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---
title: "The Archers of Kerma: Warrior Image and Birth of a State"
authors: ["matthieuhonegger.md"]
abstract: "A research programme conducted by the Swiss archaeological mission in
the oldest sectors of the Eastern Cemetery of Kerma has uncovered
several dozen archers' tombs. The appearance of these armed warriors
dating from ca. 2300 BC onwards can be put in parallel with the
resumption of commercial activities between Egypt and Nubia, illustrated
by the Harkhuf expeditions. The archers and their warrior attributes
probably participate in the emergence of kingship ca. 2000 BC, which
takes control of the commercial axis along the Nile and is illustrated
by the accumulation of wealth and the development of servitude. This
article proposes to describe these Kerma archers, and then to look at
the evolution of funerary rites that show in their own way how a social
hierarchy emerges that will lead to the birth of a state, in this
instance the kingdom of Kerma."
keywords: []
---
# Introduction
It is known that at the time of the Egyptian Kingdom, Nubia represented
a neighbouring and often rival entity, extending from the 1^st^ to the
5^th^ cataract. Its renowned warriors are represented by archers and are
depicted on numerous occasions in the Nile valley, on stelae or engraved
rocks, on bas-reliefs or painted tomb walls. As early as the Old
Kingdom, they were enrolled in the Egyptian armies as mercenaries and
probably formed troops, as shown in the model representing them in the
tomb of Prince Mesheti (11^th^ Dynasty). The territory of Nubia is
itself designated from the beginning of the 3^rd^ millennium by a
hieroglyph in the shape of a bow, *Ta-Sety*, which means the land of the
bow. Despite this evidence of the importance of these warriors and their
weapons, archaeological finds of Nubian archers\' tombs contemporary
with the Egyptian Kingdom are anecdotal. Only a few tombs from the Kerma
period (2550-1480 BC) have been reported by Charles Bonnet in his
excavation reports on the Eastern Cemetery of Kerma.[^1] His most
important discovery consists of an almost intact tomb of an naturally
mummified archer (Fig. 1). Also dating from the *Kerma ancien II* phase
(2300-2150 BC), this grave contained the body of a young man, whose head
had been displaced by grave-robbers.[^2] He was accompanied by arrow
remains and two bows of simple curvature, 120 cm long. One of the bows
was decorated with a plume of ostrich feathers.
The Eastern Cemetery of the Kingdom of Kerma[^3] is known for the
abundance of weapons found in its tombs[^4] as well as for the numerous
traumas present on its skeletonsy.[^5] These observations led to the
view of this society as a warlike aristocracy, where testimonies of
violence were common. These reflections have so far focused on the final
phase of the cemetery and of the Kingdom (1750-1500 BC), best known
thanks to the work of George A. Reisner, undertaken at the beginning of
the 20^th^ century.[^6] Since then, excavations were undertaken between
1979 and 1999 by Charles Bonnet, who investigated 27 sectors spread over
its entire surface (Fig. 2), and between 2008 and 2018, we have
undertaken systematic excavations in sectors of the early stages of the
cemetery (2550-1950 BC), that correspond to the formation of the Kingdom
of Kerma.[^7] They provide previously unpublished information on the
appearance of the first warriors in the form of the famous Nubian
archers, on cases of violence, as well as on the phenomena of servitude,
wealth, and funerary ostentation that was co-eval with the birth of the
kingdom and its domination over a large part of Upper Nubia.
**The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma and its new excavation**
As part of our programme on the evolution of society in Early Kerma, we
have reinvestigated and completed the excavations of Sectors 23, 27, and
8, and have opened Sectors 28, 29, 30, and 31 (Fig. 3). The tombs have
been systematically excavated, taking into account information on the
surface (burial mounds, ceramic deposits, bucrania, fireplaces, and post
holes) and collecting the material contained in the tombs and infill of
the pits. Knowing that more than 99% of the graves dating from this
period of the necropolis\'s utilisation were subsequently looted, the
infill of the pits is often the only way to get an idea of the contents
of the tomb and of the ceramics placed on the surface beside the mound.
The work undertaken in recent years has made it possible to build a
precise chronology for the early phases of the cemetery, from the
beginning of Early Kerma to the beginning of Middle Kerma. The study and
spatial distribution of the 409 tombs excavated since 2008 allows us to
follow in detail each stage from the evolution of funeral rites. An
absolute chronology was constructed using 23 14C dates that were
confronted with the typology of Kerma pottery and Egyptian imports, and
this makes it possible to distinguish five successive phases between
2550 and 1950 BC: *Kerma ancien 0, I, II, III,* and *Kerma moyen I*
(Fig. 3).[^8] We thus have a relatively precise chronological framework
which highlights five distinct phases of relatively short duration from
the beginning of Early Kerma to the Middle Kerma. Regarding the spatial
analysis, the first observable tendency during this evolution appears to
be the progressive increase in the size of the graves' pits. These are
small and rectangular during *Kerma ancien 0* (average surface of 0.9
m^2^), becoming oval and only marginally larger during *Kerma ancien I*
(average surface of 1.2 m^2^). It is only from *Kerma ancien II* that
they mostly become larger and more circular (average surface of 4.2
m^2^), with this tendency continuing in *Kerma ancien III*, with the
larger pits attaining a diameter exceeding 4 metres, occasionally more
quadrangular than circular (average surface of 5 m^2^). Then, in *Kerma
moyen I* appeared the first royal graves with a diameter ranging between
7 to 10 metres.
In the oldest sectors (*Kerma ancien 0* and *I*), the tombs are all of
equal size and their contents do not give the image of strong social
distinction. As is the rule in the Kerma period, the bodies are laid on
their right side, head towards the east. The objects found in the tombs
are not very abundant, metal (gold, copper alloy) is very rare. As
regards pottery, there is a marked presence of C-Group pots, which will
become more discrete over time.[^9]
The *Kerma ancien II* phase shows spectacular changes in the funerary
rites, compared to the earlier phases in the cemetery. The tombs are
generally larger and contain more objects. Metal is more regularly
attested, notably in the form of bronze mirrors and gold necklaces or
pendants. Animal sacrifices make their appearance (dogs, caprines) as
well as bucrania in front of some tumuli. Tombs with multiple burials
are also more frequent, indicating the development of accompanying or
sacrificed people, which will increase significantly in the succeeding
periods. The distinction between male and female graves becomes
systematic and stereotyped (Fig. 4). If the buried women are
systematically endowed with a stick, an ornament, and sometimes
particular objects or tools such as potter\'s tools, the male tombs are
systematically endowed with a bow.[^10]
During the *Kerma ancien III* phase, the same tendencies identified in
the previous phase continued. In the sectors of this period, we noticed
that young boys\' graves were also accompanied by bows (Fig. 5). The
four youngest individuals with a bow are less than 4 years old, and the
one in Figure 5 has a bow that is too large for his size. This
observation and their age -- less than two years for two of them --
shows that these bows are not necessarily placed in tombs to express the
activity of the deceased, but also have a symbolic connotation related
to male status. The richest graves sometimes distinguish themselves in a
more spectacular manner. One of them had 50 aligned bucrania to the
south and 38 decorated pots on the surface. It is at the beginning of
Middle Kerma (*Kerma moyen I*) that the first royal graves appeared,
like that recently discovered in Sector 31, whose diameter exceeds 10
metres, and which has over 1400 bucrania laid out in front of the
tumulus.[^11]
Differences between burials increase during Middle Kerma and, for this
period, it is not rare to find grave-pits of up to 10-15 meters in
diameter. This ranking between burials suggests a stratified society
which would culminate at the end of the Kingdom of Kerma. The central
inhumations in the largest tumuli are supposed to be the graves of the
rulers, the other tumuli could belong to high status individuals or to
free men and women.[^12] In certain instances, a mud-brick chapel was
erected on the west side of the tumulus (Fig. 6).[^13]
During Classic Kerma, the diameter of the largest graves is between 30
and 90 meters in diameter. The three most famous ones were built to a
uniform size with tumuli approximately 90 meters in diameter (KIII, IV,
X). Composed of a complex internal structure of mud-brick walls with a
corridor giving access to a central vaulted chamber, they are assumed to
belong to the most powerful rulers of Kerma[^14] (Kendall 1997). The
grave goods found in these burials and in some subsidiary ones were
particularly elaborate and the proportion of Egyptian imports high.[^15]
Two monumental funerary temples (KI, KXI) were erected north-west of the
tumuli KIII and KX. The Eastern Cemetery was abandoned as a location for
royal burials during the conquest of Kush by the Egyptians of the 18th
Dynasty, about 1500 BC. A last royal grave was erected 4 km to the west,
south of the ancient town of Kerma, and dates about 1480 BC.[^16]
# The archers' graves
From the *Kerma ancien II* to the *Kerma moyen I* phases onwards (Fig.
3), all male tombs that we excavated between 2008 and 2018 are equipped
with a bow, even those of children.[^17] Of course, many graves are too
looted to conclude that archery equipment was present, but as soon as
the grave is better preserved, the presence of archery elements is
attested, the smallest clue being the presence of the string made of
twisted sinews, probably from sheep or goats (Fig. 7). In view of the
number of graves excavated, we can therefore suppose that the presence
of men or boys with weapons is systematic for the earlier phases.
However, it is not possible to conclude definitively that the presence
of male archers was systematic for all phases of the Eastern Cemetery
without looking at the previous excavations of Reisner and Bonnet.
The \"Cemetery North\", close to our excavations (2008-2018), was
excavated in 1915 by Reisner, then in 1916 by his assistant W. G. Kemp
(135 graves). The documentation[^18] published after the death of
Reisner, is of lesser quality than for the southern part of the cemetery
corresponding to Classic Kerma and excavated in 1913-1914.[^19] The
tombs excavated by Kemp have not been spatially located. Nevertheless,
we know from our excavations that the \"Cemetery North\" covers *Kerma
ancien III* and *Kerma moyen I* phases. The documentation identifies the
grave of a woman with a staff, but there is no evidence of bows. In view
of the discreet nature of the evidence for archery, we believe that it
has simply not been identified. It must be said that the tombs were
systematically excavated by Egyptians from the village of Kouft,
assisted by Nubians. It is therefore very likely that they simply did
not observe these fleeting remains. In the "Cemetery M" (Middle Kerma,
see fig. 3) which dates of Middle Kerma, the documentation, published
with that of the "Cemetery N" is not better than this latter. No archer
or bow was identified. It is only in Classic Kerma that this practice
seems to disappear, according to Reisner's documentation,[^20] which is
of much better quality than that published by Dunham.[^21] It must be
said that this part of the cemetery is different from that of Early and
Middle Kerma. Our demographic estimate for the Eastern Cemetery
concludes that there were at least 36,000 individuals buried, but the
part attributed to Classic Kerma yields only 700. Simulations of burial
recruitment show that this part of the cemetery is the most selective
and contains only a small section of the ruling class, in contrast to
earlier periods. At this time, the armed persons are accompanied by
daggers, which led Hafsaas[^22] to conclude that there was a warrior
elite displaying this type of weapon, as was the case in Europe in the
Late Bronze and Iron Ages.
In the excavations of Bonnet, which involved just over 250 tombs, a few
archers were identified. Again, the excavations were carried out almost
systematically by Nubian excavators who were not trained to find small
remains as bow stings. Nevertheless, Bonnet reports the presence of some
archers in Early Kerma sectors, as well as in Middle Kerma sectors. The
famous mummy of an archer (Fig. 1) comes from Sector 4[^23] (*Kerma
ancien II*) and five other graves of archers were excavated in Sector 23
(Kerma (*Kerma ancien II*).[^24] For Middle Kerma, two graves of archers
were discovered in Sector 9 and one in Sector 11 (*Kerma moyen I*), as
well as another in sector 20 (*Kerma moyen IV*).[^25] Finally, we had
the opportunity to excavate a grave in sector 24 (*Kerma moyen V*) which
contained 36 lunates corresponding to arrowheads.[^26] From all these
observations, we can assume that the tradition of male burials as
archers started in the *Kerma ancien II* phase and must have continued
until the end of Middle Kerma.[^27]
Let us return to the archers\' graves of the oldest sectors.[^28] Their
equipment consists of:
\- One or two bows, single or double-curved (Fig. 8). It seems to us
that not too much should be made of this distinction, because the double
curvature can be achieved by deformation. It does not necessarily
suggest a composite bow, attested in Egypt later and supposedly
introduced by the Hyksos.[^29] The bow with a double curvature does not
necessarily imply that it is composite, which is a far more
sophisticated manufacturing technique, since it is not attested in
Africa at this time. On the other hand, ethnographic material describes
simple techniques to obtain a strong incurvation of the extremities of
the bow, which consist in bending the wood by means of ligaments and
forms.[^30] It is probably the use of similar techniques which explain
the well-attested differences in the Nubian bows. The most common
dimension is 120 cm, but two larger bows, about 150 cm long, have been
found. In a child's tomb, a small model, about 90 cm long, was
discovered. The remains of bow-strings have often been found in situ
alongside the bow. In some instances, the extent of the bow's curvature
leads one to believe that it was strung when placed in the tomb. The bow
is always placed to the north of the body, close to the hands. It is
occasionally decorated with a plume of ostrich feathers at its extremity
(Fig. 9). It has not been possible to identify the species of wood used
to manufacture the bows, since these had been too severely damaged by
termites.
\- Reed arrows with a tail and several embedded microliths, are similar
to the arrows of Naga-ed-Der in Egypt, dated to the 6^th^ to 12^th^
Dynasty, i.e., a period contemporaneous with Middle Kerma.[^31] The
arrowheads are lunates made of quartz, carnelian, or sometimes flint
(Fig. 10). The few surviving examples correspond to the A3 type of
fitting defined by Clark et al.,[^32] with one placed at the tip of the
arrow and the other two at the sides. The arrows would have been
inserted in a quiver, but in at least one instance they were placed
directly in the archer\'s left hand.
\- A goat-skin leather quiver. Its presence in the tombs is not
systematic, but we have been able to identify seven more or less
complete ones. They are sewn, some wide and rather short, while others
are slenderer, like the example in Figure 11.
\- A leather archer\'s wrist-guard of a specific model that seems to be
typical of the Kerma tradition (Fig. 12). These have been found in a few
cases *in situ*, on the left wrist of the deceased (Fig. 13), they are
always of the same design, with the protective part provided with two
concave sides and a pointed end. Some similar specimens are known in
Egypt in the mass grave of soldiers found at Deir el-Bahari of the 12th
Dynasty.[^33] This type of wrist-guard is unusual in Egypt and some
authors considered it to have come from the north, but it probably
belongs to Nubian archers originally attached to the Kerma culture.[^34]
These observations will be the subject of more detailed descriptions in
the future, especially the numerous leather objects, which are the
subject of a recently started PhD thesis.[^35] Of all the tombs
excavated, only two adult tombs were almost (Fig. 1) or completely
intact (Fig. 13). Enriched by the observations made on the other male
tombs, it is possible to reconstruct the appearance of these archers,
who resemble quite closely the representations made by the Egyptians,
notably those on the temple of Amun at Beit El-Wali, which describe the
expedition of Rameses II in Nubia (Fig. 14). Although later than the
tombs where we made our observations, the white earrings of the men
depicted in these frescoes are the same as those that first appear in
the *Kerma ancien II* phase and continue thereafter. In fact, these
earrings obtained from a Nile shell were found only in male tombs (Fig.
15). Similarly, the men of Kerma wear a sheep-skin loincloth that still
has its wool, which can be dark brown, beige, or quite frequently
bicoloured, with alternating black and beige spots (Fig. 16). This
bicoloured fur, which bears witness to a selection process resulting
from advanced domestication,[^36] could be a form of imitation of the
coat of leopards, such as those found on Egyptian frescoes. However, we
never found a leopard-skin loincloth during our excavations in the
Eastern Cemetery. Moreover, we cannot exclude that some archers were
naked and did not wear a loincloth, as suggested by an engraving from
Wadi Sabu at the 3^rd^ cataract (Fig. 17), where a series of six archers
wearing a feather on their head, are rendered in a figurative style very
close to that observed at Kerma;[^37] among this group, only one archer
is wearing a loincloth, while the others are naked. Finally, we did not
have occasion to observe the presence of a feather belonging to the
headdress of the buried, but Bonnet points out the trace of a headband
in the tomb of a mummified archer (Fig. 1) that could have served to
attach a feather.[^38]
# Evolution of funeral rites and the emergence of a state
At Kerma, men and boys of all ages are systematically buried with their
archers\' equipment from about 2300 BC onwards, and continues for
several centuries, probably until the end of the Middle Kerma about 1750
BC. Clearly, there is a symbolic dimension to this display, underscored
by the fact that even children as young as 1.5 years old are equipped
with bows. Moreover, researchers have repeatedly pointed out that there
are numerous instances of evidence for violence in the Classic Kerma
part of the cemetery,[^39] and the anthropologist working on the
skeletons of Early Kerma has also noted the abundance of such evidence,
especially on young men.[^40] It must therefore be admitted that the
presence of archers cannot only be symbolic and that it also reflects
the status of these warriors, who were perhaps trained in the handling
of the bow from a very young age. As reported by the Egyptians, this
weapon was of major importance in Nubia and at the time of Early Kerma,
the hundreds of excavated tombs did not reveal many other kinds of
weapons. Mace heads are exceptional in this period, and we found only
one in 409 excavated tombs. The spears must have been made of wood or
composite material. We found a long point manufactured from a mammal
long bone that could have been the apex of a spear. As for copper alloy
daggers, they only appear at the end of Early Kerma and become more
numerous during Middle Kerma, becoming more elongated, to finally be
replaced by the daggers of Classic Kerma. We can also point out the
wooden throwing sticks or the several bronze spearheads, but the aim is
not to draw up a complete inventory of weapons, an exercise that has
already been done for weapons in this necropolis.[^41]
If we have already underlined that it is from the *Kerma ancien II*
phase (2300-2150 BC) that the distinctions between the tombs begin to be
marked, this tendency will be reinforced thereafter to culminate with
the appearance of the first royal tombs of the *Kerma moyen I* phase
(2050-1950 BC). These tombs, unfortunately looted, are notable for their
size (7 to 10 m in diameter for the pit, 12 to 15 m for the tumulus),
for the hundreds or even thousands of bucrania deposited to the south of
the tumulus, but also for the quantity of fine ceramics laid out inside
the pit and around the tumulus. Other criteria, such as the animal and
human sacrifices -- which some prefer to call accompanying deaths --
also underline the status of the individuals, insofar as their number is
proportional to the dimensions of the grave. Finally, the quantity of
Egyptian ceramics gives an idea of the intensity of the exchanges (Fig.
18).
During the first phase of Eastern Cemetery, exchanges with Egypt are
already significant, and it is possible that the presence of several
C-Group features is evidence of important contacts between Upper and
Lower Nubia.[^42] During the next phase, exchanges decline, a sign of a
certain loss of Egyptian control over Lower Nubia, as has already been
pointed out.[^43] It is during the *Kerma ancien II* phase (2300-2150
BC) that imports increase again. It is also from this time onwards that
the archers\' tombs appear, that the distinctions between the tombs
start to be significant, and that the wealth becomes more important,
notably through the presence of Egyptian copper alloy mirrors which will
attract the interest of the looters.
It is precisely during this phase that Egyptian sources mention the
famous expeditions of Harkhuf,[^44] a high dignitary of Aswan. His tomb,
covered with inscriptions, relates the story of his three journeys to
Nubia commissioned by the pharaohs Merenre I and Pepi II, around 2250
BC. These were obviously expeditions aimed at reopening trade routes by
making contact and trading with the Nubian populations located south of
the 2^nd^ cataract[^45]. The narrative tells us that several populations
or tribes populate Nubia and do not necessarily maintain peaceful
relations between them[^46]. These groups are already hierarchical with
dominant personalities capable of gathering armed men in quantity,
goods, and donkeys by the dozen, to accompany Harkhuf and his escort. It
is likely that Kerma then developed a coercive policy to ensure the
control of the lucrative trade with the Egyptians, in an atmosphere of
conflicts between tribes or lineages. The valorisation of the role of
warriors in funeral rites could be a consequence of this.
From this point onwards, the indications of a more marked social
stratification increase rapidly with an increase in imports, in the
number of human sacrifices, in the number of bucrania in front of the
largest tombs, as well as in the number of red fine ware with black
rims, whose decorations multiply (Fig. 18). One can imagine a
competition between dominant lineages, as we have suggested in an
analysis of the significance of fine ceramics and their
decorations[^47]. This competition will lead to the emergence of a
dominant lineage that will concentrate the wealth and show it in the
funeral rites, as exemplified by the first royal tombs, which appear
around 2000 BC (Fig. 19). It is from this period onwards that the
necropolis will undergo a spectacular development, much more important
demographically than natural population growth could allow. Kerma must
therefore have been the centre of the kingdom from this period onwards
and attracted populations from its kingdom to settle in the region.
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[Müller]{.smallcaps}, Hans W. *Der \'Armreif\' des Konigs Ahmose und der
Handgelenkschutz des Bogenschützen im alten Ägypten und Vorderasien.*
SDAIK, 25. Mainz, 1989.
[Obsomer,]{.smallcaps} Claude. "Les expéditions d'Herkhouf (VIe
dynastie) et la localisation de Iam". In: Bruwier, M.-C. (ed.).
*Pharaons Noirs: Sur la piste des 40 jours*. Musée Royal de Mariemont
(2007): pp. 39-52.
[Reisner]{.smallcaps}, George A. *Excavations at Kerma. Harvard African
Studies 5-6*. Peabody Museum of Harvard University, 1923.
[Smith]{.smallcaps}, Stuart Tyson. "Nubia and Egypt: Interaction,
acculturation, and secondary state formation from the third to first
millennium BC", In: Cusick, James G. (ed.). *Studies in Culture Contact:
Interaction, Culture Change, and Archaeology*. Southern Illinois
University Press (1995): pp. 256-287.
[Testart]{.smallcaps}, Alain. *Éléments de classification des sociétés*.
Errance. Paris, 2005.
[Török]{.smallcaps}, László. *Between Two Worlds: The Frontier Region
between Ancient Nubia and Egypt 3700 BC - 500 AD*. Leiden, 2009.
[Vogel]{.smallcaps}, Carola. "Fallen Heroes?: Winlock\'s \'Slain
Soldiers\' Reconsidered", *The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology*, 89
(2003): pp. 239-245.
[Walsh]{.smallcaps}, Carl. "Techniques for Egyptian Eyes: Diplomacy and
the Transmission of Cosmetic Practices between Egypt and Kerma", Journal
of Egyptian History (2021): pp. 295-332.
[Winlock]{.smallcaps}, Herbert E. *The Slain Soldiers of
Neb-hepet-Re\'-Mentu-entu-Hotpe*. Publications of the Metropolitan
Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition, 16. New York, 1945.
[^1]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982,
pp. 15-19 ; 1984, p. 17 ; 1986, p. 12 ; 1995, p. 44.
[^2]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982,
pp. 15-19.
[^3]: Kerma is the name of the village next to the city of Kerma and its
eastern cemetery. It gave its name to the culture of Kerma, defined
by its ceramics and its funeral rites (see Gratien, *Les cultures
Kerma. Essai de classification*). This culture is also referred to
as the Kingdom of Kerma. In the context of anthropological theories
on the evolution of societies, a kingdom can be equated with a state
(see Testart, *éléments de classification des sociétés*). It can
also be considered as a secondary state, insofar as it seems to
emerge as a result of its contacts with the Egyptian state, which
originated more than five centuries before (Smith, "Nubia and Egypt:
Interaction, acculturation, and secondary state formation from the
third to first millennium BC").
[^4]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity:
the emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan", pp. 79-91;
Manzo, "Weapons, ideology and identity at Kerma (Upper Nubia,
2500-1500 BC)", pp. 3-29.
[^5]: Judd, "Ancient Injury Recidivism: An Example from the Kerma Period
of Ancient Nubia", pp. 89-102.
[^6]: Reisner, *Excavations at Kerma. Harvard African Studies 5-6*.
[^7]: This project was supported by the Swiss National Fund (SNF
100011_163021/1), the State Secretariat for Education, Research and
Innovation of the Swiss Confederation, the Kerma Foundation, and the
University of Neuchâtel (Switzerland). We also thank Dr Abdelrahman
Ali, director of the National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums
of Sudan (NCAM) for his support.
[^8]: Honegger, "La plus ancienne tombe royale de Kerma en Nubie", pp.
189-194; Honegger, "New Data on the Origins of Kerma", pp. 21-24.
[^9]: Honegger, "New Data on the Origins of Kerma", pp. 25-28.
[^10]: Bonnet and Honegger, "The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma", pp.
216-218.
[^11]: Honegger "La plus ancienne tombe royale de Kerma en Nubie", pp.
194-197. See also the end of this paper and figure 15.
[^12]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity:
the emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan", pp. 79-91.
[^13]: Mud brick chapels were built in connection with the most
important and largest graves, Bonnet, *Edifices et rites funéraires
à Kerma*.
[^14]: Kendall, *Kerma and the Kingdom of Kush 2500-1500 B.C. The
Archaeological Discovery of an Ancient Nubian Empire*.
[^15]: See Minor, The Use of Egyptian and Egyptianizing Material Culture
in Nubian Burials of the Classic Kerma Period and Walsh, "Techniques
for Egyptian Eyes: Diplomacy and the Transmission of Cosmetic
Practices between Egypt and Kerma".
[^16]: Bonnet and Honegger, "The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma", pp.
223-224.
[^17]: Sector 23 contained 122 individuals of which 90 were discovered
by our team. Of these 90 individuals, 49 were mature (25 female and
20 male), 37 immature and 4 undetermined. The total number of
archers\' graves was 24, of which 15 were adult males, 3 were
children under 10 years of age, 5 were between 10 and 19 years of
age, and one grave did not yield enough human remains to determine
age and sex. In the Sector 29 (*Kerma ancien III)*, 18 archers were
identified on a total of 72 individuals. In the Sector 31 (*Kerma
moyen I*), 8 archers were identified on a total of 20 individuals.
The bio-anthropological data are provided by Agathe Chen, in charge
of the study of the skeletons of the Eastern Cemetery.
[^18]: Dunham, *Excavations at Kerma. Part VI.*
[^19]: Reisner, *Excavations at Kerma.*
[^20]: Reisner, *Excavations at Kerma.*
[^21]: Dunham, *Excavations at Kerma. Part VI.*
[^22]: Hafsaas-Tsakos "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity:
the emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan", pp. 79-91.
[^23]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982,
p. 15-19.
[^24]: They were excavated in January 1996 but remain unpublished.
[^25]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1986,
p. 12 ; 1995, p. 44.
[^26]: Honegger, "Lunate microliths in the Holocene industries of Nubia:
Multifunctional tools, sickle blades or weapon elements?", pp.
169-171.
[^27]: The number of archers for Middle Kerma may seem low. However, it
should be remembered that these tombs are often much more plundered
than those of Early Kerma, and that we did not have the opportunity
to excavate tombs later than Kerma moyen I during our programme
conducted between 1998 and 2008.
[^28]: Honegger and Fallet, "Archers Tombs of the Kerma ancien", pp.
16-30.
[^29]: Le Quellec "Arcs et archers sahariens: les représentations
d'archers dans l'art rupestre du Sahara central", p. 62 ; Le Quellec
"Arcs et bracelets d'archers au Sahara et en Égypte, avec une
nouvelle proposition de lecture des 'nasses' sahariennes", pp.
208-211.
[^30]: Ibid.
[^31]: Honegger, "Lunate microliths in the Holocene industries of Nubia:
Multifunctional tools, sickle blades or weapon elements?", pp.
169-171.
[^32]: Clark *et al*. "Interpretations of prehistoric technology from
ancient Egyptian and other sources, part 1 : ancient Egyptian bows
and arrows and their relevance for prehistory", fig. 9, p. 362.
[^33]: The significance of this find of 59 soldiers is still debated and
authors have sought to link it to one of the many conflicts during
the 12th Dynasty, Winlock, *Slain Soldiers.* For a discussion on the
interpretations of this find, see Vogel "Fallen Heroes?: Winlock\'s
\'Slain Soldiers\' Reconsidered".
[^34]: Müller describes 5 wrist-guards, all made of leather, similar in
shape to those of Kerma. He also presents another similar example
from Gebelin. *Der \'Armreif\' des Konigs Ahmose und der
Handgelenkschutz des Bogenschützen im alten Ägypten und
Vorderasien*, pp. 16-17 and pl. V.
[^35]: Théophile Burnat, "Manufacture et usages du cuir dans le royaume
de Kerma (Soudan, IIIe et IIe millénaires av. n. è.) ", Université
de Neuchâtel.
[^36]: Louis Chaix, pers. comm.
[^37]: Honegger and Fallet, "Archers Tombs of the Kerma ancien", p. 20.
[^38]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982,
p. 15.
[^39]: Cf. Judd, "Ancient Injury Recidivism: An Example from the Kerma
Period of Ancient Nubia", pp. 89--102.
[^40]: Agathe Chen, pers. comm.
[^41]: Manzo, "Weapons, ideology and identity at Kerma (Upper Nubia,
2500-1500 BC)", pp. 3-29.
[^42]: Honegger, "The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma and its first Royal
Grave", pp. 6-19; Honegger, "La plus ancienne tombe royale de Kerma
en Nubie", pp. 185-198.
[^43]: Török, *Between Two Worlds*, pp. 53-73.
[^44]: There is still some debate about the country of destination of
these expeditions, called *Iam* by the Egyptians. Kerma is one of
these possibilities, and one of the only ones that provides early
evidence of contact with the Egyptians in Upper Nubia. Other
scholars have proposed the Western Nubian Desert or a region further
south, towards Kordofan and Darfur. For a summary and discussion of
these different hypotheses, see Obsomer, "Les expéditions d'Herkhouf
(VIe dynastie) et la localisation de Iam", pp. 39-52.
[^45]: Lacovara, "The Stone Vase Deposit at Kerma", pp. 118-128.
[^46]: Török, *Between Two Worlds*, pp. 69-70.
[^47]: Honegger, "Style and identity symbols: an attempt to define the
social meaning of the Kerma funerary fineware and its decorations",
forthcoming.

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title: Dotawo - A Journal of Nubian Studies
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has_issues: ["dotawo7.md", "dotawo8.md", "misc.md"]
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# About Dotawo