Update content/annex/abecedaire.md
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@ -191,7 +191,7 @@ For Graeber, bullshit jobs are a perverse side-effect of capitalist ideologies t
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Graeber, David. *. Simon and Schuster, 2019.
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Frankfurt, Harry G. *. Princeton University Press, 2005.
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Frankfurt, Harry G. *. Princeton University Press, 2005.
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@ -534,7 +534,7 @@ The *canzoni della mala* laid the groundwork for the later emergence of the Ital
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# La Perruque
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* Certeau, Michel de. 1984. *The Practice of Everyday Life*, Volume 1. University of California Press. Excerpt from pp. 24–30:
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* Certeau, Michel de. 1984. **, Volume 1. University of California Press. Excerpt from pp. 24–30:
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The resurgence of "popular" practices within industrial and scientific modernity indicates the paths that might be taken by a transformation of the object of our study and the place from which we study it. The operational models of popular culture cannot be confined to the past, the countryside, or primitive peoples. They exist in the heart of the strongholds of the contemporary economy. Take, for example, what in France is called *la perruque*, "the wig." *La perruque* is the worker's own work disguised as work for his employer. It differs from pilfering in that nothing of material value is stolen. It differs from absenteeism in that the worker is officially on the job. *La perruque* may be as simple a matter as a secretary's writing a love letter on "company time" or as complex as a cabinetmaker's "borrowing" a lathe to make a piece of furniture for his living room. Under different names in different countries, this phenomenon is becoming more and more general, even if managers penalize it or "turn a blind eye" on it in order not to know about it.
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@ -646,14 +646,14 @@ This paper provides an introductory overview to the Humanities special issue on
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# Markets
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**Gago, Verónica. *Neoliberalism from below: Popular pragmatics and baroque economies*. Duke University Press, 2017.**
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* Gago, Verónica. **. Duke University Press, 2017.**
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In Neoliberalism from Below, sociologist Veronica Gago build on and extends the conceptual category of the “baroque” to offer a critical examination of how neoliberalism is experienced, negotiated, and resisted at the grassroots level in Latin America, with a particular focus on Buenos Aires’ largest illegal open air market, La Salada. Published in 2017, the book challenges conventional narratives that depict neoliberalism solely as a top-down imposition by global financial institutions and states, arguing instead for a more nuanced understanding of neoliberalism as a complex process that is also actively shaped by the practices and strategies of those it seeks to govern. Her description of the "baroque" builds on Aihwa Ong’s (2006) definition of contemporary spatiality as “baroque ecology” and Álvaro García Linera (2001) work on “baroque modernity”, but also, albeit without direct reference, on Bolívar Echeverría's La Modernidad de lo Barroco (1998) to describe a distinctive Latin American way of experiencing and contesting coloniality and capitalism, characterized by “motley zones” of “temporal folding” (Gago 2017: 21), a “hodgepodge" (Ibid. 69) mix of adaptation, resistance, and innovation, a “simultaneous coexistence of modes” that challenges at the same time the “romantic totalities” of modernity and the competitive rationality of neoliberalism. Her own theorization of the baroque rests on two postulates: first, “informality”, which she defines “not negatively, by its relation to the normative definitions of the legal and the illegal, but positively, by its innovative character and, therefore, its dimension of praxis seeking new forms” is the “instituting source” of reality (Gago 2017: 15). And second, informality is the force that can put neoliberal value creation into crisis, as it is “a source of incommensurability”,marked by “overflow, by intensity and overlapping, of the heterogeneous elements that intervene in value creation” (ibid.). Gago juxtaposes the baroque to the more materialist concept of "popular pragmatics" to describe the concrete strategies employed by marginalized communities to navigate and sometimes exploit the opportunities and challenges presented by neoliberalism. These practices include informal economic activities, barter networks, and various forms of collective organization that operate outside or on the margins of the formal economy and legitimate citizenship. She argues that by engaging in these practices, individuals and communities not only manage to survive in a neoliberal context, but also create alternative spaces of social and economic interaction that challenge its logic.
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**Deka, Maitrayee. *Traders and Tinkers: Bazaars in the Global Economy*. Stanford University Press, 2023.**
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* Deka, Maitrayee. *Traders and Tinkers: Bazaars in the Global Economy*. Stanford University Press, 2023.
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Traders and Tinkers ethnographically explores Delhi’s electronic bazaars and, using examples from similar marketplaces worldwide, presents street-level economies as distinct from capitalism. It argues rather than capitalist structure, bazaars share much more with the commons of everyday life, ethics, extra juridical infrastructure, and waste. By doing so, bazaars emerge as a critical space that can be political by engaging with the ruins and excess of capitalism without partaking in its ruthless extractive logic. Drawing on historical, anthropological, theoretical literature and field insights, this book reviews the category bazaar from colonial imagery to postcolonial and urban bazaars. It speculates their recent transformations via encounters with e-commerce platforms, mainly focusing on what the gradual disappearance would do to collective urban living and the non-elites that depend on these places for their survival.
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@ -685,11 +685,11 @@ As discussed by A.G. Conte in *Sociologia filosofica del diritto* (2011), the te
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Édouard Glissant’s seminal essay on “The Right to Opacity” (in *Poetics of Relation*, 1990) provides yet another key entry point to conceptualize practices of institutional tinkering. Glissant’s notion of opacity shatters one of the fundamental tenets of the Enlightenment project by arguing that clarity and transparency are far from being universal positive values. Rather, they have been routinely utilized in colonialism to reduce the texture of diverse realities. Stemming from the resistance of enslaved people to the master’s fixation on their measurability and knowability, the right to opacity is for Glissant the foundational theoretical concept for a philosophy of difference that can be summarized as the possibility of giving hospitality for the Other without pretension of reducing her to what can be known or understood. More recently, commentators have been re-activating the concept of opacity “not as a built-in protection of a population or as a summary term for cultural difference, but rather as a political accomplishment” (Davis, 2019) relevant for the ongoing decolonial work that today is taking place in institutions such as the museum and the academy.
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**Reference:**
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**References:**
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Glissant, Édouard. 1997. Poetics of Relation. . Translated by Betsy Wing. Ann Arbor [Michigan]: The University of Michigan Press.
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* Glissant, Édouard. **. University of Michigan Press, 1997.
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Davis, Benjamin P. "The Politics of Édouard Glissant's Right to Opacity." The CLR James Journal 25.1/2 (2019): 59-70.
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* Davis, Benjamin P. "." *The CLR James Journal* 25.1/2 (2019): 59-70.
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@ -698,7 +698,7 @@ Davis, Benjamin P. "The Politics of Édouard Glissant's Right to Opacity." The C
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# Plebs
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Excerpt from: Tiqqun. This is not a Program, trans. Joshua David Jordan (Cambridge: Semiotext, 2011).
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Excerpt from: Tiqqun. *This is not a Program*. Semiotexte, 2011).
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Foucault, too, made a decisive contribution to the theory of the Imaginary Party: his interviews dealing with the plebs. Foucault evokes the theme for the first time in a "Discussion with Maoists" on "popular justice" in 1972. Criticizing the Maoist practice of popular courts, he reminds us that all popular revolts since the Middle Ages have been anti-judicial, that the constitution of people's courts during the French Revolution occurred at precisely the moment when the bourgeoisie regained control, and, finally, that the tribunal form, by reintroducing a neutral authority between the people and its enemies, reincorporated the principle of the state in the struggle against the state. "When we talk about courts we're talking about a place where the struggle between contending forces is willy-nilly suspended."
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@ -707,7 +707,7 @@ According to Foucault, the function of justice following the Middle Ages was to
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Foucault would clarify the notion of the plebs four years later in another interview. "No doubt it would be mistaken to conceive the 'plebs' as the permanent ground of history, the final objective of all subjections, the ever-smoldering center of all revolts. The 'plebs' no doubt has no sociological reality. But there is indeed always something, in the social body, in classes, in groups, in individuals themselves, that in some way escapes power relations, something that is by no means the more or less docile or recalcitrant raw material, but rather the centrifugal movement, the inverse energy, the breakaway part. No doubt 'the' plebs does not exist, but there is, as it were, a certain plebeian quality or aspect (à la plebe). There is plebs in bodies, in souls, in individuals, in the proletariat, in the bourgeoisie, but with an extension of forms, of energies, of various irreducibilities. This part of plebs is less exterior to power relations than their limit, their underside, their counterstroke, that which responds to every advance of power with a movement of disengagement. Hence it provides the motivation for every new development of networks of power. [...] This point of view of the plebs, the point of view of the underside and limit of power, is thus indispensable for an analysis of its apparatuses."
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Foucault, Michel. "On popular justice: A discussion with Maoists." Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 1977, no. 1980 (1972): 1.
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Foucault, Michel. "On popular justice: A discussion with Maoists." *Power/knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings* 1977, no. 1980 (1972): 1.
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@ -1278,7 +1278,7 @@ In this conversation, Sartre and Victor explore the fraught divide between legit
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**Reference:**
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Philippe Gavi, J-P Sartre, & Pierre Victor. *On a raison de se révolter*. Gallimard, Paris, 1974
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Philippe Gavi, J-P Sartre, & Pierre Victor. *On a raison de se révolter*. Gallimard, Paris, 1974
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Philippe Gavi, J-P Sartre, & Pierre Victor. ["Illegalism and Ultra-Leftism"](https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/sartre/1972/illegalisme.htm), December 1972.
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Popular culture further reinforces this archetype through characters like *Isidoro Cañones* and *Avivato*, who exemplify the *viveza criolla* lifestyle. Isidoro, a playboy figure, celebrates life without labor, thriving off parties, gambling, and charm while avoiding honest work. His addiction to alcohol and cigarettes symbolizes the decadence of *viveza*, where indulgence and deception are glorified. Similarly, *Avivato*, a middle-class con artist, embodies the everyday opportunism of the *vivo*, always finding ways to exploit others for his gain.
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**Reference:** [https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm](https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm)
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**Reference:**
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[https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm](https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/argentina/viveza.htm)
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