diff --git a/content/article/honegger.md b/content/article/honegger.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d677637 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/article/honegger.md @@ -0,0 +1,705 @@ +--- +title: "The Archers of Kerma: Warrior Image and Birth of a State" +authors: ["matthieuhonegger.md"] +abstract: "A research programme conducted by the Swiss archaeological mission in +the oldest sectors of the Eastern Cemetery of Kerma has uncovered +several dozen archers' tombs. The appearance of these armed warriors +dating from ca. 2300 BC onwards can be put in parallel with the +resumption of commercial activities between Egypt and Nubia, illustrated +by the Harkhuf expeditions. The archers and their warrior attributes +probably participate in the emergence of kingship ca. 2000 BC, which +takes control of the commercial axis along the Nile and is illustrated +by the accumulation of wealth and the development of servitude. This +article proposes to describe these Kerma archers, and then to look at +the evolution of funerary rites that show in their own way how a social +hierarchy emerges that will lead to the birth of a state, in this +instance the kingdom of Kerma." +keywords: [] +--- + +# Introduction + +It is known that at the time of the Egyptian Kingdom, Nubia represented +a neighbouring and often rival entity, extending from the 1^st^ to the +5^th^ cataract. Its renowned warriors are represented by archers and are +depicted on numerous occasions in the Nile valley, on stelae or engraved +rocks, on bas-reliefs or painted tomb walls. As early as the Old +Kingdom, they were enrolled in the Egyptian armies as mercenaries and +probably formed troops, as shown in the model representing them in the +tomb of Prince Mesheti (11^th^ Dynasty). The territory of Nubia is +itself designated from the beginning of the 3^rd^ millennium by a +hieroglyph in the shape of a bow, *Ta-Sety*, which means the land of the +bow. Despite this evidence of the importance of these warriors and their +weapons, archaeological finds of Nubian archers\' tombs contemporary +with the Egyptian Kingdom are anecdotal. Only a few tombs from the Kerma +period (2550-1480 BC) have been reported by Charles Bonnet in his +excavation reports on the Eastern Cemetery of Kerma.[^1] His most +important discovery consists of an almost intact tomb of an naturally +mummified archer (Fig. 1). Also dating from the *Kerma ancien II* phase +(2300-2150 BC), this grave contained the body of a young man, whose head +had been displaced by grave-robbers.[^2] He was accompanied by arrow +remains and two bows of simple curvature, 120 cm long. One of the bows +was decorated with a plume of ostrich feathers. + +The Eastern Cemetery of the Kingdom of Kerma[^3] is known for the +abundance of weapons found in its tombs[^4] as well as for the numerous +traumas present on its skeletonsy.[^5] These observations led to the +view of this society as a warlike aristocracy, where testimonies of +violence were common. These reflections have so far focused on the final +phase of the cemetery and of the Kingdom (1750-1500 BC), best known +thanks to the work of George A. Reisner, undertaken at the beginning of +the 20^th^ century.[^6] Since then, excavations were undertaken between +1979 and 1999 by Charles Bonnet, who investigated 27 sectors spread over +its entire surface (Fig. 2), and between 2008 and 2018, we have +undertaken systematic excavations in sectors of the early stages of the +cemetery (2550-1950 BC), that correspond to the formation of the Kingdom +of Kerma.[^7] They provide previously unpublished information on the +appearance of the first warriors in the form of the famous Nubian +archers, on cases of violence, as well as on the phenomena of servitude, +wealth, and funerary ostentation that was co-eval with the birth of the +kingdom and its domination over a large part of Upper Nubia. + +**The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma and its new excavation** + +As part of our programme on the evolution of society in Early Kerma, we +have reinvestigated and completed the excavations of Sectors 23, 27, and +8, and have opened Sectors 28, 29, 30, and 31 (Fig. 3). The tombs have +been systematically excavated, taking into account information on the +surface (burial mounds, ceramic deposits, bucrania, fireplaces, and post +holes) and collecting the material contained in the tombs and infill of +the pits. Knowing that more than 99% of the graves dating from this +period of the necropolis\'s utilisation were subsequently looted, the +infill of the pits is often the only way to get an idea of the contents +of the tomb and of the ceramics placed on the surface beside the mound. + +The work undertaken in recent years has made it possible to build a +precise chronology for the early phases of the cemetery, from the +beginning of Early Kerma to the beginning of Middle Kerma. The study and +spatial distribution of the 409 tombs excavated since 2008 allows us to +follow in detail each stage from the evolution of funeral rites. An +absolute chronology was constructed using 23 14C dates that were +confronted with the typology of Kerma pottery and Egyptian imports, and +this makes it possible to distinguish five successive phases between +2550 and 1950 BC: *Kerma ancien 0, I, II, III,* and *Kerma moyen I* +(Fig. 3).[^8] We thus have a relatively precise chronological framework +which highlights five distinct phases of relatively short duration from +the beginning of Early Kerma to the Middle Kerma. Regarding the spatial +analysis, the first observable tendency during this evolution appears to +be the progressive increase in the size of the graves' pits. These are +small and rectangular during *Kerma ancien 0* (average surface of 0.9 +m^2^), becoming oval and only marginally larger during *Kerma ancien I* +(average surface of 1.2 m^2^). It is only from *Kerma ancien II* that +they mostly become larger and more circular (average surface of 4.2 +m^2^), with this tendency continuing in *Kerma ancien III*, with the +larger pits attaining a diameter exceeding 4 metres, occasionally more +quadrangular than circular (average surface of 5 m^2^). Then, in *Kerma +moyen I* appeared the first royal graves with a diameter ranging between +7 to 10 metres. + +In the oldest sectors (*Kerma ancien 0* and *I*), the tombs are all of +equal size and their contents do not give the image of strong social +distinction. As is the rule in the Kerma period, the bodies are laid on +their right side, head towards the east. The objects found in the tombs +are not very abundant, metal (gold, copper alloy) is very rare. As +regards pottery, there is a marked presence of C-Group pots, which will +become more discrete over time.[^9] + +The *Kerma ancien II* phase shows spectacular changes in the funerary +rites, compared to the earlier phases in the cemetery. The tombs are +generally larger and contain more objects. Metal is more regularly +attested, notably in the form of bronze mirrors and gold necklaces or +pendants. Animal sacrifices make their appearance (dogs, caprines) as +well as bucrania in front of some tumuli. Tombs with multiple burials +are also more frequent, indicating the development of accompanying or +sacrificed people, which will increase significantly in the succeeding +periods. The distinction between male and female graves becomes +systematic and stereotyped (Fig. 4). If the buried women are +systematically endowed with a stick, an ornament, and sometimes +particular objects or tools such as potter\'s tools, the male tombs are +systematically endowed with a bow.[^10] + +During the *Kerma ancien III* phase, the same tendencies identified in +the previous phase continued. In the sectors of this period, we noticed +that young boys\' graves were also accompanied by bows (Fig. 5). The +four youngest individuals with a bow are less than 4 years old, and the +one in Figure 5 has a bow that is too large for his size. This +observation and their age -- less than two years for two of them -- +shows that these bows are not necessarily placed in tombs to express the +activity of the deceased, but also have a symbolic connotation related +to male status. The richest graves sometimes distinguish themselves in a +more spectacular manner. One of them had 50 aligned bucrania to the +south and 38 decorated pots on the surface. It is at the beginning of +Middle Kerma (*Kerma moyen I*) that the first royal graves appeared, +like that recently discovered in Sector 31, whose diameter exceeds 10 +metres, and which has over 1400 bucrania laid out in front of the +tumulus.[^11] + +Differences between burials increase during Middle Kerma and, for this +period, it is not rare to find grave-pits of up to 10-15 meters in +diameter. This ranking between burials suggests a stratified society +which would culminate at the end of the Kingdom of Kerma. The central +inhumations in the largest tumuli are supposed to be the graves of the +rulers, the other tumuli could belong to high status individuals or to +free men and women.[^12] In certain instances, a mud-brick chapel was +erected on the west side of the tumulus (Fig. 6).[^13] + +During Classic Kerma, the diameter of the largest graves is between 30 +and 90 meters in diameter. The three most famous ones were built to a +uniform size with tumuli approximately 90 meters in diameter (KIII, IV, +X). Composed of a complex internal structure of mud-brick walls with a +corridor giving access to a central vaulted chamber, they are assumed to +belong to the most powerful rulers of Kerma[^14] (Kendall 1997). The +grave goods found in these burials and in some subsidiary ones were +particularly elaborate and the proportion of Egyptian imports high.[^15] +Two monumental funerary temples (KI, KXI) were erected north-west of the +tumuli KIII and KX. The Eastern Cemetery was abandoned as a location for +royal burials during the conquest of Kush by the Egyptians of the 18th +Dynasty, about 1500 BC. A last royal grave was erected 4 km to the west, +south of the ancient town of Kerma, and dates about 1480 BC.[^16] + +# The archers' graves + +From the *Kerma ancien II* to the *Kerma moyen I* phases onwards (Fig. +3), all male tombs that we excavated between 2008 and 2018 are equipped +with a bow, even those of children.[^17] Of course, many graves are too +looted to conclude that archery equipment was present, but as soon as +the grave is better preserved, the presence of archery elements is +attested, the smallest clue being the presence of the string made of +twisted sinews, probably from sheep or goats (Fig. 7). In view of the +number of graves excavated, we can therefore suppose that the presence +of men or boys with weapons is systematic for the earlier phases. +However, it is not possible to conclude definitively that the presence +of male archers was systematic for all phases of the Eastern Cemetery +without looking at the previous excavations of Reisner and Bonnet. + +The \"Cemetery North\", close to our excavations (2008-2018), was +excavated in 1915 by Reisner, then in 1916 by his assistant W. G. Kemp +(135 graves). The documentation[^18] published after the death of +Reisner, is of lesser quality than for the southern part of the cemetery +corresponding to Classic Kerma and excavated in 1913-1914.[^19] The +tombs excavated by Kemp have not been spatially located. Nevertheless, +we know from our excavations that the \"Cemetery North\" covers *Kerma +ancien III* and *Kerma moyen I* phases. The documentation identifies the +grave of a woman with a staff, but there is no evidence of bows. In view +of the discreet nature of the evidence for archery, we believe that it +has simply not been identified. It must be said that the tombs were +systematically excavated by Egyptians from the village of Kouft, +assisted by Nubians. It is therefore very likely that they simply did +not observe these fleeting remains. In the "Cemetery M" (Middle Kerma, +see fig. 3) which dates of Middle Kerma, the documentation, published +with that of the "Cemetery N" is not better than this latter. No archer +or bow was identified. It is only in Classic Kerma that this practice +seems to disappear, according to Reisner's documentation,[^20] which is +of much better quality than that published by Dunham.[^21] It must be +said that this part of the cemetery is different from that of Early and +Middle Kerma. Our demographic estimate for the Eastern Cemetery +concludes that there were at least 36,000 individuals buried, but the +part attributed to Classic Kerma yields only 700. Simulations of burial +recruitment show that this part of the cemetery is the most selective +and contains only a small section of the ruling class, in contrast to +earlier periods. At this time, the armed persons are accompanied by +daggers, which led Hafsaas[^22] to conclude that there was a warrior +elite displaying this type of weapon, as was the case in Europe in the +Late Bronze and Iron Ages. + +In the excavations of Bonnet, which involved just over 250 tombs, a few +archers were identified. Again, the excavations were carried out almost +systematically by Nubian excavators who were not trained to find small +remains as bow stings. Nevertheless, Bonnet reports the presence of some +archers in Early Kerma sectors, as well as in Middle Kerma sectors. The +famous mummy of an archer (Fig. 1) comes from Sector 4[^23] (*Kerma +ancien II*) and five other graves of archers were excavated in Sector 23 +(Kerma (*Kerma ancien II*).[^24] For Middle Kerma, two graves of archers +were discovered in Sector 9 and one in Sector 11 (*Kerma moyen I*), as +well as another in sector 20 (*Kerma moyen IV*).[^25] Finally, we had +the opportunity to excavate a grave in sector 24 (*Kerma moyen V*) which +contained 36 lunates corresponding to arrowheads.[^26] From all these +observations, we can assume that the tradition of male burials as +archers started in the *Kerma ancien II* phase and must have continued +until the end of Middle Kerma.[^27] + +Let us return to the archers\' graves of the oldest sectors.[^28] Their +equipment consists of: + +\- One or two bows, single or double-curved (Fig. 8). It seems to us +that not too much should be made of this distinction, because the double +curvature can be achieved by deformation. It does not necessarily +suggest a composite bow, attested in Egypt later and supposedly +introduced by the Hyksos.[^29] The bow with a double curvature does not +necessarily imply that it is composite, which is a far more +sophisticated manufacturing technique, since it is not attested in +Africa at this time. On the other hand, ethnographic material describes +simple techniques to obtain a strong incurvation of the extremities of +the bow, which consist in bending the wood by means of ligaments and +forms.[^30] It is probably the use of similar techniques which explain +the well-attested differences in the Nubian bows. The most common +dimension is 120 cm, but two larger bows, about 150 cm long, have been +found. In a child's tomb, a small model, about 90 cm long, was +discovered. The remains of bow-strings have often been found in situ +alongside the bow. In some instances, the extent of the bow's curvature +leads one to believe that it was strung when placed in the tomb. The bow +is always placed to the north of the body, close to the hands. It is +occasionally decorated with a plume of ostrich feathers at its extremity +(Fig. 9). It has not been possible to identify the species of wood used +to manufacture the bows, since these had been too severely damaged by +termites. + +\- Reed arrows with a tail and several embedded microliths, are similar +to the arrows of Naga-ed-Der in Egypt, dated to the 6^th^ to 12^th^ +Dynasty, i.e., a period contemporaneous with Middle Kerma.[^31] The +arrowheads are lunates made of quartz, carnelian, or sometimes flint +(Fig. 10). The few surviving examples correspond to the A3 type of +fitting defined by Clark et al.,[^32] with one placed at the tip of the +arrow and the other two at the sides. The arrows would have been +inserted in a quiver, but in at least one instance they were placed +directly in the archer\'s left hand. + +\- A goat-skin leather quiver. Its presence in the tombs is not +systematic, but we have been able to identify seven more or less +complete ones. They are sewn, some wide and rather short, while others +are slenderer, like the example in Figure 11. + +\- A leather archer\'s wrist-guard of a specific model that seems to be +typical of the Kerma tradition (Fig. 12). These have been found in a few +cases *in situ*, on the left wrist of the deceased (Fig. 13), they are +always of the same design, with the protective part provided with two +concave sides and a pointed end. Some similar specimens are known in +Egypt in the mass grave of soldiers found at Deir el-Bahari of the 12th +Dynasty.[^33] This type of wrist-guard is unusual in Egypt and some +authors considered it to have come from the north, but it probably +belongs to Nubian archers originally attached to the Kerma culture.[^34] + +These observations will be the subject of more detailed descriptions in +the future, especially the numerous leather objects, which are the +subject of a recently started PhD thesis.[^35] Of all the tombs +excavated, only two adult tombs were almost (Fig. 1) or completely +intact (Fig. 13). Enriched by the observations made on the other male +tombs, it is possible to reconstruct the appearance of these archers, +who resemble quite closely the representations made by the Egyptians, +notably those on the temple of Amun at Beit El-Wali, which describe the +expedition of Rameses II in Nubia (Fig. 14). Although later than the +tombs where we made our observations, the white earrings of the men +depicted in these frescoes are the same as those that first appear in +the *Kerma ancien II* phase and continue thereafter. In fact, these +earrings obtained from a Nile shell were found only in male tombs (Fig. +15). Similarly, the men of Kerma wear a sheep-skin loincloth that still +has its wool, which can be dark brown, beige, or quite frequently +bicoloured, with alternating black and beige spots (Fig. 16). This +bicoloured fur, which bears witness to a selection process resulting +from advanced domestication,[^36] could be a form of imitation of the +coat of leopards, such as those found on Egyptian frescoes. However, we +never found a leopard-skin loincloth during our excavations in the +Eastern Cemetery. Moreover, we cannot exclude that some archers were +naked and did not wear a loincloth, as suggested by an engraving from +Wadi Sabu at the 3^rd^ cataract (Fig. 17), where a series of six archers +wearing a feather on their head, are rendered in a figurative style very +close to that observed at Kerma;[^37] among this group, only one archer +is wearing a loincloth, while the others are naked. Finally, we did not +have occasion to observe the presence of a feather belonging to the +headdress of the buried, but Bonnet points out the trace of a headband +in the tomb of a mummified archer (Fig. 1) that could have served to +attach a feather.[^38] + +# Evolution of funeral rites and the emergence of a state + +At Kerma, men and boys of all ages are systematically buried with their +archers\' equipment from about 2300 BC onwards, and continues for +several centuries, probably until the end of the Middle Kerma about 1750 +BC. Clearly, there is a symbolic dimension to this display, underscored +by the fact that even children as young as 1.5 years old are equipped +with bows. Moreover, researchers have repeatedly pointed out that there +are numerous instances of evidence for violence in the Classic Kerma +part of the cemetery,[^39] and the anthropologist working on the +skeletons of Early Kerma has also noted the abundance of such evidence, +especially on young men.[^40] It must therefore be admitted that the +presence of archers cannot only be symbolic and that it also reflects +the status of these warriors, who were perhaps trained in the handling +of the bow from a very young age. As reported by the Egyptians, this +weapon was of major importance in Nubia and at the time of Early Kerma, +the hundreds of excavated tombs did not reveal many other kinds of +weapons. Mace heads are exceptional in this period, and we found only +one in 409 excavated tombs. The spears must have been made of wood or +composite material. We found a long point manufactured from a mammal +long bone that could have been the apex of a spear. As for copper alloy +daggers, they only appear at the end of Early Kerma and become more +numerous during Middle Kerma, becoming more elongated, to finally be +replaced by the daggers of Classic Kerma. We can also point out the +wooden throwing sticks or the several bronze spearheads, but the aim is +not to draw up a complete inventory of weapons, an exercise that has +already been done for weapons in this necropolis.[^41] + +If we have already underlined that it is from the *Kerma ancien II* +phase (2300-2150 BC) that the distinctions between the tombs begin to be +marked, this tendency will be reinforced thereafter to culminate with +the appearance of the first royal tombs of the *Kerma moyen I* phase +(2050-1950 BC). These tombs, unfortunately looted, are notable for their +size (7 to 10 m in diameter for the pit, 12 to 15 m for the tumulus), +for the hundreds or even thousands of bucrania deposited to the south of +the tumulus, but also for the quantity of fine ceramics laid out inside +the pit and around the tumulus. Other criteria, such as the animal and +human sacrifices -- which some prefer to call accompanying deaths -- +also underline the status of the individuals, insofar as their number is +proportional to the dimensions of the grave. Finally, the quantity of +Egyptian ceramics gives an idea of the intensity of the exchanges (Fig. +18). + +During the first phase of Eastern Cemetery, exchanges with Egypt are +already significant, and it is possible that the presence of several +C-Group features is evidence of important contacts between Upper and +Lower Nubia.[^42] During the next phase, exchanges decline, a sign of a +certain loss of Egyptian control over Lower Nubia, as has already been +pointed out.[^43] It is during the *Kerma ancien II* phase (2300-2150 +BC) that imports increase again. It is also from this time onwards that +the archers\' tombs appear, that the distinctions between the tombs +start to be significant, and that the wealth becomes more important, +notably through the presence of Egyptian copper alloy mirrors which will +attract the interest of the looters. + +It is precisely during this phase that Egyptian sources mention the +famous expeditions of Harkhuf,[^44] a high dignitary of Aswan. His tomb, +covered with inscriptions, relates the story of his three journeys to +Nubia commissioned by the pharaohs Merenre I and Pepi II, around 2250 +BC. These were obviously expeditions aimed at reopening trade routes by +making contact and trading with the Nubian populations located south of +the 2^nd^ cataract[^45]. The narrative tells us that several populations +or tribes populate Nubia and do not necessarily maintain peaceful +relations between them[^46]. These groups are already hierarchical with +dominant personalities capable of gathering armed men in quantity, +goods, and donkeys by the dozen, to accompany Harkhuf and his escort. It +is likely that Kerma then developed a coercive policy to ensure the +control of the lucrative trade with the Egyptians, in an atmosphere of +conflicts between tribes or lineages. The valorisation of the role of +warriors in funeral rites could be a consequence of this. + +From this point onwards, the indications of a more marked social +stratification increase rapidly with an increase in imports, in the +number of human sacrifices, in the number of bucrania in front of the +largest tombs, as well as in the number of red fine ware with black +rims, whose decorations multiply (Fig. 18). One can imagine a +competition between dominant lineages, as we have suggested in an +analysis of the significance of fine ceramics and their +decorations[^47]. This competition will lead to the emergence of a +dominant lineage that will concentrate the wealth and show it in the +funeral rites, as exemplified by the first royal tombs, which appear +around 2000 BC (Fig. 19). It is from this period onwards that the +necropolis will undergo a spectacular development, much more important +demographically than natural population growth could allow. 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"Weapons, ideology and identity at Kerma +(Upper Nubia, 2500-1500 BC)", *Annali, sezione orientale* 76 (2016): pp. +3-29. + +[Minor]{.smallcaps}, Elizabeth. *The Use of Egyptian and Egyptianizing +Material Culture in Nubian Burials of the Classic Kerma Period*. Ph.D. +dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 2012: +. + +[Müller]{.smallcaps}, Hans W. *Der \'Armreif\' des Konigs Ahmose und der +Handgelenkschutz des Bogenschützen im alten Ägypten und Vorderasien.* +SDAIK, 25. Mainz, 1989. + +[Obsomer,]{.smallcaps} Claude. "Les expéditions d'Herkhouf (VIe +dynastie) et la localisation de Iam". In: Bruwier, M.-C. (ed.). +*Pharaons Noirs: Sur la piste des 40 jours*. Musée Royal de Mariemont +(2007): pp. 39-52. + +[Reisner]{.smallcaps}, George A. *Excavations at Kerma. Harvard African +Studies 5-6*. Peabody Museum of Harvard University, 1923. + +[Smith]{.smallcaps}, Stuart Tyson. "Nubia and Egypt: Interaction, +acculturation, and secondary state formation from the third to first +millennium BC", In: Cusick, James G. (ed.). *Studies in Culture Contact: +Interaction, Culture Change, and Archaeology*. Southern Illinois +University Press (1995): pp. 256-287. + +[Testart]{.smallcaps}, Alain. *Éléments de classification des sociétés*. +Errance. Paris, 2005. + +[Török]{.smallcaps}, László. *Between Two Worlds: The Frontier Region +between Ancient Nubia and Egypt 3700 BC - 500 AD*. Leiden, 2009. + +[Vogel]{.smallcaps}, Carola. "Fallen Heroes?: Winlock\'s \'Slain +Soldiers\' Reconsidered", *The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology*, 89 +(2003): pp. 239-245. + +[Walsh]{.smallcaps}, Carl. "Techniques for Egyptian Eyes: Diplomacy and +the Transmission of Cosmetic Practices between Egypt and Kerma", Journal +of Egyptian History (2021): pp. 295-332. + +[Winlock]{.smallcaps}, Herbert E. *The Slain Soldiers of +Neb-hepet-Re\'-Mentu-entu-Hotpe*. Publications of the Metropolitan +Museum of Art Egyptian Expedition, 16. New York, 1945. + +[^1]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982, + pp. 15-19 ; 1984, p. 17 ; 1986, p. 12 ; 1995, p. 44. + +[^2]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982, + pp. 15-19. + +[^3]: Kerma is the name of the village next to the city of Kerma and its + eastern cemetery. It gave its name to the culture of Kerma, defined + by its ceramics and its funeral rites (see Gratien, *Les cultures + Kerma. Essai de classification*). This culture is also referred to + as the Kingdom of Kerma. In the context of anthropological theories + on the evolution of societies, a kingdom can be equated with a state + (see Testart, *éléments de classification des sociétés*). It can + also be considered as a secondary state, insofar as it seems to + emerge as a result of its contacts with the Egyptian state, which + originated more than five centuries before (Smith, "Nubia and Egypt: + Interaction, acculturation, and secondary state formation from the + third to first millennium BC"). + +[^4]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity: + the emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan", pp. 79-91; + Manzo, "Weapons, ideology and identity at Kerma (Upper Nubia, + 2500-1500 BC)", pp. 3-29. + +[^5]: Judd, "Ancient Injury Recidivism: An Example from the Kerma Period + of Ancient Nubia", pp. 89-102. + +[^6]: Reisner, *Excavations at Kerma. Harvard African Studies 5-6*. + +[^7]: This project was supported by the Swiss National Fund (SNF + 100011_163021/1), the State Secretariat for Education, Research and + Innovation of the Swiss Confederation, the Kerma Foundation, and the + University of Neuchâtel (Switzerland). We also thank Dr Abdelrahman + Ali, director of the National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums + of Sudan (NCAM) for his support. + +[^8]: Honegger, "La plus ancienne tombe royale de Kerma en Nubie", pp. + 189-194; Honegger, "New Data on the Origins of Kerma", pp. 21-24. + +[^9]: Honegger, "New Data on the Origins of Kerma", pp. 25-28. + +[^10]: Bonnet and Honegger, "The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma", pp. + 216-218. + +[^11]: Honegger "La plus ancienne tombe royale de Kerma en Nubie", pp. + 194-197. See also the end of this paper and figure 15. + +[^12]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity: + the emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan", pp. 79-91. + +[^13]: Mud brick chapels were built in connection with the most + important and largest graves, Bonnet, *Edifices et rites funéraires + à Kerma*. + +[^14]: Kendall, *Kerma and the Kingdom of Kush 2500-1500 B.C. The + Archaeological Discovery of an Ancient Nubian Empire*. + +[^15]: See Minor, The Use of Egyptian and Egyptianizing Material Culture + in Nubian Burials of the Classic Kerma Period and Walsh, "Techniques + for Egyptian Eyes: Diplomacy and the Transmission of Cosmetic + Practices between Egypt and Kerma". + +[^16]: Bonnet and Honegger, "The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma", pp. + 223-224. + +[^17]: Sector 23 contained 122 individuals of which 90 were discovered + by our team. Of these 90 individuals, 49 were mature (25 female and + 20 male), 37 immature and 4 undetermined. The total number of + archers\' graves was 24, of which 15 were adult males, 3 were + children under 10 years of age, 5 were between 10 and 19 years of + age, and one grave did not yield enough human remains to determine + age and sex. In the Sector 29 (*Kerma ancien III)*, 18 archers were + identified on a total of 72 individuals. In the Sector 31 (*Kerma + moyen I*), 8 archers were identified on a total of 20 individuals. + The bio-anthropological data are provided by Agathe Chen, in charge + of the study of the skeletons of the Eastern Cemetery. + +[^18]: Dunham, *Excavations at Kerma. Part VI.* + +[^19]: Reisner, *Excavations at Kerma.* + +[^20]: Reisner, *Excavations at Kerma.* + +[^21]: Dunham, *Excavations at Kerma. Part VI.* + +[^22]: Hafsaas-Tsakos "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity: + the emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan", pp. 79-91. + +[^23]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982, + p. 15-19. + +[^24]: They were excavated in January 1996 but remain unpublished. + +[^25]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1986, + p. 12 ; 1995, p. 44. + +[^26]: Honegger, "Lunate microliths in the Holocene industries of Nubia: + Multifunctional tools, sickle blades or weapon elements?", pp. + 169-171. + +[^27]: The number of archers for Middle Kerma may seem low. However, it + should be remembered that these tombs are often much more plundered + than those of Early Kerma, and that we did not have the opportunity + to excavate tombs later than Kerma moyen I during our programme + conducted between 1998 and 2008. + +[^28]: Honegger and Fallet, "Archers Tombs of the Kerma ancien", pp. + 16-30. + +[^29]: Le Quellec "Arcs et archers sahariens: les représentations + d'archers dans l'art rupestre du Sahara central", p. 62 ; Le Quellec + "Arcs et bracelets d'archers au Sahara et en Égypte, avec une + nouvelle proposition de lecture des 'nasses' sahariennes", pp. + 208-211. + +[^30]: Ibid. + +[^31]: Honegger, "Lunate microliths in the Holocene industries of Nubia: + Multifunctional tools, sickle blades or weapon elements?", pp. + 169-171. + +[^32]: Clark *et al*. "Interpretations of prehistoric technology from + ancient Egyptian and other sources, part 1 : ancient Egyptian bows + and arrows and their relevance for prehistory", fig. 9, p. 362. + +[^33]: The significance of this find of 59 soldiers is still debated and + authors have sought to link it to one of the many conflicts during + the 12th Dynasty, Winlock, *Slain Soldiers.* For a discussion on the + interpretations of this find, see Vogel "Fallen Heroes?: Winlock\'s + \'Slain Soldiers\' Reconsidered". + +[^34]: Müller describes 5 wrist-guards, all made of leather, similar in + shape to those of Kerma. He also presents another similar example + from Gebelin. *Der \'Armreif\' des Konigs Ahmose und der + Handgelenkschutz des Bogenschützen im alten Ägypten und + Vorderasien*, pp. 16-17 and pl. V. + +[^35]: Théophile Burnat, "Manufacture et usages du cuir dans le royaume + de Kerma (Soudan, IIIe et IIe millénaires av. n. è.) ", Université + de Neuchâtel. + +[^36]: Louis Chaix, pers. comm. + +[^37]: Honegger and Fallet, "Archers Tombs of the Kerma ancien", p. 20. + +[^38]: Bonnet, "Les fouilles archéologiques de Kerma (Soudan) ", 1982, + p. 15. + +[^39]: Cf. Judd, "Ancient Injury Recidivism: An Example from the Kerma + Period of Ancient Nubia", pp. 89--102. + +[^40]: Agathe Chen, pers. comm. + +[^41]: Manzo, "Weapons, ideology and identity at Kerma (Upper Nubia, + 2500-1500 BC)", pp. 3-29. + +[^42]: Honegger, "The Eastern Cemetery of Kerma and its first Royal + Grave", pp. 6-19; Honegger, "La plus ancienne tombe royale de Kerma + en Nubie", pp. 185-198. + +[^43]: Török, *Between Two Worlds*, pp. 53-73. + +[^44]: There is still some debate about the country of destination of + these expeditions, called *Iam* by the Egyptians. Kerma is one of + these possibilities, and one of the only ones that provides early + evidence of contact with the Egyptians in Upper Nubia. Other + scholars have proposed the Western Nubian Desert or a region further + south, towards Kordofan and Darfur. For a summary and discussion of + these different hypotheses, see Obsomer, "Les expéditions d'Herkhouf + (VIe dynastie) et la localisation de Iam", pp. 39-52. + +[^45]: Lacovara, "The Stone Vase Deposit at Kerma", pp. 118-128. + +[^46]: Török, *Between Two Worlds*, pp. 69-70. + +[^47]: Honegger, "Style and identity symbols: an attempt to define the + social meaning of the Kerma funerary fineware and its decorations", + forthcoming. diff --git a/content/article/tsakos.md b/content/article/tsakos.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..520eab7 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/article/tsakos.md @@ -0,0 +1,1002 @@ +--- +title: "Words on Warfare from Christian Nubia" +authors: ["alexandrostsakos.md"] +abstract: +keywords: [] +--- + +The purpose of this paper is to present textual evidence from Christian +Nubia relating to issues of warfare, weaponry, and military functions. +This evidence will be gleaned mainly from manuscripts, and secondarily +from monumental epigraphy. From the four languages used in Christian +Nubia, the present study will focus primarily on Old Nubian and partly +on Greek, while occasionally evidence from sources in Arabic and Coptic +will also be used. Although the material is not particularly rich, it +may add to and/or nuance the picture of warfare in Nubia during the +medieval era (ca. 5th to 15th centuries), which otherwise lacks a +systematic study. + +Moreover, evidence of warfare in the archaeological record from Nubia is +scarce.[^2] One of the major reasons is the abandonment of the ancient +custom of accompanying the dead with tomb furnishings already from the +very beginnings of the Christian era in Nubia,[^3] whereas it was +precisely tombs that provided the richest material evidence for warfare +in terms of weaponry, as can be seen in A-Group,[^4] Kerma,[^5] +Napatan,[^6] Meroitic,[^7] and post-Meroitic burials.[^8] Wars were, +however, far from absent from Christian Nubia. + +Warfare in Nubia is marked on the landscape by the numerous castles and +forts of the Middle Nile region,[^9] although their function was also as +sites of power, sights of might, centers of authority[^10]; it was +witnessed by the historians who recorded the frequent wars between +Christian Nubia and the Caliphate[^11]; it is related with slavery and +slaving expeditions that have impregnated the image of the past in Sudan +from prehistory until modernity[^12]; it was recorded implicitly on the +walls of the Nubian churches, where military saints, most often on +horseback, parade as martyrs of the Christian faith and as guarantors of +the security, longevity and prosperity of the Makuritan realm. + +These military saints will set off the presentation of the textual +evidence on warfare in Old Nubian,[^13] because there has also been +preserved textual evidence of their cult, in the form of both shorter +texts (dedications, prayers) and longer hagiographic works,[^14] as well +as legal documents. From the sanctified humans that populated the +celestial army, we will then move to the *archistratēgos* of the +heavens, the archangel Michael, whose cult in Nubia has produced texts +that offer important insights into the military organization of the +Makuritan state. Finally, a question about the possibility of discerning +evidence of Makuritan naval forces in our epigraphic material will +conclude this modest contribution on warfare in Christian Nubia. + +# The Protector of the Four Corners of the Nubian Nation + +One of the most impressive documents of legal practice from Christian +Nubia is a Royal Proclamation found at Qasr Ibrim (P.QI 3 30) and dated +to the 23^rd^ of August 1155.[^15] Through this legal act, king Moses +George proclaims the rights and privileges of the church of Saint +Epimachos at Ibrim West.[^16] The king threatens anyone who "speaks +against and denies my statement" (P.QI 3 30, l. 30) that Epimachos will +"stab him with his spear" (ll. 30-1). The action is described by the +verb ϣⲁⲅ and the weapon by the noun ϣⲓⲅⲣ̄, but whether the latter refers +to the "spear" indeed and not to any other weapon is uncertain. Without +parallel texts in other languages, it is difficult to confirm the +definitions in OND, which seem to try to conform with the fact that the +spear was the diagnostic iconographic attribute of Epimachos in Nubian +iconography (see below). There is moreover another word in the OND for +"spear" or "lance," i.e. ϣⲁ, which possibly has a related root, but +again it does not necessarily mean "spear." Finally, it should be noted +that an Old Nubian term for "ruler" is ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣⲓ, and although in the OND +this is etymologically linked with a variant ϣⲏⲕⲕ of the term ϣⲁⲗ for +"administrative unit," a verb ϣⲓⲕ, meaning "to rule" has recently been +identified in P.QI 4 93.4 and P.QI 4 108.7. It is tempting to associate +this verb with the noun ϣⲓⲅⲣ̄ and thus suggest that ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣⲓ was a military +ruler, but for the time being this hypothesis remains speculative. + +In any case, the king's threat to invoke Saint Epimachos is presented in +the royal proclamation from Qasr Ibrim as even more powerful than the +King's curse; a heart attack; the sharing of Judas Iscariot's faith; and +the rejection of the trespasser by the society. Again, after all these +threats/curses, it is Epimachos who is called upon "on the day of +judgment" to "come great in battle against him" (ll. 34-5). Here, the +Old Nubian word for battle is used, i.e. ⲡⲛ̄ⲅ. There is also attested a +verb form ⲡⲛ̄ⲕ, i.e. "to fight," as well as a synonym ⲇⲓⳟⲉ (or +ⲇⲓⳟⲁⲣ).[^17] One instance of the use of the latter term in the Old +Nubian corpus translates the Greek participle πολεμουμένων, which +derives from the term πόλεμος, i.e. "war." In Nobiin, the verb ⲇⲓⳟ also +translates as "Krieg führen," [^18] and it is not inconceivable that a +derivative of the root ⲇⲓⳟ was also used to define "war" or "warfare." A +military victory can also be discerned behind the meaning of the term +ⲇⲓⳟⲁⲣⲧ, attested once in the OND translating the Greek word νῖκος.[^19] +In the same semantic field as ⲇⲓⳟⲉ (or ⲇⲓⳟⲁⲣ), there is the verb ⲉⲥⲕ +meaning "to conquer," which seems rather related with the ability to win +rather with the fight necessary to mark a military victory. However, in +one instance, the term is directly linked with the quality of a weapon, +namely a shield (about the Old Nubian terms for this weapon, see below): +P.QI 1 11.ii.2 ⲥⲟⲩⲇⲇⲟⲩ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲕ̄ⲕⲧⲓⲛⲁ *ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲥⲕⲓϭⲣⲉⲛⲛⲗ̄*, that can be +translated as "the staff which is the victorious *shield* of readiness." + +Conversely, the Greek term for "war," i.e. πόλεμος, was surely known in +Christian Nubia, since it appears several times in the Septuagint and +the New Testament. It is important to note that the Greek term is also +used in the Sahidic New Testament, suggesting that it is not impossible +that it had remained untranslated in the Old Nubian version of the Bible +too (for further evidence, see the section on Saint George). + +Moreover, the adjective πολέμιος for "enemy," deriving from the noun +"πόλεμος" is attested in a prayer to Raphael from Banganarti, composed +in "extremely corrupted" Greek. In the same text, a participle +"πολεμόντων" (sic) also appears.[^20] From the rich textual corpus +recorded at the same site one can also glean a couple of instances of +the use of the Greek noun ἐχθρὸς, meaning «enemy».[^21] These instances +seem to rather refer, however, to the devil and other demonic forces as +the *par excellence* enemies of the Christians. + +The term πολέμιος -- denoting real, earthly enemies -- is read in the +text on the back of a small wooden plaque found at the late Christian +settlement of Attiri, where Saint Epimachos is called upon "to protect +the roads from the enemies." [^22] At the same time, there is also an +Old Nubian term for "enemy," i.e. ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧ stemming apparently from the +verb ⲟⲩⲣ meaning "to oppress." + +The reference to "the roads" in the text of the Attiri plaque seems to +invest Epimachos with the role of the protector of the territory that +the ruler and/or the inhabitants of Attiri controlled. This role is +confirmed and expanded to the entire Makuritan realm in the text of P.QI +3 30.26-7, where the king makes an invocation "in order that Epimachos +might arise, come and place the four corners of the nation for care +under my feet." + +Although there are several saints with the name Epimachos, it is +generally thought that the Nubian Epimachos is the same with Epimachus +of Pelusium, who was not initially a warrior-saint, but a weaver from +Pelusium who martyred for the Christian faith under Diocletian.[^23] +Perhaps through his association with other martyrs under Diocletian, +like Saint George, Epimachos became a warrior saint in the belief system +of the Christian Nubians; perhaps this was due to his name, including +the Greek word for battle, i.e. μάχη; or perhaps thanks to some local +miracle that was not preserved to us due to the loss of the relevant +written source. In any case, the cult of Epimachos was widespread at +least in Lower Nubia and in the later centuries of Christianity there +(first half of the second millennium CE), as can also be seen from a +fragment of a stela in Coptic,[^24] two fragmentarily preserved texts +witnessing an Old Nubian version of his Martyrdom,[^25] as well as from +two painted representations at Aballah-n Irqi and Abu Oda, where the +saint is spearing a fallen figure, like in the plaque from Attiri.[^26] + +There were, however, other military saints who were at least equally +venerated in Christian Nubia as Saint Epimachos, and it seems that the +idea of Epimachos spearing the enemies is inherently linked with the +function of such saints who speared the adversary, in the form of a +dragon, a pagan or an apostate, symbolizing in general terms the evil +itself. + +# The Saint *Stratēlates* Mercurios and George + +The spearing of an adversary of the Christian faith is exemplified in +the Acta of Saint Mercurios.[^27] Mercurios was a Roman soldier who +martyred under Decius. The locality of his martyrdom was near Caesarea +in Cappadocia. Thence, he was linked in one legend with Saint Basil of +Caesarea. Basil was a contemporary of Julian the Apostate and, according +to a version of his Life, during Julian's Persian campaign, Basil was +informed in a dream that Mercurios was chosen by the Theotokos to kill +the emperor. Basil rose and went to the martyrion of Mercurios, but +neither his body nor his weapons were there. Later on, the news of +Julian's death reached him. + +An exegesis for this miracle may be linked with the report by Ammianus +Marcellinus that Julian was killed by a lance "no one knows whence" (Res +Gestae XXV.3.6: incertum inde).[^28] Obviously, this vagueness gave room +to speculation for divine intervention, while the reason that Mercurios +was chosen may allegedly be linked with the role of Basil and the +geographical proximity of the martyrion with Julian's Persian campaign. + +In any case, when the narrative about the assassination of Julian +reached Egypt, it was still linked with both the dream of Basil and the +spear of Mercurios, but rather seen as part of the History of the +patriarchate of Athanasios, apparently in order to invest the miracle +with local references. An even further alienation from the narrative in +Basil's Life is to be found in a Greek version of the Acta of Saint +Mercurios discovered at Qasr Ibrim. There, Basil has disappeared from +the miracle story, and the person who sees the dream is Pachomios. When +this dream comes, the father of coenobitic monasticism is together with +Athanasios, during the exile of the latter in the second half of +Julian's reign, i.e. 362-3 CE. The Theotokos has also disappeared from +the narrative and it is now an angel of God who reveals things to +Pachomios. Whether this new narrative is a local, i.e. Nubian, invention +or an Egyptian contextualization of the legend around the assassination +of the Emperor Julian cannot be investigated in this context. + +It can be mentioned, however, that while Mercurios is represented in +Egyptian iconography both as a holder of a spear,[^29] and as Abu +Sayfayn, i.e. the Father with the two swords,[^30] in Nubia he appears +as the slayer of Julian with his spear in all known mural +representations, i.e. from Faras, Abdel Qadir and the Central Church of +Abdallah-n Irqi.[^31] The mural from Faras is of special importance, +because it has been suggested that the story of Abu Sayfayn was already +part of the complete iconographical concept in that section of the +cathedral (see below). Thus, the iconography of Mercurios spearing +Julian unites a type of weapon with the miracle story of the saint and +underlines the identification of Mercurios with the act of eliminating +pagans and the threat of the old religion. + +This identification is relevant for the purpose of this paper, when one +considers that Mercurios was the name of a very important royal figure +in the history of medieval Nubia: King Mercurios ruled during the turn +from the 7^th^ to the 8^th^ century and the *History of the Patriarchs +of Alexandria* calls him the New Constantine, who "became by his +beautiful conduct like one of the Disciples".[^32] Although this +characterization has been linked with the annexation of Nobadia by +Makuria and the integration of the united kingdom in the hierarchy of +the Coptic Patriarchate of Alexandria, I have suggested that the name +Mercurios might have been given to him as indeed a New Constantine who +turned away from heathen practices the Nubian people remaining to be +Christianized, stamping out paganism like his name-sake saint speared +the last pagan emperor.[^33] In sum, for Christians of the Nile Valley, +the name Mercurios must have sounded extremely heroic, belligerent and +war-like. + +Finally, there are three words that are attested in the Greek version of +the Acta S. Mercurii from Qasr Ibrim, which are of direct relevance for +the present investigation, namely: + +\- the noun πόλεμον for "war" commemorating the Persian campaign of +Julian and confirming the knowledge that the Nubians must have had of +this term. + +\- the noun λόγχαριν for "spear" identifying the miraculous weapon of +the martyr in Greek. About the Old Nubian term, see discussion in +previous section. + +\- the adjective στρατηλάτης for "general" referring to Mercurios and +linking him with the other famous "general" of the Christian faith, +saint George. + +Saint George is perhaps the most renowned military saint. He belongs to +the circle of Roman soldiers who martyred for the Christian faith under +Diocletian, but his fame far surpassed that of others, for reasons that +also surpass the scope of this article. His cult reached of course +Christian Nubia too, as is witnessed by fragments of both a Greek and an +Old Nubian version of his Acta that have been unearthed at Qasr Ibrim +and Kulubnarti respectively.[^34] + +The Old Nubian fragments of the Martyrdom of Saint George have been +reconstructed on the basis of the Greek *editio princeps*, but find also +parallels in witnesses in several other languages.[^35] As to the Greek +version, it exhibits a text written in a Greek language characteristic +of late Christian Nubia,[^36] while its content seems to be a +combination of Greek and Coptic versions. This observation led the +editor of the Qasr Ibrim fragments to the hypothesis that the text is +either the result of a free choice from both sources or a Nubian edition +of an original narrative of the martyrdom antedating the Greek *editio +princeps*.[^37] + +In terms of vocabulary, the Martyrdom of Saint George offers interesting +attestations in both versions: + +In the Greek one, the term κομητοῦρα,[^38] a Latin loan-word also +attested in the *editio princeps*, is worthwhile to comment upon, +because it confirms the acquaintance of Nubians with Latin military +jargon, most probably as a result of an influx of Latin terms in +medieval Greek. Moreover, it is interesting that Roman military +correspondence has been unearthed at Qasr Ibrim,[^39] the site of +provenance of the Greek version of the Nubian martyrdom of Saint George. +The influence of Roman military practices in the Middle Nile region has +also been marked on the ground through the apparent similarities between +Roman forts and those built in the Middle Nile region during Late +Antiquity.[^40] + +As far as the Old Nubian version of the Acta S. Georgii is concerned, +the most interesting term is ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡⳝⲁⲣⲓ\[ⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ\], which stands for the +Greek term σπαθάριος, or etymologically "those (soldiers) who carry +sword," combining the terms ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡ for "sword" and ⳝⲁⲣ from ⲕⲁⲣⲣ for "to +grasp, hold".[^41] The shift from *kappa* to *jima* can be explained as +progressive assimilation under influence of the palatal nasal *nia*, +while the phenomenon of the incorporation of a noun into a verbal root +complex is attested in Old Nubian.[^42] + +This etymological analysis may be compromised by the existence of the +Old Nubian word ⲕⲁⲣ meaning "shield," which could translate the term as +"the holder (sic) of the sword and the shield," but without any morpheme +explicating the coining of the two terms, unless it can be found in the +reconstructed part of the manuscript. Moreover, the existence of a Greek +Vorlage for the Acta S. Georgii gives good ground for accepting the +original etymological analysis, while the term ⲕⲁⲣ is only attested in a +passage of the Stauros-text, that the Coptic parallel text does not +preserve.[^43] + +Finally, the analysis of ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡⳝⲁⲣⲓ\[ⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ\] as "those (soldiers) who +carry sword" opens the path for a new interpretation of another office +from the titulature used in Christian Nubia, namely ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲕⲟⲗ. + +This term is attested in P.QI 3 30.37 & 41 and seems to derive its +etymology from the word ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ for "shield" or "armor" more generally. +The last element ⲕⲟⲗ defines "the one who has," forming a sort of a +participle. And the remaining three letters could again be interpreted +either as ⲕⲁⲣ meaning "shield" or as ⲕⲁⲣⲣ meaning "to grasp/hold". In my +opinion, it makes better sense to use the latter etymology and to see +ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲕⲟⲗ as a term defining the officer who is wielding the +shield.[^44] For this etymology to work, one must account for the +dropping of the final glide, a phenomenon which is not unattested. + +The relation of this office with the "shield" brings to mind the Greek +title ὑπασπιστής, which means "the one who is under the shield" and +derives from the Macedonian military organization, where the hypaspistēs +were a sort of esquires.[^45] The office continued into the Byzantine +period and, according to Maspero the hypaspistēs were the guard of the +duces in Egypt,[^46] often composed of mercenaries, also including +"Ethiopians", a term used for the peoples leaving south of Egypt, but +which remains vague whether it denoted in the medieval era the Nubians +or the inhabitants of modern-day Ethiopia or both.[^47] The meaning +"guard" for hypaspistēs appears also in Byzantine sources of the 11^th^ +century,[^48] while in later times the hypaspistēs were important +individuals close to the ruler, sort of retainers of the king. +Interestingly, the most renowned chronicle of the Fall of Constantinople +in 1453 was written by Georgios Frantzis who was -- among other things +-- the hypaspistēs of the last Byzantine Emperor, Constantine +Paleologos.[^49] + +This interest lies with the fact that both instances of the term +ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲕⲟⲗ in the Old Nubian corpus derive from the royal proclamation +from Qasr Ibrim, examined in the section about Epimachos. Now, the first +instance is only preserved partially as ⲅⲟⲩⲕ ̀ⲕ ́ and has been +deciphered based on the second one, although they apparently refer to +different persons, first to someone called Papasa and then to someone +called Ounta. The first one accumulates several titles, mainly monastic, +palatial, and bureaucratic; the second one is a scribe. It is not +improbable that such individuals in Christian Nubia may also have +exercised military functions, as the etymology based on ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ for +"shield, armor" may indicate and the history of the term hypaspistēs in +Byzantine Egypt underlines, but it is equally probable that the office +meant in Makuria the same as in the later centuries in Byzantium, namely +an esquire. At least this seems, in my opinion, more fitting with Papasa +and Ounta in the service of king Moses George. + +In any case, a military aura of the Makuritan royal court is very +plausible, given, among other things, the certainly important role that +the king played in warfare, as is attested in the Arabic sources +referring to Christian Nubia, where the king always appears as the +leader of the Nubian armies. We could look for example at this same king +Moses George who stamped with hot iron a cross on the hand of the +emissary of none less than Saladin, when he was asked to subdue and +convert to Islam[^50]; or much earlier in the 8^th^ century, when king +Kyriakos invaded Egypt and caused chaos there attempting to liberate the +imprisoned patriarch Michael[^51]; or even in the heroic defense of +Dongola in the 7^th^ century by king Qalidurut who signed the +much-discussed *baqt* with Abdalla ibn Sa'd.[^52] During the siege, the +world came to know the might of the Nubian archers who were praised by +the Arabic chroniclers and poets for centuries to come. The Old Nubian +word for bow is attested once in a passage translated from Greek +Patristic literature: ⲇⲁⲙⲁⲣ. Interestingly, in the OND, this term is +linked etymologically with the Dongolawi/Andaandi *tungur*, which has a +striking phonetic similarity with the Old Nubian toponym for the +Makuritan capital, namely ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲟⲩⲗ. Although the term tungur for "bow" +seems unrelated to the accepted etymologies of ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲟⲩⲗ,[^53] it cannot +be excluded that the inhabitants of Dongola associated their city with +the war technique that their ancestors became famous for, and they +themselves surely still practiced. This is a line of thought that might +be worth investigating further in a future study. + +# The ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ of Heavens and the Archistratēgos of the Makuritan King + +Mercurios and George were sanctified and as stratēlates were +posthumously surely manning the celestial hosts in their perennial and +eternal fight against evil, along with Epimachos and the other military +saints of Nubia. In this superhuman afterlife, the martyrs would thus be +expected to join forces with the archistratēgos of heavens, the leader +of the angelic hosts, the archangel Michael. + +Characteristically, the swords that Mercurios holds in his +representations in Coptic art as Abu Sayfayn are given to him by Michael +as narrated in the *Encomium of Acacius, Bishop of Caesarea, on +Mercurius the Martyr*.[^54] It seems that the Nubians were aware of that +story and while preserving the spear as weapon of the mounted Saint +Mercurios in the cathedral of Faras, they represented on the adjoining +wall Michael offering the sword to the saint.[^55] + +The archangel Michael is the most venerated celestial being in the +Christian pantheon of medieval Nubia with innumerable sources dedicated +to his cult.[^56] One of the most popular aspects of the archangel's +cult is an apocryphal work called "The Book of the Investiture of the +Archangel Michael," which describes -- among other things -- the fall of +Mastema (i.e. the devil) from Heaven due to his objection to venerate +Adam as an image of God and his replacement by Michael who thence +becomes protector of the humans and leader/archistratēgos of the angelic +hosts.[^57] + +A lot has been written about the importance of this work in Nubia.[^58] +One important element in the discussion is the coincidence that the +focal passage of the entire work -- the scene of the Investiture of +Michael -- is the only thing narrated in the two versions fragmentarily +preserved in two Nubian manuscripts: one in Greek from Serra East and +one in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim.[^59] Among other insights that this +coincidence offers, there is one that obtains a special importance in +the context of the present paper, namely that the word that translates +the Greek term ἀρχιστράτηγος in Old Nubian is ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ, which is most +probably the term used to define an Eparch of the Makuritan +kingdom,[^60] more often than not (but not exclusively) linked with the +Late Antique kingdom of Nobadia controlling between the 4^th^-5^th^ and +the 6^th^-7^th^ centuries Lower Nubia. + +There are, however, more Eparchs attested in the Nubian sources than +just the Eparch of Nobadia. Whether all Eparchs were Songoj or whether +all Eparchs had (also) a military function, it is impossible to +ascertain. The Eparch of Nobadia though (the Migin Songoj of the Nubian +texts) seems to be the same term as the "Lord of the Mountain," which is +attested in Arabic sources and although apparently linked with economic +activities (an idea based on the nature of the documents in which the +title appears) he was also understood as a military officer and also +called "Lord of the Horses."[^61] Suffice to be reminded here that +military saints in Nubia were mostly depicted on horseback.[^62] + +One more detail from the field of Nubian iconography: a mural from Faras +housed at the National Museum of Warsaw represents an unnamed Eparch who +holds a bow,[^63] perhaps the weapon par excellence of Nubians, as we +mentioned in the reference to the successful defense of Dongola against +the invading Islamic army in the 7^th^ century. Admittedly, this is not +the only representation of an Eparch from Christian Nubia, but the sole +iconographic witness of the links between the Eparch and warfare. + +So, although the title of the Eparch may have been used for a variety of +functions in the Makuritan state, the military one should not be doubted +based on the translation of ἀρχιστράτηγος as ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ in the Book of the +Investiture of the Archangel Michael. All this is of course the result +of the identification of the titles Eparch and ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ. This +identification is quite certain for some contexts, but during the +centuries (at least six) that it was in use the terms may have shifted +semantic fields. So, it is plausible that the term ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ translating the +Greek ἀρχιστράτηγος was a military office that supplemented the civil +functions of the Eparch, an office for which the Old Nubian term is +unknown -- if it ever existed. On the same token, one may be reminded of +the existence of the offices of *peseto* and *pelmos* in Meroitic Lower +Nubia, the former having civil functions and the latter military +ones.[^64] + +Leaving aside this necessary and eventually inevitable nuancing for a +different venue, it may be concluded in the context of the present paper +that the Songoj/Eparch was (also) the archistratēgos of the Makuritan +king, a sort of a *præfectus prætorio* or ἔπαρχος στρατευμάτων.[^65] + +Hence, a complementary working hypothesis can be advanced. In the Greek +version of the Book of the Investiture of the Archangel Michael, we get +a detailed description of the celestial ceremony of investiture, where +Michael is receiving the garments of his new function, the uniform of +the archistratēgos. In the first instance that the military character of +the archangel's dress is mentioned, the garments are called +στρατοπεδαρχίας ἀμφιάσματα, "the clothes of the chief of the military +encampment." The Old Nubian text prefers again to state that Michael was +dressed in the garment of the office of the ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ. So, it seems that for +the Makuritans the Songoj was an army general presiding over an +encampment. Was this encampment permanent? Or did the role apply to the +leadership of a special type of unit stationed at a given locality? And +to what degree such στρατοπεδαρχίαι reflect the local authority that +eventually the various Eparchs attested in our sources had? These +questions should remain open until new discoveries and a more thorough +study of the material takes place. + +# War on the Nile + +There is a last aspect that is worthwhile a comment in the framework of +the present paper. The dimensions of warfare discussed hereby all seem +to refer to land forces. However, the most characteristic element of the +Nubian civilization is its relation with the River Nile. Therefore, its +navigation cannot have left unaffected the military exploits of +Christian Nubians. Actually, it has already been suggested that the +placement of the fortresses of Makuria along the banks of the Nile +necessitated the existence of a fleet which could transport the army and +vital provisions in case of a land attack from intruders, be they desert +marauders or the Egyptian army.[^66] Unfortunately, there is very little +in our sources that gives information about the naval forces of the +Makuritans. Moreover, what is known about navigation on the Nile in +terms of Old Nubian vocabulary has already been presented and this +material includes nothing that points with certainty to warfare.[^67] + +There exists, however, one title in Greek, namely ναυάρχης, for +ναύαρχος, meaning "admiral," who has been already seen as the leader of +the fleet transporting goods and military units to the Makuritan +fortresses.[^68] Furthermore, there should be no doubt that an "admiral" +was always in existence in Nubia, since we know of a "strategos of the +water" from Meroitic times.[^69] Now, it has been shown in an early +study of the titles and honorific epithets from Nubia that ναυάρχης, +albeit of apparently Byzantine inspiration, was not the preferred +*terminus technicus* for a Byzantine "admiral," but it was mainly to be +found in literary works.[^70] Thus, it is worthwhile enquiring whether +the Makuritans did not make some bookish research in order to find the +term that they would use for their admiral, as it seems that they have +done in other occasions, like in the accumulation of terms for "king" in +the renowned Kudanbes inscription, which -- rather unsurprisingly under +this light -- is one of the places where the term ναυάρχης is being +attested.[^71] + +# Concluding Remarks + +It would be difficult to pronounce a set of conclusions from this study +that aimed primarily at assembling lexicographical data about warfare in +Christian Nubia. Previous research has already traced the outlines of +the influence of Greek terminology upon the way Nubians created their +own titles and honorific epithets and there has not been found any new +military terms or words of weaponry that can be added to OND. However, +new apprehension of a couple of words on war was proposed here, while +the revisiting of both literary and documentary sources has offered a +reappraisal of some others and the nuancing of their contextualization +against the background of the Makuritan Christian kingdom, undoubtedly +involved in wars along its history and across the classes of its social +stratification. Finally, it is perhaps the main contribution of this +paper to show the potential of teasing out information about neglected +aspects of the Nubian past from a careful and educated but also bold and +imaginative reading of the available material. + +# References + +Browne, Gerald Michael. *Old Nubian Texts from Qasr +Ibrim*, volume 3. 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Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institut 2013. + +[^1]: The author would like to thank Adam [Łajtar and + Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei for their reviews of this study. + +[^2]: For a general presentation, see [Welsby, *The + Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia*, pp. 78-82. + +[^3]: Edwards, "The *Christianisation* of *Nubia*: some + archaeological pointers", p. 89 + +[^4]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, *War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging + State of Ancient Egypt*. + +[^5]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity: + The emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan". + +[^6]: [Welsby, *The Kingdom of Kush*, pp. 39-50. + +[^7]: [Francigny, *Les coutumes funéraires dans le royaume + de Méroé*. + +[^8]: [Lenoble, *El-Hobagi*. + +[^9]: [Crawford, *Castles and Churches in the Middle Nile + Region.* + +[^10]: [Drzewiecki, *Mighty Kingdoms and their Forts.* + +[^11]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*; + [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale.* + +[^12]: [Edwards, "Slavery and Slaving in the Medieval and + Post-Medieval Kingdoms of the Middle Nile". + +[^13]: All the Old Nubian words assembled in this study can be found in + [Browne, Old Nubian Dictionary (hence OND). + +[^14]: [Frend, "The Cult of Military Saints in Christian + Nubia". + +[^15]: For the correction of the date from 1156, see + [Ruffini, *Medieval Nubia: A Social and Economic + History*, pp. 265-70. + +[^16]: The same church may be the object of two more documents, i.e. + P.QI 3 40 & P.QI 3 53. + +[^17]: Here a corrigendum to P.Attiri 1.ii.1 from \[ⲁⲛ\] to \[ⲇⲓ\] + should be noted, see [Van Gerven Oei e.a., *The Old + Nubian Texts from Attiri*, p. 39. + +[^18]: [Khalil, *Wörterbuch der nubischen Sprache*, p. 41. + +[^19]: The word ⲇⲓⳟⲧ̄ for "wrestling" is totally reconstructed in OND and + is not considered in the present discussion. + +[^20]: [Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage Centre in + Nubia. The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper Church at + Banganarti*, pp. 383-385 (inscription nr. 578). The citation is from + p. 384. + +[^21]: Idem, p. 562-3 and inscription 964. + +[^22]: [Tsakos, "Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: + Epimachos of Attiri: a Warrior Saint of Late Christian Nubia", pp. + 215-7. + +[^23]: [Esbroeck, "Epimachus of Pelusium, Saint", *Coptic + Encyclopedia*, pp. 965b-967a. + +[^24]: [Van der Vliet, *I. Khartoum Copt.*, pp. 83-4 (nr. + 24). + +[^25]: [Browne, "An Old Nubian Version of the Martyrdom of + Saint Epimachus" and "An Old Nubian translation of the Martyrdom of + Saint Epimachus". + +[^26]: See [Tsakos, "Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: + Epimachos of Attiri: a Warrior Saint of Late Christian Nubia", p. + 213 with an image of the plaque and pp. 220-1 for the other + representations with references + +[^27]: [Frend, "The Cult of Military Saints in Christian + Nubia", pp. 156-8. + +[^28]: For the reference, see Idem, p. 157 and note 9. + +[^29]: [Piankoff, "Peintures au monastère de Saint + Antoine", p. 160 and ill. IV. + +[^30]: [Esbroeck, "Mercurius of Caesarea, Saint", pp. + 1593b-1594a. + +[^31]: See [Frend, "The Cult of Military Saints in + Christian Nubia", p. 157 for references. + +[^32]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 40; [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 96. + +[^33]: [Tsakos, "The Christianization of Nubia". + +[^34]: For the find from Qasr Ibrim, see [Frend, "Fragments + of a version of the Acta S. Georgii from Q\'asr Ibrim". For the find + from Kulubnarti, see [Browne, *The Old Nubian Martyrdom + of Saint George*. + +[^35]: [Browne, ibid., p. 1-3. + +[^36]: For the general characteristics of Greek in Late Christian Nubia, + see [Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage Centre in + Nubia. The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper Church at + Banganarti*, pp. 20-30. + +[^37]: [Frend, "Fragments of a version of the Acta S. + Georgii from Q\'asr Ibrim", pp. 103-4. + +[^38]: Idem., p. 94. + +[^39]: See [Derda and [Łajtar, "Greek and + Latin papyri from the Egypt Exploration Society excavations at Qasr + Ibrim: A testimony to the Roman army in Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia + in the first years of Augustus", p. 185; [Derda and + [Łajtar, "The Roman Occupation of Qasr Ibrim as + Reflected in the Greek Papyri from the Site", pp. 105-6 and notes 1 + and 2 for references. + +[^40]: [Drzewiecki, "Roman Type Forts in the Middle Nile + Valley. Late Antique Fortlets between Patterns of Roman Military + Architecture and Local Tradition". + +[^41]: [Browne, *The Old Nubian Martyrdom of Saint George*, + p. 11. + +[^42]: For the phenomenon of "incorporation", see [Van Gerven + Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian*, §15.1.3.4. + +[^43]: This passage has been interpreted as a later interpolation by the + copyist of the original work in Old Nubian, see [Van Gerven + Oei and [Tsakos, "Apostolic Memoirs in Old + Nubian". + +[^44]: It should be noted that two more terms may be linked with ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ + for "shield": the first is ⲅⲟⲩϣ (or ⲅⲟⲩⲥ), perhaps from ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ for + "shield" and ϣⲁ for "spear", but [Osman, "The + Post-Medieval Kingdom of Kokka: A Means for a Better Understanding + of the Administration of the Medieval Kingdom of Dongola", p. 191 + proposes an alternative explanation of the word, albeit still + interpreted as a military title; and the second is ⲅⲟⲩⲁⲇ, about + which there is even less certainty. + +[^45]: [Foulon, "Hypaspistes, peltastes, chrysaspides, + argyraspides, chalcaspides". + +[^46]: [Maspero, *Organisation militaire de l'Égypte + byzantine*, pp. 66-68. + +[^47]: For an up-to-date discussion of the issue, see + [Simmons, *Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusading World, + 1095-1402*. + +[^48]: [Ostrogorsky, "Observations on the Aristocracy in + Byzantium", pp. 13-14 + +[^49]: [Koukounas, *Georgios Phrantzes, Chronicon*. + +[^50]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 369-70. + +[^51]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 329; [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 93-112. + +[^52]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 639; [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 53-91. + +[^53]: [Łajtar, "On the Name of the Capital of the Nubian + Kingdom of Makuria". + +[^54]: [Budge, *Miscellaneous Texts in the Dialect of Upper + Egypt*, pp. 858-61. + +[^55]: [Zielińska and [Tsakos, + "Representations of the Archangel Michael in Wall Paintings from + Christian Nubia", pp. 85-6. + +[^56]: [Tsakos, "Sources about the cult and persona of the + archangel Michael in Nubia". + +[^57]: For the use of the title archistratēgos for the archangel + Raphael, see [Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage + Centre in Nubia. The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper + Church at Banganarti*, p. 46. + +[^58]: [Tsakos, "The Liber Institutionis Michaelis in + Medieval Nubia". + +[^59]: About this coincidence, see [Browne, "Old Nubian + literature", p. 382 and [Tsakos "Textual finds from + Cerre Matto". + +[^60]: [Ruffini, *Medieval Nubia: A Social and Economic + History*, pp. 34-5. + +[^61]: [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 198 and note 158. + +[^62]: For examples of the contrary, see + [Martens-Czarnecka, *The Wall Paintings from the + Monastery on Kom H in Dongola*, pp. 207-13. + +[^63]: [Michalowski, *Faras - Wall Paintings in the + Collection of the National Museum in Warsaw*, nr. 61, p. 263; + [Jakobielski e.a., *Pachoras/Faras: The Wall Paintings + from the Cathedrals of Aetios, Paulos and Petros*, nr. 138, pp. + 419-22. + +[^64]: For a discussion framed as background for an analysis of the + title "Eparch of Nobadia," see [Hendrickx, "The "Lord + of the Mountain". A Study of the Nubian *eparchos of Nobadia*". + +[^65]: [Mason, *Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A + Lexicon and Analysis*, pp. 138-40. + +[^66]: [Żurawski, "Strongholds on the Middle Nile: Nubian + Fortifications of the Middle Ages", pp. 115-8. + +[^67]: [Tsakos, "Terms for Boats and Navigation in Old + Nubia". + +[^68]: [Żurawski, "Strongholds on the Middle Nile: Nubian + Fortifications of the Middle Ages", p. 116. + +[^69]: [Welsby, *The Kingdom of Kush*, p. 40 + +[^70]: [Hägg, "Titles and honorific epithets in Nubian + Greek texts", pp. 161-2. + +[^71]: [Griffith, "Christian Documents from Nubia", pp. + 134-45; [Łajtar, "The so-called Kudanbes Inscription in + Deir Anba Hadra (St. Simeon Monastery) near Aswan: An Attempt at a + New Reading and Interpretation". diff --git a/content/author/alexandrostsakos.md b/content/author/alexandrostsakos.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2e63ac9 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/author/alexandrostsakos.md @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +--- +title: Alexandros Tsakos +--- + +# Biography + +Bio. diff --git a/content/author/matthieuhonegger.md b/content/author/matthieuhonegger.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6c9af7e --- /dev/null +++ b/content/author/matthieuhonegger.md @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +--- +title: Matthieu Honegger +--- + +# Biography + +Bio. diff --git a/content/editor/_index.md b/content/editor/_index.md index e0c28ad..2078300 100644 --- a/content/editor/_index.md +++ b/content/editor/_index.md @@ -1,3 +1,3 @@ --- -title: "List of authors" +title: "List of editors" --- diff --git a/content/issue/dotawo8.md b/content/issue/dotawo8.md index f02b3b4..9bf663b 100644 --- a/content/issue/dotawo8.md +++ b/content/issue/dotawo8.md @@ -1,7 +1,7 @@ --- title: "Dotawo 8: War in the Sudan" editors: ["henriettehafsaas.md"] -has_articles: ["matic.md"] +has_articles: ["matic.md", "tsakos.md", "honegger.md"] --- # Preface by the Editor diff --git a/content/issue/misc.md b/content/issue/misc.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4e88db4 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/issue/misc.md @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +--- +title: "Miscellanea" +editors: [] +has_articles: [] +--- + +Miscellanea blabla over time, issue will be released. diff --git a/content/journal/index.md b/content/journal/index.md index f6e1d87..00b0354 100644 --- a/content/journal/index.md +++ b/content/journal/index.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- title: Dotawo - A Journal of Nubian Studies -has_issues: ["dotawo7.md", "dotawo8.md"] +has_issues: ["dotawo7.md", "dotawo8.md", "misc.md"] --- # About Dotawo