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@ -140,7 +140,7 @@ Thus, Bacha’s Belíndia metaphor not only captures economic inequality but als
**Reference:** **Reference:**
Bacha, Edmar L. “![El Economista Y El Rey De Belindia: Una Fabula Para Tecnocratas](bib:7c0b1b00-e57b-49aa-b968-3c1524a1b9ec).” Cuadernos de Economía 11, no. 33 (1974): 60–64. Bacha, Edmar L. “![El Economista Y El Rey De Belindia: Una Fabula Para Tecnocratas](bib:7c0b1b00-e57b-49aa-b968-3c1524a1b9ec).” *Cuadernos de Economía* 11, no. 33 (1974): 60–64.
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@ -158,7 +158,7 @@ The Black Panthers similarly saw the lumpen proletariat as a class formed by def
Fanon had explained in *The Wretched of the Earth* that the assumption of depravity also dogged colonial subjects who lived behind a veil of distrust and viewed the laws of the society as those imposed on them by conquerors. “Confronted with a world ruled by the settler, the native is always presumed guilty,” he wrote. “But the native’s guilt is never a guilt that he accepts; it is rather a kind of curse, a sword of Damocles, for in his innermost spirit the native admits no accusation.” Fanon had explained in *The Wretched of the Earth* that the assumption of depravity also dogged colonial subjects who lived behind a veil of distrust and viewed the laws of the society as those imposed on them by conquerors. “Confronted with a world ruled by the settler, the native is always presumed guilty,” he wrote. “But the native’s guilt is never a guilt that he accepts; it is rather a kind of curse, a sword of Damocles, for in his innermost spirit the native admits no accusation.”
Excpert pp. 276 - 277: Excerpt pp. 276 - 277:
George Jackson, who had come into conflict with the law at least once because he slashed his boss’s leather car seats after he had been called a racist name, exemplified the argument that many men in prison had turned to crime because of their unwillingness to humiliate themselves in white-dominated workplaces. Like Cleaver’s theories, these arguments made the lumpen status racial, creating a reverse notion of the “culture of poverty” thesis that would become popular later in the decade by rejecting the rules of work as racially humiliating for Blacks. Sociologists Jay MacLeod and Pierre Bourgois found that the rules of work in the United States disadvantage Black men and require performances of subservience. As MacLeod argues, the new service economy of the post–Second World War era puts young Black men at a special disadvantage, forcing them to “rub elbows” with white supervisors and customers. Unlike the disappearing manufacturing jobs with their culture of the shop floor, the service sector required them to “cultivate a style of interaction that puts employers and customers at ease.” Additionally, even those Black workers in industrial jobs, like the legendary League of Revolutionary Black Workers in Detroit, faced union-supported seniority rules, disproportionate white power in union elections, and other obstacles. George Jackson, who had come into conflict with the law at least once because he slashed his boss’s leather car seats after he had been called a racist name, exemplified the argument that many men in prison had turned to crime because of their unwillingness to humiliate themselves in white-dominated workplaces. Like Cleaver’s theories, these arguments made the lumpen status racial, creating a reverse notion of the “culture of poverty” thesis that would become popular later in the decade by rejecting the rules of work as racially humiliating for Blacks. Sociologists Jay MacLeod and Pierre Bourgois found that the rules of work in the United States disadvantage Black men and require performances of subservience. As MacLeod argues, the new service economy of the post–Second World War era puts young Black men at a special disadvantage, forcing them to “rub elbows” with white supervisors and customers. Unlike the disappearing manufacturing jobs with their culture of the shop floor, the service sector required them to “cultivate a style of interaction that puts employers and customers at ease.” Additionally, even those Black workers in industrial jobs, like the legendary League of Revolutionary Black Workers in Detroit, faced union-supported seniority rules, disproportionate white power in union elections, and other obstacles.
@ -186,7 +186,7 @@ For Graeber, bullshit jobs are a perverse side-effect of capitalist ideologies t
**References:** **References:**
Graeber, David. *![Bullshit Jobs: A Theory](bib:514b55e5-84f5-489c-aad1-fb46e90e6a63). Simon and Schuster, 2019. Graeber, David. *![Bullshit Jobs: A Theory](bib:514b55e5-84f5-489c-aad1-fb46e90e6a63)*. Simon and Schuster, 2019.
Frankfurt, Harry G. *![On Bullshit](bib:d413be93-4d48-4365-9cc5-60040a385c93). Princeton University Press, 2005. Frankfurt, Harry G. *![On Bullshit](bib:d413be93-4d48-4365-9cc5-60040a385c93). Princeton University Press, 2005.