surrounding the relocation.
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People who have been forced to leave their homeland due to war,
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persecution, or natural disaster cannot make a new home so easily.
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Displaced people, and especially those who are displaced within the
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borders of their own country (known as Internally Displaced Persons or
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IDPs), are among the most vulnerable people in the world. They are often
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trapped in a protracted temporary housing status for years or even
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decades. Although they remain within the borders of their nation state,
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they rarely receive the assistance they require to make a new, stable
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home. Instead, many continue to flee from one place to another in a
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quest for adequate shelter, water, food, and medical care. This
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situation is the case for displaced persons who remain in Sudan at the
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moment this volume goes to press.
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Displaced persons are usually severed from their original vocations,
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communities, and even families. In such precarious conditions, such
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individuals are left to forge new identities with each new residence --
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each locale they encounter offers them new opportunities to pursue while
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closing out others. The hope that Khalid Shatta offers with his artwork,
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outreach activities, and long-term perspectives, helps assuage some of
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the hopelessness that may arise when considering these circumstances.
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His painting "Boozer/Shatta Figure 14" depicts a crowd of people who
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have fled the war in Sudan for Cairo. Their minds appear to be
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preoccupied with their homes and the war they have left behind. This
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disembodied rumination on homescape captures the essence of forced
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resettlement and diaspora more succinctly than any words I can put down
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here.
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Even those who move home under less violent circumstances have to cope
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with ruptures of making a new home in a different physical space as
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Amany Sadiq, Maher Habbob, Menna Agha, and Armgard Goo-Grauer describe
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in their articles. It also involves confronting linguistic differences
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and even offensive stereotypes, as Asmaa Taha describes. There is hope
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as well as struggle when finding a new place in the world, as Khalid
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Shatta described during the course of our interview. Although far from
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home, Shatta explained how feelings of home have never evaporated for
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him. Instead, visions of homescape endure and adapt, allowing
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individuals to forge new senses of self and home as they remake their
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lives.
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# Nubian Homelife and the Nubian Diaspora
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Concepts of home, homelife, and homescape have been present since
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ancient times, as Hamad Hamdeen, Kate Fulcher, Sarah Shrader, and Elsa
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Yvanez demonstrate in their contributions to this volume. It is
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challenging to identity emotional and conceptual relations to home in
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the material residues of past lives. These contributors tackled this
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challenge by using a wide range of methodological and theoretical
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vantages.
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Meanwhile, the Nubian diaspora has complicated easy encapsulations of
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early modern and contemporary Nubian homescapes. The Nubian diaspora is
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itself complex. While many Nubians were involuntarily displaced from
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their homes, others dispersed of their own volition in pursuit of
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opportunities beyond their homeland. This is certainly true of the
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Nubians of southern Egypt. Many Egyptian Nubian men had sought
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employment outside of Nubia for centuries, returning to their homeland
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only periodically. In her photo essay, Anne Jennings discusses this
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traditional Egyptian Nubian economy prior to the erection of the first
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dam along the Nile in 1903 as well as the impact of this and other
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modifications over the years. The raising of the High Dam in the 1960s
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led to significant changes in Nubian homescapes. That construction
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completely flooded the area between the First and Second Cataracts, and
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forced approximately 50,000 Nubians to resettle in the thirty-three
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villages built to accommodate them near the town of Kom Ombo. Several
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villages near the town of Aswan were not in danger of inundation and so
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the villagers were not removed.
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The new villages near Kom Ombo were a shock and a disappointment to
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those who resettled there. Nevertheless, they did their best to recreate
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their old environment, homes, and lifeways. Some traditions survived,
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while others shifted, as Menna Agha, Argard Goo-Grauer, Maher Habbob,
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and Amany Sadeq describe in their contributions to the volume. Anne M.
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Jennings reminds us that significant changes took place even among those
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who were able to remain in their villages near Awan. Homescapes are
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always in a state of flux, even though they are deeply entangled with
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endurance and memory.
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Many Nubians, both male and female, are now living internationally, in
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countries such as the United States (especially in New York and
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Virginia), England (especially in London), France, (especially in
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Paris), Switzerland, and Germany, as well as in Egypt (namely, in Cairo
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and Alexandria in addition to the Kom Ombo region).[^4] Some of these
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communities struggle against racism and pressures to conform to local
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cultures at the cost of preserving their own lifeways. Others have
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identified new opportunities and advantages unavailable to them in their
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homeland. Past homescapes continue to haunt how individuals perceive and
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act in their new settings.
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# Contributions
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The contributors to this volume approach homescapes from broad temporal,
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geographic, and disciplinary standpoints. Despite these differences,
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common themes arose among the contributions, such as the value of the
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surrounding landscape in creating homescapes (e.g. Sadeq, Tsakos,
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Fulcher, Hamad) and the need to describe and interact with the home
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creatively in the form of words or images (Fulcher, Shatta, Jennings,
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Goo-Grauer). Given the rich connections between them, these papers could
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be grouped in any number of ways. Here, however, I decided to focus on
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themes of craftwork, displacement, and the *longue durée* since they
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repeated in so many of the contributions.
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## Craftwork and labor
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Many contributors explored craftwork and labor, demonstrating how work
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helps to define and make a homescape. Hamad Hamdeen delved into the
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plant remains found in the mudbricks used to construct Christian sites
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in Nubia. Brickmakers added these plant remains and other debris --
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collectively known as chaff -- to mudbricks to increase their strength
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and durability. These plant remains are small, sometimes invisible to
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the naked eye. And yet they contain within them a wealth of information
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about the materials people used in and around the home. These remains
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shed light on pharmacy, food and drink consumption, home construction,
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and fodder among other aspects of everyday life. Hamdeen makes a strong
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argument for making mudbrick analysis a mainstay of archaeological
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research through his careful analysis of four significant Christian
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sites in the Mahas region of Sudan.
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While bioarchaeology has been a mainstay of archaeological research
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since its inception, Sarah Schrader takes a unique vantage on human
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remains. Using bioarchaeological methods, Schrader demonstrates the
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frequency with which individuals assumed a squatting position. People
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squatted while working -- cooking, cleaning, taking care of children --
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as well as when they drank tea or chatted with a neighbor. In other
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words, ancient Nubians spent a lot of time in a squatting position.
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Schrader's approach offers us a peak into the everyday postures people
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assumed in and around their homes in antiquity.
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Elsa Yvanez delves into the world of work in her exploration of textile
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activities in Sudan during the Meroitic Period (*ca.* 300 BCE -- 400
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CE), a time when Meroë served as the capital of the Kingdom of Kush. She
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draws together the surviving material signatures of weaving -- spindle
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whorls, and loom weights most particularly -- to understand where and
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how people incorporated textile work into village and city life during
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the Meroitic Period. Her analysis reveals that this craftwork took place
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in domestic spaces as well as more formalized multi-use industrial
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areas. She found that textile production was ubiquitous, taking place
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in, around, and outside of the home. This result underscores the
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centrality of textiles to the social, economic and work lives of people
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living in Meroitic Nubia.
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Finally, Kate Fulcher explores painting materials used in ancient and
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contemporary Nubia as a way of accessing the complex entanglements of
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everyday life. She explains how people see the landscapes around them as
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palettes for decorating their homes. She found ancient evidence of color
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harvesting in the form of raw pigment lumps, the paintings themselves,
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and the residue found on grinding stones. Fulcher's ethnoarchaeological
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research compliments this material evidence since informants provide
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insights into the decisions and practices linked to acquiring and using
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pigment to decorate their homes. Fulcher gathers together this suite of
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evidence into a fictional narrative aimed at making past lives palpable
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and accessible.
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## Resettlement
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Feelings of displacement, due to architectural, social, and linguistic
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differences pulse throughout the contributions that describe Nubian
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resettlement in the wake of the Aswan High Dam construction. Although
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there had been dams and diasporas before the final raising of the dam,
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this last raising served as a key turning point for Nubian
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homescapes.[^5]
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Menna Agha explores the deep disappointment many Nubian settlers felt
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when they beheld the unfamiliar houses offered to them in what they
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called "*Al* *Tahgeer,*" the "place of displacement". The Egyptian State
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refers to *Al Tahgeer* as "New Nubia," a considerably more optimistic
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term that evades common Nubian sentiment. Evasion can be found
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throughout the resettlement process, as Agha describes in her essay. The
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Egyptian state prized optimization and productivity in their house
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designs rather than understanding the home as the fulcrum of everyday
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Nubian life. They left the views of Nubian women, who were deeply
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involved in placemaking, completely out of their planning. Agha shows us
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how villagers refashioned these prefabricated domestic spaces in a
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"Nubian way" once they took over the barren houses offered to them.
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Maher Habbob delves into a comparison of architectural and landscape
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features before and after the resettlement. He does so by looking
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closely at the legal, economic, social, and architectural upheavals that
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took place at the village of Tūmās wa 'Afya during the various
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constructions of the Low Dam and High Dam at Aswan. The resettlement of
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this village resulted in a radically different environment and alien
|
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houses -- neither of which accounted for traditional Nubian social
|
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understandings of homescapes. It was left to the villagers to remodel
|
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their new houses to make them into homes.
|
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|
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Amany Abdelsadeq Sayed Hussein explores how the people of Abu Hor, a
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Kenuz Nubian village, remade their homes and homeland in the aftermath
|
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of their displacement in December 1964. In doing so, she also examines
|
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her grandfather's house. Sadeq's interest in her family's experience of
|
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resettlement and making a home resonates with her theoretical framework
|
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about senses of home. Her work underscores the importance of the social
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and emotional components of homescapes as well as the materiality of place
|
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and landscape.
|
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Although these individuals creatively remodeled domestic space to better
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suit traditional Nubian ways of dwelling in their new homes, some
|
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traditions inevitably fell by the wayside. Armgard Goo-Grauer's
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photographic essay of bridal rooms explores one of these traditional
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practices that was lost with the resettlement. Bridal rooms had served
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as a form of female self-expression at a critical time in a Nubian
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woman's life course. Women carefully selected, created, and combined
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objects and images in a single room as a hypnotic symbol of their new
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roles as wives in a household. Considerable emotional and creative labor
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went into the creation of these rooms and yet the practice ended
|
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abruptly with the resettlement of Nubians into pre-fabricated houses.
|
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These houses had no space for such rooms and Goo-Grauer describes how
|
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female decorative ambitions refocused onto furnishings more commonplace
|
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across Egypt more broadly.
|
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Meanwhile, the photographic essay by Anne M. Jennings reminds us that
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not all Egyptian Nubians were resettled. Jennings shows us the houses
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Nubians still occupy in the villages around Aswan. Although these houses
|
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have deeper roots in the Nubian community, they too have been
|
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refashioned over the years to accommodate the changing needs and desires
|
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of their occupants. For example, in the five years between her 1981 and
|
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1986 visits to Gubba, Jennings witnessed the transition from traditional
|
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materials such as mud brick and mud plaster, to stone and tin. This
|
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change, while less comfortable, allowed families to add a second storey
|
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to their house, which is itself another departure from traditional
|
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Nubian house design. By 2007, these Gubba houses had acquired tile
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floors, air conditioning, glass windows, and modern appliances in
|
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kitchens and bathrooms. These homes offer a powerful account of
|
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incremental change driven by individuals in contrast to the ruptures
|
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experienced by the uprooted Nubian communities described by other
|
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contributors in this volume.
|
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|
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Finally, Asmaa Taha's article examines how Egyptians characterize
|
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Nubians by the way they speak Arabic, their mannerisms, their dress, and
|
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other visual signifiers. Egyptian media, particularly in the form of
|
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accessible soap operas and songs, fuel negative stereotypes of Nubians.
|
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Taha spoke with Native Nobiin speakers to understand their perception of
|
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these visual and linguistic stereotypes. Her informants offered a
|
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diversity of views on these stereotypes -- age and gender seemed to have
|
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critical influences on how they understood these representations.
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## Longue durée
|
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|
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In his review of Derek Welsby's edited volume, *Archaeology by the
|
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Fourth Nile Cataract*, Alexandros Tsakos takes up two themes that pulse
|
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through many of the contributions to this volume -- the *longue durée*
|
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of Nubian homescapes and the loss of homelands. Archaeological work in
|
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the region of the Fourth Cataract, like much of Nubia, came into being
|
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as a salvage expedition. Such expeditions have advantages and
|
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disadvantages -- they take an enviably wide-ranging cultural and
|
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disciplinary scope, but are painfully limited by time and resources.
|
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Tsakos describes how these limits are noticeable in both the research
|
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conducted and in the eventual volume. Tsakos dwells in particular on the
|
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homescapes of the Manasir, which were documented before their ancestral
|
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lands were flooded. He makes a strong argument for careful documentation
|
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and sensitive publication given the ruptures created by this
|
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indescribable loss.
|
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|
||||
In my interview with Khalid Shatta, he often took a long-term
|
||||
perspective on Sudan, on his artwork, and on himself. He mused on the
|
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enduring issues in Sudan that create repeated patterns of loss and
|
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resilience over the course of thousands of years. Shatta's reflection on
|
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his own life as a Sudanese expatriate illustrates the emotional
|
||||
complexity of homescapes and diaspora. His present home allows his mind
|
||||
and body the freedom to produce art in a way that was not possible for
|
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him in Sudan. Meanwhile, Sudan remains deeply embedded in his artwork --
|
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individuals from his hometown, emotions about the current war, and
|
||||
symbols of both ancient and contemporary life appear and reappear
|
||||
throughout his works. While his art does not avoid undercurrents of
|
||||
violence, unrest, or displacement, it is also beautiful, haunting, and
|
||||
even comforting. Here, Shatta shows us how one might harmonize between
|
||||
the before and after of the homescapes that have been ruptured by war,
|
||||
resettlement, and everyday change.
|
||||
|
||||
# A Home for *Nubian Homescapes*
|
||||
|
||||
When approaching a topic like Nubian homescapes, it is necessary to tear
|
||||
down the walls between disciplines and genres. The complex emotional and
|
||||
material terrain of homescapes requires art, photographic essays,
|
||||
fiction, and a suite of academic approaches to navigate it. *Dotawo: A
|
||||
Journal of Nubian Studies* is an appropriate home for these intertwining
|
||||
perspectives. *Dotawo* has been open access since its launch in 2014. It
|
||||
welcomes contributions from a diverse range of disciplines, languages,
|
||||
and genres. I cannot imagine publishing a volume such as this one
|
||||
anywhere else, both because I firmly believe that accessibility is an
|
||||
ethical issue and because most journals remained siloed by discipline
|
||||
and genre. I am grateful to *Dotawo* for making this volume possible, to
|
||||
the contributors for pursuing unique vantages on Nubian homescapes, and
|
||||
to the people of Sudan who are on our minds and in our hearts now more
|
||||
than ever.
|
||||
|
||||
# References
|
||||
|
||||
Ingold, Tim. \"The Temporality of the Landscape.\" *Conceptions of Time
|
||||
and Ancient Society/World Archaeology* 25, no. 2 (1993): 152--74.
|
||||
|
||||
Janmyr, Maja. \"The Nubians of Egypt: A Displaced Population.\" In *An
|
||||
Atlas of Contemporary Egypt*, edited by Hala Bayoumi and Karine Benafla,
|
||||
96--7. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2023.
|
||||
|
||||
Yao, Alice. \"The Great Wall as Destination? Archaeology of Migration
|
||||
and Settlers under the Han Empire.\" In *Archaeologies of Empire: Local
|
||||
Participants and Imperial Trajectories*, edited by Anna Lucille Boozer,
|
||||
B.S. Düring, and Bradley J Parker, 57--88. Albuquerque, NM: SAR & UNM
|
||||
Press, 2020.
|
||||
|
||||
Youssef, Maaï, and Mayada Madbouly. \"Displaced People and Migrants in
|
||||
Cairo.\" In *An Atlas of Contemporary Egypt*, edited by Hala Bayoumi and
|
||||
Karine Benafla, 32--3. Paris: CNRS Editions, 2023.
|
||||
|
||||
[^1]: For a basic geographic and temporal introduction to Nubia, see
|
||||
Janmyr, \"The Nubians of Egypt: a displaced population.\"
|
||||
|
||||
[^2]: Ingold, \"The Temporality of the Landscape.\"
|
||||
|
||||
[^3]: Alice Yao described this process for the people who were relocated
|
||||
to live along the Great Wall in Han China. See Yao, \"The
|
||||
Great Wall as Destination? Archaeology of Migration and Settlers
|
||||
under the Han Empire.\"
|
||||
|
||||
[^4]: For an overview of the four main waves of Nubian settlement in
|
||||
Cairo from 1902 until 1964, see Youssef and Madbouly,
|
||||
\"Displaced People and Migrants in Cairo.\".
|
||||
|
||||
[^5]: The High Dam (*as-Sad al-\'Aali*) was completed in 1970. The
|
||||
reservoir reached its full capacity six years later.
|
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