From 9c6d180d90295552038dcf86f48a8401aa6782c0 Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001 From: valeria Date: Thu, 7 Nov 2024 10:30:50 +0100 Subject: [PATCH] !publish! --- content/annex/abecedaire.md | 33 +++++++++++++++++++++++++-------- 1 file changed, 25 insertions(+), 8 deletions(-) diff --git a/content/annex/abecedaire.md b/content/annex/abecedaire.md index 7872167..c82696d 100644 --- a/content/annex/abecedaire.md +++ b/content/annex/abecedaire.md @@ -202,7 +202,7 @@ It’s clear that your concern with my cheating is biased in your favor. Even if Sometimes, you might let me cheat a bit if it levels the playing field, so long as you’re still ahead. In these cases, cheating isn’t about fairness—it’s about keeping the game going. -## A Case in Point +**A Case in Point** I was playing musical chairs with children aged seven to eleven who had started to build their play community. I adjusted the game’s rules to keep everyone playing: I didn’t remove chairs, ensuring that there was always one child without a seat. This child could experience the thrill of “losing” without being excluded, keeping the fun alive. @@ -210,7 +210,7 @@ After about ten minutes, the game was at its peak, and I planned to switch to a So, if they found this fun, who was I to interfere? They were playing well, in their own way. When the next round began, they all took their chairs along, creating a version of musical chairs where they were still playing the game but also cheating. -## The Well-Timed Cheat +**The Well-Timed Cheat** This experience revealed a type of cheating that, although technically unfair, was beneficial—it led us to a game we could enjoy together. I call this the *well-timed cheat*: rule-breaking done for the sake of play as much as for a player. @@ -255,7 +255,7 @@ As for being discontented, any man who is not dissatisfied with such surrounding # Escape -## Marronage +**Marronage** * Bona, Dénètem Touam. *![Fugitive, Where Are You Running?](bib:dbe93f32-707e-448b-baf7-77c10e2b06a4)* John Wiley & Sons, 2022. @@ -265,17 +265,17 @@ Marronage, the art of disappearance, has never been a more timely topic: thwarti Beyond its critical dimension, this book calls for a cosmo-poetics of refuge and aims at rehabilitating the power of dreams and poetry to ward off the confinement of minds and bodies. -**Excerpt:** +Excerpt: The cimarrón is a runaway slave, tearing off a servile skin to take on the striated shadow of foliage in his or her mad sprint. His or her liberation comes about from a process of going wild, from an act of immersion in the forest, the sylve (from the Latin noun silva “forest,” which is at the root of our word “savage”) – an act that makes him into a forest creature, a “leaf-being.” The Businenge – a generic name for the maroons of Guiana – are nothing but “men of the forest,” as the etymology of this name indicates. In fact busi nenge comes from an alteration in the English phrase “bush Negroes.” But in Busitongo, which is the maroon language, nenge means “person,” not “slave” (négre). This detour of meaning, which creatively subverts the colonist’s language, constitutes a retort to the fixation of a defamatory identity in the soul and body of the enslaved person. In choosing to call themselves “Nenge,” the Boni threw the stigma, the insult, right back at the ones who spit on them: from this shameful color, el negro, they wove the flag of their liberation and their reconquered humanity. -## Racial & Sexual Performance of Escape +**Racial & Sexual Performance of Escape** * Brewer Ball, Katherine. *![The Only Way Out: The Racial & Sexual Performance of Escape](bib:3c09c669-a529-40c0-b1a3-507c2d2d59cc)*. Duke University Press, 2024. In *The Only Way Out*, Katherine Brewer Ball explores the American fascination with the escape story. Brewer Ball argues that escape is a key site for exploring American conceptions of freedom and constraint. Stories of escape are never told just once but become mythic in their episodic iterations, revealing the fantasies and desires of society, the storyteller, and the listener. While white escape narratives have typically been laden with Enlightenment fantasies of redemption where freedom is available to any individual willing to seize it, Brewer Ball explores how Black and queer escape offer forms of radical possibility. Drawing on Black studies, queer theory, and performance studies, she examines a range of works, from nineteenth-century American literature to contemporary queer of color art and writing by contemporary American artists including Wilmer Wilson IV, Tourmaline, Tony Kushner, Junot Díaz, Glenn Ligon, Toshi Reagon, and Sharon Hayes. Throughout, escape emerges as a story not of individuality but of collectivity and entanglement. -**Excerpt from the Introduction:** +Excerpt: As I argue in this book, the dominant understanding of escape is organized around white European Enlightenment notions of freedom and subjectivity. I use the phrase generic escape to describe escape narratives which adhere to the conventions of the established genre, a genre that begins in America with captivity and (anti)slave narratives. Such stories sketch freedom as the end point, the aim, and the narrative arrival. Generic escape here is neither a good nor bad object, but it signifies a formal repetition in which redemption and freedom are the universally available telos; this is the philosophical grounding of escape detached from the ethico-juridical-political. @@ -473,8 +473,6 @@ Through this refusal, Silva embraces the radical potential of the ‘scream’ # La Perruque -## The Practice of Everyday Life - * Certeau, Michel de. 1984. *The Practice of Everyday Life*, Volume 1. University of California Press. Excerpt from pp. 24–30: The resurgence of "popular" practices within industrial and scientific modernity indicates the paths that might be taken by a transformation of the object of our study and the place from which we study it. The operational models of popular culture cannot be confined to the past, the countryside, or primitive peoples. They exist in the heart of the strongholds of the contemporary economy. Take, for example, what in France is called *la perruque*, "the wig." *La perruque* is the worker's own work disguised as work for his employer. It differs from pilfering in that nothing of material value is stolen. It differs from absenteeism in that the worker is officially on the job. *La perruque* may be as simple a matter as a secretary's writing a love letter on "company time" or as complex as a cabinetmaker's "borrowing" a lathe to make a piece of furniture for his living room. Under different names in different countries, this phenomenon is becoming more and more general, even if managers penalize it or "turn a blind eye" on it in order not to know about it. @@ -604,6 +602,23 @@ As discussed by A.G. Conte in *Sociologia filosofica del diritto* (2011), the te --- +# Plebs + +Excerpt from: Tiqqun. This is not a Program, trans. Joshua David Jordan (Cambridge: Semiotext, 2011). + +Foucault, too, made a decisive contribution to the theory of the Imaginary Party: his interviews dealing with the plebs. Foucault evokes the theme for the first time in a "Discussion with Maoists" on "popular justice" in 1972. Criticizing the Maoist practice of popular courts, he reminds us that all popular revolts since the Middle Ages have been anti-judicial, that the constitution of people's courts during the French Revolution occurred at precisely the moment when the bourgeoisie regained control, and, finally, that the tribunal form, by reintroducing a neutral authority between the people and its enemies, reincorporated the principle of the state in the struggle against the state. "When we talk about courts we're talking about a place where the struggle between contending forces is willy-nilly suspended." + +According to Foucault, the function of justice following the Middle Ages was to separate the proletarianized plebs—the plebs integrated as a proletariat, included by way of their exclusion—from the non-proletarianized plebs, from the plebs proper. By isolating within the mass of the poor the "criminals," the "violent," the "insane," the "vagrants," the "perverted," the "gangsters," the "underworld," THEY would not only remove what was for power the most dangerous segment of the population, that which was always ready for armed, insurrectionary action, THEY would also enable themselves to turn the people's most offensive elements against the people themselves. This would be the permanent threat of "either you go to prison or you join the army," "either you go to prison or you leave for the colonies," "either you go to prison or you join the police," etc. All the effort of the workers' movement to distinguish between honest, strike-ready workers from "agitators," "rioters," and other "uncontrollable elements" is an extension of this opposition between the plebs and the proletariat. The same logic is at work today when gangsters become security guards: in order to neutralize the Imaginary Party by playing one of its parts off the others. + +Foucault would clarify the notion of the plebs four years later in another interview. "No doubt it would be mistaken to conceive the 'plebs' as the permanent ground of history, the final objective of all subjections, the ever-smoldering center of all revolts. The 'plebs' no doubt has no sociological reality. But there is indeed always something, in the social body, in classes, in groups, in individuals themselves, that in some way escapes power relations, something that is by no means the more or less docile or recalcitrant raw material, but rather the centrifugal movement, the inverse energy, the breakaway part. No doubt 'the' plebs does not exist, but there is, as it were, a certain plebeian quality or aspect (à la plebe). There is plebs in bodies, in souls, in individuals, in the proletariat, in the bourgeoisie, but with an extension of forms, of energies, of various irreducibilities. This part of plebs is less exterior to power relations than their limit, their underside, their counterstroke, that which responds to every advance of power with a movement of disengagement. Hence it provides the motivation for every new development of networks of power. [...] This point of view of the plebs, the point of view of the underside and limit of power, is thus indispensable for an analysis of its apparatuses." + + +Foucault, Michel. "On popular justice: A discussion with Maoists." Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 1977, no. 1980 (1972): 1. + +⮝ Back to top ⮝ + +--- + # Practices of Subjectivity * Saitta, Pietro. "![Practices of Subjectivity: The Informal Economies and the Subaltern Rebellion](bib:d814443d-282c-4c88-bb47-11bf79137ea6)." *International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy* 37.7/8 (2017): 400-416. @@ -1115,6 +1130,8 @@ A *šaner* (or sometimes *šanerka* for women) was an individual who smuggled or The *šaneri* phenomenon held cultural significance in Yugoslavia because it represented a point of tension between socialist ideology and the lure of Western consumerism. While Yugoslavia was more liberal and open to the West compared to other socialist states, the availability of Western goods was still limited and closely controlled. Consequently, *šaneri* influenced youth culture and fashion, as their access to Western trends made them tastemakers in their communities. +⮝ Back to top ⮝ + --- # Taqiyya