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+title = "How do we get away with (from) it?"
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+
+
+# Popular Illegalisms in a Neoliberal World
+
+
+**Valeria Graziano**
+
+
+## Call It What You Will
+
+The exhortation “Snađi se, druže!”—”Figure it out, comrade!”—originated purportedly during WWII when partisans had to come up with solutions under harsh conditions. When tasked with a seemingly impossible mission, they would often ask, “But how do I do that?”; and the answer was often, “You figure it out, comrade.” Later, during the socialist period, the phrase described everyday workarounds for bureaucratic or material constraints, like smuggling western clothes (in slang: “šana”) and petty theft. Today, it endures as a cultural symbol of hacking systems for personal advantage.
+
+Many more cultures have terms for such forms of popular illegalisms. Expressions like “by hook or by crook” (UK), “βρίσκω την άκρη” (Greece), “pomoću štapa i kanapa” (Serbia), “buscarse la vida” (Spain), “l’arte di arrangiarsi” and “aumm’ aumm’” (Italy), and “jeitinho” and “malandragem” (Brazil), *viveza criolla* (South American Spanish speaking countries), “megoldani okosba” (Hungary), “kombinować” (Poland), all reflect these widespread practices.
+
+Despite the rapid spread of digital tools in the last decades, systemic demands on individuals to comply with cumbersome, invasive reporting and verification procedures have multiplied. This phenomenon is especially visible in the U.S., prompting commentators to explore “bureaucratic harm.” Ruth Wilson Gilmore describes it as “organized abandonment,” echoed by Elizabeth Povinelli’s “economies of abandonment,” and Dan Spade’s “administrative violence”, perpetrated by welfare institutions lacking resources to serve the public good.[^1] Fred Moten and Stefano Harney discuss “enforced negligence” by public-interest institutions, like universities, that weaponize professionalization as a process for privatizing the social individual’s capacity to care.[^2]
+
+Sociologist Loïc Wacquant poignant analysis of neoliberal bureaucracy, in the article “Crafting the Neoliberal State,”[^3] highlights how the punitive containment of the impoverished and the marginalized is founded on two pillars: on the one hand, the transformation of welfare provisions into workfare, a paradigm in which assistance—whether it be in the form of unemployment subsidies, social housing, food stamps or other similar provisions—is increasingly deployed as a mean to scrutinizing and moralizing behaviors and enforce psycho-social coercions skewed towards the introjection of the values of subordination embedded in the work schemes, mandatory training and compulsory medical treatments[^4]. On the other hand, the expansion of policing, penal and carceral systems, and of the corollary prison industries (including those managing facilities specifically targeting migrant populations). According to Loïc Wacquant, this revamping of the capacities of public authorities is “not the spawn of some broad societal trend—whether it be the ascent of ’biopower’ or the advent of ’late modernity’—but, at bottom, an exercise in state crafting.” That is, it is a deliberate political project of advanced capitalism, a paradigm that, while originating in North America, is “in progress—or in question—in all advanced societies submitted to the relentless pressure to conform to the U.S. pattern.”[^5] 
+
+Contemporary accounts of institutional tinkering emerge across disciplines. Édouard Glissant’s seminal work provides a key concept of “the right to opacity.”[^6] Glissant’s notion of opacity challenges the idea that clarity and transparency are universally positive. He argues they have been routinely utilized in colonialism to reduce the texture of diverse realities. Stemming from the resistance of enslaved people to being measured and controlled by their masters, the right to opacity is for Glissant the foundational theoretical concept for a philosophy of difference and for practicing hospitality toward the Other without reducing them to what is known or understood. 
+
+Recently, the concept of opacity has been re-activated as a political accomplishment relevant to ongoing decolonial work in institutions.[^7] Echoing Glissant, Beirut-based artist Lawrence Abu Hamdan has been excavating the practice of *taqiyya*, a term belonging to Shia Islamic jurisprudence that connotes a legal dispensation for those who must dissimulate their faith when at risk of persecution. For Hamdan, *taqiyya* is “an admission that free speech is not about speaking freely, but reclaiming control over the very conditions under which one is being heard.”[^8]
+
+In *Jugaad Time: Ecologies of Everyday Hacking in India*, Amit Rai accounts for practices of *jugaad*—finding DIY solutions to problems—as subaltern responses to poverty and discrimination diffused across the Indian subcontinent, but also problematically celebrated in management literature.[^9] Beyond survival, it functions as creative engagement with material and technolo
+
+
+## Notes
+
+[^1]: ![](bib:686abf24-fb41-45c4-b807-657658d15cd6); ![](bib:19e18b84-d9e9-4b66-acef-e4e85c9a8a19); ![](bib:30ff8341-2ea2-4b75-89ce-9ef0ae1b9b73).
+
+[^2]: ![](bib:084ca105-9e9b-46ea-875f-d655ad1aeb1f): 101–15.
+
+[^3]: ![](bib:953035fe-d457-432d-bc66-7490c84bbc52).
+
+[^4]: ![](bib:f5934bd0-ced6-4cc6-8e91-7f3573ff6e71).
+
+[^5]: *Ibid*, 248.
+
+[^6]: ![](bib:df385b94-1150-4e51-b1b6-eece496f12cd), see in particular "For Opacity", 189-194.
+
+[^7]: ![](bib:a6a02549-81ee-4908-8ab2-306d18b8520e).
+
+[^8]: See Lawrence Abu Hamdan's solo exhibition “تقيه (Taqiyya) –The Right to Duplicity”, Kunsthalle Sankt Gallen, 11 July–13 September 2015.
+
+[^9]: ![](bib:bc8189db-527f-42ae-910d-80840abdbf5c).
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