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@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ Banfield, Edward C. *.* Il Mulino, 1997.
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Sciolla, Loredana. *.* Il Mulino, 1997.
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@ -40,7 +40,7 @@ Women, too, carved out spaces within this world, moving beyond the limits impose
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Quadrelli, Emilio. *.* DeriveApprodi, 2024.
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Quadrelli, Emilio. *.* DeriveApprodi, 2024.
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@ -56,7 +56,7 @@ Sociologist Miguel Martínez has argued for a more nuanced understanding of thes
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Martínez, Miguel A. 2014. “.” *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, 38(2): 646–74.
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Martínez, Miguel A. 2014. “.” *International Journal of Urban and Regional Research*, 38(2): 646–74.
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@ -70,7 +70,7 @@ In Milanese slang, *leggera* can denote the deftness of a pickpocket’s hand or
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Montaldi, Danilo. **. Einaudi, 1961.
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Montaldi, Danilo. **. Einaudi, 1961.
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@ -86,7 +86,7 @@ Fields, Desiree (2022). "". *Boston Review*, April 30. Alaso vailable on [Boston Review](https://bostonreview.net/articles/erin-mcelroy-meredith-whittaker-genevieve-fried-covid-19-and-tech/)
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McElroy, Erin, Whittaker, Meredith, and Fried, Genvieve (2020). "". *Boston Review*, April 30. Alaso vailable on [Boston Review](https://bostonreview.net/articles/erin-mcelroy-meredith-whittaker-genevieve-fried-covid-19-and-tech/)
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@ -100,7 +100,7 @@ Drawing from historical records, oral traditions, and myths, Hobsbawm argues tha
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Hobsbawm, Eric J. **. Delacorte Press, 1969.
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Hobsbawm, Eric J. **. Delacorte Press, 1969.
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@ -118,7 +118,7 @@ Thus, Bacha’s Belíndia metaphor not only captures economic inequality but als
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Bacha, Edmar L. “.” Cuadernos de Economía 11, no. 33 (1974): 60–64.
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Bacha, Edmar L. “.” Cuadernos de Economía 11, no. 33 (1974): 60–64.
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@ -144,7 +144,7 @@ Robin Kelley’s work describes the infrapolitics in rebellions of zoot suiters,
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The Black Panthers occasionally suggested that property theft could be an act of justice, echoing earlier anarchists and Italian radicals by describing some street crime as “class justice.” In June 1970, the party’s newspaper praised “three lumpen brothers shot in the process of taking what was rightfully theirs,” affirming that “any act of violence upon you (the rulers) is right on. It’s the people’s duty to attack and destroy any symbol of oppression within the colony. We are POWs and anything we do to break out of what we’re under is right on.” Panthers viewed killing police as victories that shattered the myth of police invincibility.
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The Black Panthers occasionally suggested that property theft could be an act of justice, echoing earlier anarchists and Italian radicals by describing some street crime as “class justice.” In June 1970, the party’s newspaper praised “three lumpen brothers shot in the process of taking what was rightfully theirs,” affirming that “any act of violence upon you (the rulers) is right on. It’s the people’s duty to attack and destroy any symbol of oppression within the colony. We are POWs and anything we do to break out of what we’re under is right on.” Panthers viewed killing police as victories that shattered the myth of police invincibility.
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@ -166,7 +166,7 @@ Graeber, David. *. Princeton University Press, 2005.
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Frankfurt, Harry G. *. Princeton University Press, 2005.
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@ -184,7 +184,7 @@ Yet, as often occurs in historical processes more complex than any schema, the p
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Thus ended a century-long history of social marginalization, culminating in the *camorrista*’s achievement of a central role within the social fabric of urban and regional areas where capitalist modernization has overcome the residues of pre-capitalist conditions.
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Thus ended a century-long history of social marginalization, culminating in the *camorrista*’s achievement of a central role within the social fabric of urban and regional areas where capitalist modernization has overcome the residues of pre-capitalist conditions.
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@ -218,7 +218,7 @@ Sometimes, to keep a game alive, we need to change it, which might mean stopping
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The well-timed cheat works because it restores a sense of play. It allows us to change the game so that we can continue to enjoy it, reclaiming the playfulness that was lost in sticking rigidly to rules.
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The well-timed cheat works because it restores a sense of play. It allows us to change the game so that we can continue to enjoy it, reclaiming the playfulness that was lost in sticking rigidly to rules.
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@ -236,7 +236,7 @@ Drawing from my experience as an initiator of a successful anticorruption campai
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Mungiu, Alina. “.” *Journal of Democracy* 17, no. 3 (2006): 86–99.
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Mungiu, Alina. “.” *Journal of Democracy* 17, no. 3 (2006): 86–99.
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@ -249,7 +249,7 @@ We are often told that the poor are grateful for charity. Some of them are, no d
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As for being discontented, any man who is not dissatisfied with such surroundings and a low mode of life would be little more than a brute. Disobedience, to anyone who knows history, is humanity’s original virtue. Progress has been made through disobedience and rebellion. Sometimes, the poor are praised for being thrifty, but recommending thrift to the poor is both grotesque and insulting—like advising a starving man to eat less. For a laborer in the town or countryside to practice thrift would be absolutely immoral. Humanity should not be compelled to live like badly fed animals.
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As for being discontented, any man who is not dissatisfied with such surroundings and a low mode of life would be little more than a brute. Disobedience, to anyone who knows history, is humanity’s original virtue. Progress has been made through disobedience and rebellion. Sometimes, the poor are praised for being thrifty, but recommending thrift to the poor is both grotesque and insulting—like advising a starving man to eat less. For a laborer in the town or countryside to practice thrift would be absolutely immoral. Humanity should not be compelled to live like badly fed animals.
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@ -281,7 +281,7 @@ As I argue in this book, the dominant understanding of escape is organized aroun
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And yet, my understanding of escape beyond its generic constraints contains both the passive and the direct, the silent and the spectacular. I advance an idea of escape as in iterative act not defined by the genre constraints of full redemption, but narrative genre that intervenes into normative temporal and spatial logics to articulate an otherwise strategy. It holds within it a mountainous landscape, valleys in shadow, holding and hiding spots.
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And yet, my understanding of escape beyond its generic constraints contains both the passive and the direct, the silent and the spectacular. I advance an idea of escape as in iterative act not defined by the genre constraints of full redemption, but narrative genre that intervenes into normative temporal and spatial logics to articulate an otherwise strategy. It holds within it a mountainous landscape, valleys in shadow, holding and hiding spots.
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@ -307,7 +307,7 @@ Wark, McKenzie. *
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Levy, Steven. **. Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1984.
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Levy, Steven. **. Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1984.
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@ -325,7 +325,7 @@ The precious within us resists being known in ways that might diminish it. Hidin
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Hiding is a bid for independence—from others, from false ideas about ourselves, and from the oppressive desire to keep us completely safe, managed, and controlled. Hiding is creative, necessary, and a beautiful subversion of outside interference. It allows life to become more of itself. Hiding is the radical independence essential for our emergence into a human future worthy of the light.
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Hiding is a bid for independence—from others, from false ideas about ourselves, and from the oppressive desire to keep us completely safe, managed, and controlled. Hiding is creative, necessary, and a beautiful subversion of outside interference. It allows life to become more of itself. Hiding is the radical independence essential for our emergence into a human future worthy of the light.
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@ -351,7 +351,7 @@ Vásquez, Delio. "![Illegalist Foucault, Criminal Foucault](bib:d7daa948-f643-42
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Feldman, Alex J. "." *European Journal of Philosophy*, 28(2), 2020, pp. 445-462.
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Feldman, Alex J. "." *European Journal of Philosophy*, 28(2), 2020, pp. 445-462.
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@ -371,7 +371,7 @@ The understanding of these payments—whether to expect better service or simply
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The causality question is crucial: do these payments undermine the state, or are they a symptom of a weak, distrusted state? This question forms the basis of this book. Some practitioners might argue that people must begin respecting state rules for societal improvements, while others contend that the state must build trust so that citizens are more inclined to follow the rules. Likely, a combination of both approaches is needed. Yet, there remains a tendency to urge citizens toward legality without fully considering whether the state meets their expectations.
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The causality question is crucial: do these payments undermine the state, or are they a symptom of a weak, distrusted state? This question forms the basis of this book. Some practitioners might argue that people must begin respecting state rules for societal improvements, while others contend that the state must build trust so that citizens are more inclined to follow the rules. Likely, a combination of both approaches is needed. Yet, there remains a tendency to urge citizens toward legality without fully considering whether the state meets their expectations.
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@ -393,7 +393,7 @@ Allahyari’s work has presented four djinn in particular:
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These djinn are neither curses, prophecies, nor accomplices to harmful human desires; nor are they cures. As the Quran suggests, djinn can obey or defy divine will. They act as technical forces—openers, disruptors, navigators—serving various purposes but remaining uncontrollable. In Muslim popular cultures, djinn extend the “time of women” beyond traditional roles, engaging in industrial actions that ensure endurance even where survival seems impossible.
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These djinn are neither curses, prophecies, nor accomplices to harmful human desires; nor are they cures. As the Quran suggests, djinn can obey or defy divine will. They act as technical forces—openers, disruptors, navigators—serving various purposes but remaining uncontrollable. In Muslim popular cultures, djinn extend the “time of women” beyond traditional roles, engaging in industrial actions that ensure endurance even where survival seems impossible.
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@ -417,7 +417,7 @@ Philosopher Fernanda Carlos Borges extends this idea, relating *jeitinho* to bod
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* Prado, Alyssa Magalhães. “.” *Horizonte Científico* 10, no. 1 (2016): 1808–3064.
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* Prado, Alyssa Magalhães. “.” *Horizonte Científico* 10, no. 1 (2016): 1808–3064.
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@ -453,7 +453,7 @@ Michel Foucault wrote that knowledge was not made for understanding; it was made
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This article explores the performances of a particular category of young men often derog- atively referred to as “chamchas” (sycophants) who are using the art of making do (jugaad) by exploiting and bluffing links with powerful political networks and political parties, as well as friendships with strongmen and their criminal crews. Crucially, the comparative ethnography across India (western Uttar Pradesh) and Bangladesh (Sylhet) introduces readers to the “contact zone” where legality, semi-legality, and organized criminal systems meet. In so doing, the article unravels the working of the democratically elected “Mafia Raj.”
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This article explores the performances of a particular category of young men often derog- atively referred to as “chamchas” (sycophants) who are using the art of making do (jugaad) by exploiting and bluffing links with powerful political networks and political parties, as well as friendships with strongmen and their criminal crews. Crucially, the comparative ethnography across India (western Uttar Pradesh) and Bangladesh (Sylhet) introduces readers to the “contact zone” where legality, semi-legality, and organized criminal systems meet. In so doing, the article unravels the working of the democratically elected “Mafia Raj.”
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@ -467,7 +467,7 @@ Silva introduces a powerful theme of refusal—a deliberate act of resistance th
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Through this refusal, Silva embraces the radical potential of the ‘scream’—an uncontainable force that signifies beyond language and law, representing an untamed space of cosmic potential she terms ‘The Thing.’ Silva’s vision of radical praxis involves acknowledging justice as a form of embodied refusal, a defiant ethical act that unsettles the boundaries of modern knowledge and embraces excess as a liberatory force against colonial structures.
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Through this refusal, Silva embraces the radical potential of the ‘scream’—an uncontainable force that signifies beyond language and law, representing an untamed space of cosmic potential she terms ‘The Thing.’ Silva’s vision of radical praxis involves acknowledging justice as a form of embodied refusal, a defiant ethical act that unsettles the boundaries of modern knowledge and embraces excess as a liberatory force against colonial structures.
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@ -505,7 +505,7 @@ Thus, a North African living in Paris or Roubaix (France) insinuates into the sy
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These modes of use—or rather reuse—multiply with the extension of acculturation phenomena, that is, with the displacements that substitute manners or "methods" of transiting toward an identification of a person by the place in which he lives or works. That does not prevent them from corresponding to a very ancient art of "making do." I give them the name of uses, even though the word most often designates stereotyped procedures accepted and reproduced by a group, its "ways and customs." The problem lies in the ambiguity of the word, since it is precisely a matter of recognizing in these "uses" "actions" (in the military sense of the word) that have their own formality and inventiveness and that discreetly organize the multiform labor of consumption.
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These modes of use—or rather reuse—multiply with the extension of acculturation phenomena, that is, with the displacements that substitute manners or "methods" of transiting toward an identification of a person by the place in which he lives or works. That does not prevent them from corresponding to a very ancient art of "making do." I give them the name of uses, even though the word most often designates stereotyped procedures accepted and reproduced by a group, its "ways and customs." The problem lies in the ambiguity of the word, since it is precisely a matter of recognizing in these "uses" "actions" (in the military sense of the word) that have their own formality and inventiveness and that discreetly organize the multiform labor of consumption.
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*[Series Guide](https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0023jkn/episodes/guide)*
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*[Series Guide](https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0023jkn/episodes/guide)*
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That looting is one of the most racially loaded, morally abhorred, and depoliticized concepts in modern society should come as no surprise. From its very first usages, the word has served to re-enforce the white supremacist juncture of property and race.
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That looting is one of the most racially loaded, morally abhorred, and depoliticized concepts in modern society should come as no surprise. From its very first usages, the word has served to re-enforce the white supremacist juncture of property and race.
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@ -565,7 +565,7 @@ That looting is one of the most racially loaded, morally abhorred, and depolitic
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Koyré surely had Plato in mind when he added that early political philosophy was tied to the same principle: since most people (the dēmos) must live in lies because they are incapable of grasping the truth, whose mishandling and bowdlerisation can be dangerous to political order, veracity „must be spooned out, diluted and specially prepared for them‟. “There has never been so much lying as in our time‟, he wrote. The point can easily be misunderstood, for Koyré did not mean to emphasise quantitative trends. The really novel quality of contemporary lying was its omnipotent and all-embracing or total character. The scope of political lying dramatically expands; lying becomes coterminous with life. It becomes not just the canopy but the infrastructure of existence. „The written and spoken word, the press, the radio, all technical progress is put to the service of the lie. Modern man – genus totalitarian – bathes in the lie, breathes the lie, is in thrall to the lie every moment of his existence.‟ (291). Koyré described modern-day lying as „mass output for mass consumption‟.
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Koyré surely had Plato in mind when he added that early political philosophy was tied to the same principle: since most people (the dēmos) must live in lies because they are incapable of grasping the truth, whose mishandling and bowdlerisation can be dangerous to political order, veracity „must be spooned out, diluted and specially prepared for them‟. “There has never been so much lying as in our time‟, he wrote. The point can easily be misunderstood, for Koyré did not mean to emphasise quantitative trends. The really novel quality of contemporary lying was its omnipotent and all-embracing or total character. The scope of political lying dramatically expands; lying becomes coterminous with life. It becomes not just the canopy but the infrastructure of existence. „The written and spoken word, the press, the radio, all technical progress is put to the service of the lie. Modern man – genus totalitarian – bathes in the lie, breathes the lie, is in thrall to the lie every moment of his existence.‟ (291). Koyré described modern-day lying as „mass output for mass consumption‟.
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@ -581,7 +581,7 @@ Through an analysis of two post-crisis films (*Estrellas*, Federico León and Ma
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This paper provides an introductory overview to the Humanities special issue on "spatial bricolage." The individual contributions that make up the special issue are outlined and salient themes pulled out that address and respond to some the wider discussion points raised throughout this introduction. These are closely focused around the central concept of bricolage and the idea of the researcher as bricoleur. Some background context on the anthropological underpinnings to bricolage is provided, alongside methodological reflections that relate the concept to ideas of "gleaning" as a creative and performative engagement with everyday spaces as they are "found" and rehearsed in practice. A core focus on questions of method, and of autoethnographic approaches in particular, is presented alongside questions of research ethics and the policing thereof by institutional structures of disciplining and audit in the neoliberal academy. It is argued that bricolage is, among other things, a practical response to a field of practice that at times constrains as much as it allows space to roam, unimpeded, across disciplinary boundaries. From the overarching purview of spatial humanities and spatial anthropology, it is shown that discussions of bricolage and the researcher as bricoleur can help make explicit the poetics and affects of space, as well as the ethical and procedural frameworks that are brought to bear on how space is put into practice.
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This paper provides an introductory overview to the Humanities special issue on "spatial bricolage." The individual contributions that make up the special issue are outlined and salient themes pulled out that address and respond to some the wider discussion points raised throughout this introduction. These are closely focused around the central concept of bricolage and the idea of the researcher as bricoleur. Some background context on the anthropological underpinnings to bricolage is provided, alongside methodological reflections that relate the concept to ideas of "gleaning" as a creative and performative engagement with everyday spaces as they are "found" and rehearsed in practice. A core focus on questions of method, and of autoethnographic approaches in particular, is presented alongside questions of research ethics and the policing thereof by institutional structures of disciplining and audit in the neoliberal academy. It is argued that bricolage is, among other things, a practical response to a field of practice that at times constrains as much as it allows space to roam, unimpeded, across disciplinary boundaries. From the overarching purview of spatial humanities and spatial anthropology, it is shown that discussions of bricolage and the researcher as bricoleur can help make explicit the poetics and affects of space, as well as the ethical and procedural frameworks that are brought to bear on how space is put into practice.
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@ -600,7 +600,7 @@ As discussed by A.G. Conte in *Sociologia filosofica del diritto* (2011), the te
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* Rosa, Elisabetta. “.” In *Geography Research Forum*, 36:110–26, 2016.
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* Rosa, Elisabetta. “.” In *Geography Research Forum*, 36:110–26, 2016.
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@ -634,7 +634,7 @@ The rigid dualism of the original models – for example the early approaches of
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Finally, it is important to highlight that much of these reflections have matured within a specific context – the Southern Italian one – and that they implicitly reflect situations, policies, and debates that are located in a specific corner of Europe. Some countries within the same continent and elsewhere might find themselves at a later stage of their governmental process of deviance. However, the possibility of applying notions and concepts developed elsewhere – in the western metropolis as well as in the post-colonial environments that produced much of the literature on which this essay draws – makes me think that, in spite of (self-)representations, there are several communalities between countries, and that different experiences are shaped and characterized by similar drives, pressures, legislative “fashions,” vested interests, and class stratifications that allow a certain degree of generalization. A globalized world as we know it is in fact a polarized model of society, based on modes of production and dependence that, far from making instances and functions homogeneous in each country, produce nevertheless common ways of perceiving security and insecurity, equality and inequality, and also common methods of dealing with such sentiments and material situations due to the circulation of ideas, transnational institutional pressures to conformity, political tools, and people (the elites as well as the lumpenproletariat).
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Finally, it is important to highlight that much of these reflections have matured within a specific context – the Southern Italian one – and that they implicitly reflect situations, policies, and debates that are located in a specific corner of Europe. Some countries within the same continent and elsewhere might find themselves at a later stage of their governmental process of deviance. However, the possibility of applying notions and concepts developed elsewhere – in the western metropolis as well as in the post-colonial environments that produced much of the literature on which this essay draws – makes me think that, in spite of (self-)representations, there are several communalities between countries, and that different experiences are shaped and characterized by similar drives, pressures, legislative “fashions,” vested interests, and class stratifications that allow a certain degree of generalization. A globalized world as we know it is in fact a polarized model of society, based on modes of production and dependence that, far from making instances and functions homogeneous in each country, produce nevertheless common ways of perceiving security and insecurity, equality and inequality, and also common methods of dealing with such sentiments and material situations due to the circulation of ideas, transnational institutional pressures to conformity, political tools, and people (the elites as well as the lumpenproletariat).
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@ -880,7 +880,7 @@ In this episode, you heard Kalte Ohren by Alex featuring starfrosch & Jerry Spoo
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**CINDY COHN:** And I’m Cindy Cohn.
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**CINDY COHN:** And I’m Cindy Cohn.
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@ -951,7 +951,7 @@ Building the "we" is very problematic and complex because, if I’m white and th
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**L. Y.:** The only anti-racism we need is one that emerges from the struggles, especially one driven by those who are racialized—namely Black people and Arabs. We were political objects serving the left, an inert force for the left. We were voices available for the left's opportunism. Now we are political subjects, protagonists of our own struggles. It’s true that when strong social movements occur, power dynamics impose themselves, and things accelerate suddenly.
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**L. Y.:** The only anti-racism we need is one that emerges from the struggles, especially one driven by those who are racialized—namely Black people and Arabs. We were political objects serving the left, an inert force for the left. We were voices available for the left's opportunism. Now we are political subjects, protagonists of our own struggles. It’s true that when strong social movements occur, power dynamics impose themselves, and things accelerate suddenly.
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@ -1023,7 +1023,7 @@ This refusal to rehearse what she calls the “spectacle of black suffering” i
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Here, however, I am interested in other aspects around and about this decision not to retell. I am interested in racial violence as a figuring of excess—which is what justifies otherwise unacceptable occurrences, such as police shooting unarmed persons.
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Here, however, I am interested in other aspects around and about this decision not to retell. I am interested in racial violence as a figuring of excess—which is what justifies otherwise unacceptable occurrences, such as police shooting unarmed persons.
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@ -1039,7 +1039,7 @@ One of their most pointed critiques addresses the U.S. claim to global legal aut
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The authors push readers to reimagine the rule of law as a means not for maintaining order but for preserving a global hierarchy. They call for a radical rethinking of legality—one rooted in collective justice, not imperial control—urging a version of law that genuinely addresses the needs and rights of disenfranchised populations rather than perpetuating cycles of dispossession. By critiquing the rule of law itself, *Plunder* invites a confrontation with the legal structures that shape global power, urging us to see beyond the rhetoric to the extraction and subjugation it so often legitimizes.
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The authors push readers to reimagine the rule of law as a means not for maintaining order but for preserving a global hierarchy. They call for a radical rethinking of legality—one rooted in collective justice, not imperial control—urging a version of law that genuinely addresses the needs and rights of disenfranchised populations rather than perpetuating cycles of dispossession. By critiquing the rule of law itself, *Plunder* invites a confrontation with the legal structures that shape global power, urging us to see beyond the rhetoric to the extraction and subjugation it so often legitimizes.
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@ -1055,7 +1055,7 @@ At the core of this book is an attempt to open a black box in the jurisprudence
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I envisage two core audiences for this book. One is made up of international lawyers and jurists with an interest in theory, especially critical theories of the field: among them there may be some without much background in Marxism. The other consists of Marxists, who may not have much knowledge of key debates in the theory of international law. This lack of common ground means there is a risk that some sections of the book will read either as opaque or excessively introductory for one or other group. I have tried to avoid this, while keeping both readerships in mind.
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I envisage two core audiences for this book. One is made up of international lawyers and jurists with an interest in theory, especially critical theories of the field: among them there may be some without much background in Marxism. The other consists of Marxists, who may not have much knowledge of key debates in the theory of international law. This lack of common ground means there is a risk that some sections of the book will read either as opaque or excessively introductory for one or other group. I have tried to avoid this, while keeping both readerships in mind.
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@ -1067,7 +1067,7 @@ After the 1970s, welfare state restructuring has occurred, to various degrees, a
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Power, Emma R, Ilan Wiesel, Emma Mitchell, and Kathleen J Mee. “.” *Progress in Human Geography* 46, no. 5 (October 2022): 1165–84.
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Power, Emma R, Ilan Wiesel, Emma Mitchell, and Kathleen J Mee. “.” *Progress in Human Geography* 46, no. 5 (October 2022): 1165–84.
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@ -1087,7 +1087,7 @@ The article also touches on the artistic collaborations that brought these songs
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The *canzoni della mala* laid the groundwork for the later emergence of the Italian singer-songwriter movement (*canzone d’autore*). Through their evocative storytelling, these songs provided a space for both mourning and defiance, connecting the struggles of Milan’s urban poor with a broader, more romantic vision of rebellion and resistance.
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The *canzoni della mala* laid the groundwork for the later emergence of the Italian singer-songwriter movement (*canzone d’autore*). Through their evocative storytelling, these songs provided a space for both mourning and defiance, connecting the struggles of Milan’s urban poor with a broader, more romantic vision of rebellion and resistance.
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@ -1099,7 +1099,7 @@ In her 2021 article ‘Beyond repair: Staying with breakdown at the interstices
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Thieme, Tatiana A. “.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 39, no. 6 (December 2021): 1092–1110.
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Thieme, Tatiana A. “.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 39, no. 6 (December 2021): 1092–1110.
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@ -1111,7 +1111,7 @@ Beirut-based artist Lawrence Abu Hamdan has been excavating the practice of *taq
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You, Mi. “.” Performance Research 21, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 113–21.
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You, Mi. “.” Performance Research 21, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 113–21.
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@ -1143,7 +1143,7 @@ During the 1990s, when *Teppa* was published, an interesting phenomenon was taki
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These styles are fleeting, expressing all they have to say within a single season, yet they take root, becoming meaningful options for many generations, evolving into stories that span decades. Styles which, as someone once said in a Roman summer years ago, still embody a problematic, unadorned beauty within the global metropolis. This continues to be significant in times of self-absolving, so-called Great Beauties.
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These styles are fleeting, expressing all they have to say within a single season, yet they take root, becoming meaningful options for many generations, evolving into stories that span decades. Styles which, as someone once said in a Roman summer years ago, still embody a problematic, unadorned beauty within the global metropolis. This continues to be significant in times of self-absolving, so-called Great Beauties.
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@ -1157,7 +1157,7 @@ In *Trickster Makes This World*, Hyde reanimates these archetypes, pairing ancie
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Each chapter delves into a specific trait of the trickster—hunger, deception, the crossing of thresholds—and examines its cultural resonance. The trickster embodies a “disruptive imagination,” flipping societal values on their heads and introducing radical new ways of seeing.
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Each chapter delves into a specific trait of the trickster—hunger, deception, the crossing of thresholds—and examines its cultural resonance. The trickster embodies a “disruptive imagination,” flipping societal values on their heads and introducing radical new ways of seeing.
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@ -1179,7 +1179,7 @@ Popular culture further reinforces this archetype through characters like *Isido
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See: [https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm](https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm)
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See: [https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm](https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm)
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@ -1195,4 +1195,4 @@ One of the most compelling sections of *Welfare Warriors* examines the NWRO’s
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Nadasen, Premilla. **. Psychology Press, 2005.
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Nadasen, Premilla. **. Psychology Press, 2005.
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