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title: "Gender as Frame of War in Ancient Nubia"
authors: ["urosmatic.md"]
abstract: Gender research in the archaeology of the Sudan and Meroitic studies is still a nascent field. Studies of gender are especially lacking in investigations concerning war and violence, which are usually written from an androcentric perspective, and often focus solely on soldiers, army, weaponry, battle representations, and images of enemies. The experiences of non-combatants in the context of war in ancient Nubia, such as women, children, and non-combating men, are rarely considered. The same tendency is observable with the gender background of war. This paper deals with gender structure in the lists of spoils of war, women and children as prisoners of war in representations of battle aftermath, feminization of enemies in royal texts, participation of royal women in war, and depictions of royal women smiting enemies. The sources for the study come from the Napatan and Meroitic periods (8th century BCE to 4th century CE). In gender as a frame of war, Kushite kings were represented as masculine, and their enemies as feminine. This binary opposition has also been observed in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian sources, and was clearly a shared vocabulary of the great powers of the second and first millennium BCE. Such a frame of war was based on a gender disposition of men as active and strong, and women as passive and weak. It “naturalized” Kushite domination over their enemies just as it “naturalized” male domination in ancient Sudanese society. However, the participation of Meroitic queens in conflicts and their depictions smiting enemies shows how the visual vocabulary of violence can be utilized even by some women, in their own expressions of power."
abstract: Gender research in the archaeology of the Sudan and Meroitic studies is still a nascent field. Studies of gender are especially lacking in investigations concerning war and violence, which are usually written from an androcentric perspective, and often focus solely on soldiers, army, weaponry, battle representations, and images of enemies. The experiences of non-combatants in the context of war in ancient Nubia, such as women, children, and non-combating men, are rarely considered. The same tendency is observable with the gender background of war. This paper deals with gender structure in the lists of spoils of war, women and children as prisoners of war in representations of battle aftermath, feminization of enemies in royal texts, participation of royal women in war, and depictions of royal women smiting enemies. The sources for the study come from the Napatan and Meroitic periods (8th century BCE to 4th century CE). In gender as a frame of war, Kushite kings were represented as masculine, and their enemies as feminine. This binary opposition has also been observed in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian sources, and was clearly a shared vocabulary of the great powers of the second and first millennium BCE. Such a frame of war was based on a gender disposition of men as active and strong, and women as passive and weak. It “naturalized” Kushite domination over their enemies just as it “naturalized” male domination in ancient Sudanese society. However, the participation of Meroitic queens in conflicts and their depictions smiting enemies shows how the visual vocabulary of violence can be utilized even by some women, in their own expressions of power.
keywords: ["ancient Nubia", "war", "violence", "gender", "women", "children"]
---
@ -113,7 +113,7 @@ imprisoned during war in ancient Nubia. Although the practice surely
must have been older, the first textual attestations come from the reign
of Taharqa (690-664 BC), and continue until the Meroitic period. The
mentioning of men, women, and children as prisoners of war is mostly
part of the lists of spoils of war. Since there is no place in this
part of the lists of spoils of war. Since there is no space in this
paper to thoroughly analyze these lists and present them in a systematic
manner, I will concentrate only on prisoners of war, and especially on
women and children, since they are often entirely neglected.[^20]
@ -135,7 +135,7 @@ to ethnonyms or toponyms, can be found in his long inscription from
Sanam.[^24]
On the Enthronement stela of Anlamani (late 7th century BC) from Kawa
(Kawa VIII, lines 19-20, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Æ.I.N. 1709)
(Kawa VIII, lines 19-20, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Æ.I.N. 1709),
it is stated that his soldiers gained control of all the women,
children, small cattle and property in the land Bulahau
(*b-w-r3-h-3-y-w*) and that the king appointed the captives as male and
@ -261,12 +261,12 @@ realm of the Kushite kingdom.
Hinkel has already concluded that the north wall of M250 depicts women
and children taken by the Meroites in their raid of the First Cataract,
as reported by Strabo in *Geography* (17. I. 54),[^52], and that the
south wall depicts a conflict with some southern population that the
south wall depicts a conflict with some population that the
Meroites encountered in Lower Nubia.[^53] However, if Meroe is
understood as the centre of the axis, then the enemies depicted on the
southern wall are unlikely to depict Lower Nubians. We know that during the
last decades of the 1st century BC Lower Nubia was not hostile to
Meroe, but on contrary, that it rebelled against Rome. Gaius
Meroe, but on the contrary, that it rebelled against Rome. Gaius
Cornelius Gallus reports in his trilingual stela from Philae, erected in
29 BC, that he placed a local tyrant to govern Triakontaschoinos (Lower
Nubia), which became part of the province of Egypt and established a
@ -338,11 +338,11 @@ found *in situ*, but rather in the vicinity of the south wall. Some of
them can be joined and some of these joints present evidence for at
least two registers. In one case, the upper register of the two depicts
both women and children as prisoners of war, while the lower register
depicts ship-fragments 198, 322, 323, 319 and 190.[^63] The figures in
depicts ship-fragments 198, 322, 323, 319, and 190.[^63] The figures in
the two registers are differently oriented. Additionally, one more boat
representation with a head of a ram possibly indicates a relation to
Amun (fragments 113 and 106).[^64] It is oriented in the same direction
as the previous boat. On the blocks of the south wall both men and
as the previous boat. On the blocks of the south wall, both men and
women are depicted as prisoners of war next to children (Figure 2).
![Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250](../static/images/matic/fig2.jpg "Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250")
@ -560,7 +560,7 @@ The Meroitic case is interesting precisely because certain royal women
can be depicted smiting and spearing male enemies. Amanishakheto (1st
century AD) is depicted spearing enemies on the pylon of her pyramid
Begrawiya North 6 in Meroe, both to the left and right of the pylon
entrance (Figure 4). On the left, she holds a bow, arrow and rope
entrance (Figure 4). On the left, she holds a bow, arrow, and rope
in her left hand and a spear in her right hand. The rope in her left
hand extends to the necks of the enemies to which it is tied. Seven
enemies are depicted with rope tied around their necks and with their
@ -629,7 +629,7 @@ Gender as a frame of war has structured both Napatan and Meroitic texts,
from lists enumerating the spoils of war to texts dealing with military
campaigns. In the first case, this is observable in the order that
different categories of prisoners of war are listed, namely enemy rulers
(men), then enemy men, women and children. This same structure for
(men), then enemy men, women, and children. This same structure for
prisoners of wars is found with only slight differences in ancient
Egyptian spoils of war examples,[^110] which can hardly be taken as a coincidence.
Since the earlier Napatan texts were written in Egyptian, their
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