Dotawo/content/article/roksana.md

---
title: "The Art of the Revolution: The Online and Offline Perception of
Communication­­ during the Uprisings in Sudan in 2018 and 2019"
authors: ["roksanahajduga.md"]
abstract: The article deals with art from the Sudanese revolution in 2018 and 2019
(the December Revolution). The focus is on the most recognizable and
widespread images from the uprising and their presence on the streets of
Sudanese cities and social media. The article shows how freedom of
expression exploded on the Sudanese streets after years of censorship,
suppression, and violations of freedom of speech, media, and civil
rights. Art and social media had significant roles in covering the
uprising. Issues related to the importance and value of art in
transmitting social discourse and dissent in a tightly controlled
society are raised. These issues should be the subject of wider research
on conflict and social media in Sudan. This article focuses only on a
small part of this vast and important topic.
keywords: ["Sudan", "revolution", "uprising", "street art", "social media",
"protests", "murals", "graffiti", "images", "iconic"]
---


# Introduction

This article focuses on the images, graphics, and photos circulating on
the internet -- often photographs of murals and graffiti from the walls
of Sudanese streets. I discuss how street art manifested the discourse
of public opinion in Sudan during the revolution and how social media
became a significant part of contemporary communication. Images from
social media conveyed by the international media represented the voice
of Sudanese people outside the country. I will show how social media
helped stage events, control activities, and back the official policy of
the Sudanese government to create a different narrative of events in
Sudan. This article engages with the question of how the reach of social
media platforms has changed the nature of political disobedience, and
how it provided new tools to overcome the repression imposed by the
regime and allowed quick, safe, and anonymous going out from hiding as
public opposition.

**Methodology**

In this study, I will use an analytical approach to examine articles and
social media concerning the 2018/2019 December Revolution in Sudan.
International media used several terms to describe the events that began
in Sudan in December 2018, depending on whether the events resulted in
fundamental social changes or just political change. In my
understanding, the events in Sudan should be called a \'revolution\',
because it was a dynamic and major shift of political power and directly
related to social changes.

In this study, I employed various data collection methods, relying on an
extensive review of news articles, reports, and social media content. At
the same time, I conducted a comparative study on international media
and its interpretation of revolutionary art. I observed social media
reactions to threads related to the Sudanese revolution; spoke with
Sudanese people in Khartoum and the provinces; followed the art groups
created on the streets and online; analysed what happened to both street
and digital art after the protests ended. All of this was the basis of
the analysis of art\'s impact on the Sudanese people during the
revolution and more than two years after these events. How strong
emotional charge do they still have? For the article, I limited myself
to the artwork directly related to the causes of the revolution, its
most important events, and the participation of women, as they were
strongly represented on the streets of Sudan. Chosen street art was
posted on social media in the form of photographs, paintings, graphics,
cartoons, etc. I have chosen the most frequently reproduced artworks and
the creations that had the longest impact on public opinion, because
over time these have become symbols of the revolution.

**Politics and Social-Economic Context**

The concept of revolution and the struggle to gain freedom is not a new
phenomenon in Sudan. In 1964, the first president of Sudan, Ibrahim
Abbūd was brought down during the October revolution.[^1] In 1969, Jafar
al-Numayri overthrew the democratic rule of al-Azhari, and then was
removed from power by the popular movement in 1985.[^2] Omar al-Bashir
also came to power through a military coup in 1989.[^3] Many reasons
contributed to the revolution in 2018. As in 1964 or 1985, the political
and social situation was complex, and many of those problems are still
relevant in 2021.[^4] However, during the 30-year reign of Omar
al-Bashir, a new threat to democracy appeared while Sudan was becoming a
fundamentalist dictatorship, which led to the economic sanctions imposed
by the US and limited the inflow of foreign capital and opportunities
for economic diversification. Media censorship and the rise of Islamic
conservatism led to systemic changes dividing citizens into classes by
origin, sex, and religion. Progressive changes in the law allowed the
authorities to censor the citizens. In 2009, the Press and Publication
Acts was introduced. This law established the National Council of the
Press and Publication, which is responsible for regulating the media and
licensing the newspapers. This Council is not independent, and the
government appoints its members.[^5] During protests in 2019, 79
journalists were arrested based on this law. In 2015, Law on Access to
Information was introduced to the public, a law restricting citizens\'
access to information.[^6][^7] This was a time of high censorship and
suppression. All of this meant silencing the political opposition and
any criticism.

The independence of South Sudan in 2011, after the devastating Second
Civil War lasting 22 years, had a dramatic effect on Sudan\'s economy.
The Sudanese pound was devalued, and inflation rose to 70 per cent.
Before that, since 1999, oil fueled the economic growth in Sudan. There
was a period of relative prosperity, but the government missed this
\'oil boom\' and the opportunity to diversify the economy. Oil deposits
are mainly located in today's South Sudan, and with the secession of
South Sudan, Sudan\'s economy lost its main driving force and primary
income. In addition, US sanctions, corruption, and government
inefficiency limited any changes that would improve citizens\' lives.
The economic crisis aggravates the additional costs of fighting the
insurgents on the city streets and the continuous strengthening of the
security sector.[^8] All this resulted in currency depreciation and
hyperinflation.

Thus, in the economic crisis, the government tried to recover by
drastically reducing social financing. In 2010, the activist Mohammed
Hassan 'Al Boushi' Alim, accused Nafi' Ali Nafi, the Former Assistant to
the President, of corruption and human rights violations.[^9] Enas
Satir, the Sudanese artist, refers to this event in her work explaining
the causes of the 2018 revolution. On her Instagram profile, she writes:
"(...) Al Boushi, when facing Nafi' Ali Nafi' (...), asked him: "*Tell
me about the bread, that is now the size of an ear*". Every word uttered
by Al Boushi is as powerful today as it was years earlier.[^10] The
reduction in the size of the bread referred to by Enas Satir was
associated with the reduction in government subsidies on basic goods,
followed by an increase in grain prices. At the same time, bakers were
forbidden to raise the price of bread. Having no other choice, they
began to reduce the size of the bread. Nevertheless, bread shortages
were not the main reason leading to the uprising in 2018. The reason
should be sought in the Sudanese economy's long-term deterioration. Many
years of Islamist military regime activities have allocated more funds
to the security apparatus than to economic development strategies. The
corrupt system hit all citizens and significantly increased living
costs, such as costs of food and gas. Deteriorating living conditions
spurred the development of a strong and conscious civil society.
Professionals began forming trade unions to mobilize action for better
pay and working conditions. The protesters demanded to overthrow the
ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and a president who had held power
for three decades. Without doubt, the lack of trust in the government
and mounting tensions due to no prospects, economic collapse, and lack
of access to reliable information, forced people into the streets. In
2013, 2014, and 2016, the police and the military brutally crushed the
strikes in Khartoum.

In December 2018, the government, wanting to save the country from
financial collapse, gave up subsidies for bread and fuel, which caused
public outrage and started protests.[^11] These austerity measures were
initially introduced in smaller cities. The government believed that the
citizens from outside the urban areas would accept the measures without
protests because they wouldn't be able to mobilize. That is why the
protests started in Atbara and other smaller cities. Before the protest
moved to the capital, the people united in these smaller cities to
demand radical political and social change. Referring to these events,
artist Abdul Rahman Al Nazeer released '[The Bread
Loaf](https://bit.ly/2SAtQhO)' (Figure 1), inspired by Michelangelo's
painting 'The creation of Adam'.[^12] In the original, God stretches out
his hand towards Adam sitting in Eden. His hand has an outstretched
finger to transfer the spark of creation to Adam. This image has
penetrated pop culture worldwide, and the symbol of conveying the
'divine particle' or 'spark of life' is often paraphrased in visual
artworks. For Abdul Rahman, this scene takes place at a typical Sudanese
bus station -- a Sudanese pound in God's hand, which symbolizes the
spark of life necessary for human survival. In waiting for being
created, Adam's limp hand holds a bread loaf.

The uprising started with the protests in Atbara, home of the Railway
Workers Union, the most vital trade union in Sudan and the libertarian
driving force that fuelled the 1964 and 1985 uprisings.[^13] Responsible
for the protests\' organized activities, the Sudanese Professionals
Association, established in 2018, follows the Union tradition.[^14]
Entry in Khartoum of a train from Atbara full of people chanting: "*The
dawn has come, Atbara has arrived*" has become one of the 2018-2019
revolt symbols. This event is also a reference to the October 1964
strike, when citizens from Kassala boarded their freedom train to
Khartoum to help oust General Abbūd from power (Figure 2).[^15] One of
the most recognizable images of the train is the art piece by Mounir
Khalil (Figure 3), which captures the joy of the people on the train and
the tense anticipation of the crowd gathering at the tracks.[^16]
Hussein Merghani (Figure 4) immortalized this moment in a painting
showing hundreds of people welcoming the train filled with waving flags.
Merghani's painting exudes strength, energy, and a sense of community --
it reflects the atmosphere in Sudan during the revolution.[^17]

Protests broke out in Sudan in December 2019, calling for the stepdown
of President Omar al-Bashir and his regime.[^18] In particular, large
numbers of young people, especially women, took to the streets. The
mobilization of people in Atbara began the pursuit of political change
for the entire nation. On December 19, girls from one of the schools in
Atbara marched in one of the largest markets in the city chanting
slogans against cutting subsidies. This was the result of increasing
grain and bread prices and thus increasing prices for school meals. The
girls were joined by others, and photos from the demonstration quickly
circulated on social media and sparked protests in al-Gedarif, Madani
(near Khartoum), Nyala (Darfur), and Port Sudan.[^19] Contrary to the
uprisings of 1964 and 1985, where trade unions played a leading role,
the uprisings in 2013, and especially that of 2018, were driven by
masses of young people and activists organizing protests and providing
up-to-date information. As far as the uprising of 2019 is concerned, the
protest had a unique character because they were a combination of
efforts by professional and social groups -- those that were first
mobilized in 2013, community-based structures and initiatives training
from the beginning in non-violent civil engagement. The Sudanese
Professional Association (SPA) showed extraordinary leadership skills,
however, it was the involvement of civil society that made it possible
to sustain a decentralized campaign based on non-violent protests. The
collaboration of local groups and trade unions (which always were a very
strong part of civil society organizations) was particularly noticeable.
SPA mobilized the people and actively participated in the activities
against al-Bashir\'s regime, as during previous revolutions in which
professional organizations took an active part. However, despite the
similarities, the situation in 2019 was different due to the
organizational structure. Decentralized activities in social media
influenced the spread of information and mobilization of people across
the country. Youth became more politically involved and joined
volunteers and professional associations in training and organizing
civil society during the protests. Even threats of arrest and attacks on
protesters did not stop Sudanese citizens from going out in the streets.
The dramatic situation in which the Sudanese found themselves and the
exhaustion of their trust in the government is shown in Khalid Albaih's
artwork (Figure 5).[^20] In his graphic, people are queuing for bread
and other necessities and this queue ends with a bomb. The graphic is
inspired by everyday life because people are forming a tight queue.
There is already a fuse lit at the end of the queue, illustrating that
citizens' patience has its limits, that the process of social awakening
has already started, and that there is no turning back.

In the face of widespread frustration and anger, president al-Bashir
dissolved the government and appointed military officers in its place to
avoid stepping down from power. However, on April 10, a military coup
led to his resignation. History has come full circle, and al-Bashir was
removed from power the same way that he seized power 30 years earlier.
The protests continued as the army that forced al-Bashir to step down
was engaged in the Transitional Military Council (TMC), chaired by
General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, also known as Hemeti.[^21] Hemeti is
known in Sudan for his ties to The Rapid Support Forces (RSF), a
paramilitary group descended from the infamous Janjaweed militias.
Protesters demanded civilian participation in the transitional
government and the dissolution of TMC. Among the protesters were young
women seen on the frontline of the marches, women whose rights were
systematically violated by the Bashir regime. Female protesters have
been verbally and sexually harassed by the police and security forces.
This meant that each of the protesting women had to face great fear.
They had to be strong, and their strength emanated from the other women
sharing the struggle. Each woman shouting anti-government slogans led
masses of protesters behind her.

The protests continued nationwide despite the increasing acts of
aggression from the armed forces. On June 3, the RSF cordoned off sit-in
protesters and used firearms. This attack on peaceful protesters in
front of the military headquarters in Khartoum resulted in the killing
of at least 127 people, and the attack is called the Khartoum
massacre.[^22] The RSF could not have acted on their own, and it seems
that the TMC had approved the attack. Khartoum was cut off from the
world by an internet blackout. Suddenly, all social media platforms
updating daily on the situation in Sudan went silent. There was no
possibility to use traditional media, television did not broadcast
information, and newspapers were suspended. Acts of violence escalated,
and shocking descriptions of attacks, shootings of protesters, and rapes
of women appeared in reports of witnesses calling for international
help.[^23] Increasing social tensions prolongated peace talks that were
completed with the signing of the Draft Constitutional Declaration on
August 4 by the Forces of Freedom and change -- consisting of the
uprising movement and the TMC.[^24] The agreement stipulated that a
Transitional Government of four civilians and three military officers
would oversee changes in the country during a three-year transition
period. The declaration did not contain specific economic reforms,
specific mandates to improve the rights of women and youth, any plan to
prosecute those guilty of war crimes, or a rigorous investigation into
the June 3 massacre.[^25] However, changes began with dissolving
al-Bashir\'s NCP party and the repealing of the Public Order Act[^26],
which targeted women drastically and restricted their freedom.[^27]
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) was prohibited under penalty of
imprisonment.[^28]

Strikes are over, but the Sudanese still fear that history will repeat
itself and that the military will try again to usurp power.
Democratization in Sudan has begun, but the elites associated with
al-Bashir's regime can slow down the process significantly. The failure
to include social and economic reforms in the constitution may
compromise the main postulates of the movement. The agreement also
avoids issues of war and peace, racism, and the marginalization of
minorities and refugees. However, solving such important and challenging
problems requires time and careful observation of the government\'s
actions, and Sudanese activists seem to be watching. Such a high civic
mobilization may allow the building of a strong democracy because public
opinion will hold both transitional and elected political leaders
accountable. The Constitutional Charter from 2019 established a
government consisting of a civilian cabinet, a Sovereignty Council, and
a Legislative Council. Decisions regarding domestic and foreign policy
are taken by Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of the
army and the chairman of the Sovereign Council, which bypasses civilian
leadership and calls for the dissolution of the government. Meanwhile,
citizens continue to demand a civilian government with full executive
powers.

**Art beyond Divisions and Prejudices**

The core of the uprising and the source of its strength was the equality
of all Sudanese people. No protests in Sudan had previously included
every ethnic group and social class included. The Sudanese have
emphasized that not only the people of Khartoum took protests to the
streets, but also the peoples of Kordofan, Nuba Mountains, and Darfur.
In a video from the protests, a woman chants: "*From Kordofan \[the
revolution\] has emerged after we have been hit by gunfire. This is a
government with no feelings... and the Nuba mountains, like Darfur,
their blood is very expensive. We will protect our land, oh farmer. Our
Sudan will be set free!*"[^29] Three decades of hate speech used on
generations of people was an easy and effective way to turn people
against each other. NCP promoted ethnic, religious, and social
discrimination and justified hatred and violence against minorities and
refugees. Government propaganda polarizing the country aroused distrust
between different ethnic groups while emphasizing the supremacy of
Sudan\'s Arabic-speaking Muslims at the same time. Ethnic identification
has been used by al-Bashir\'s regime for decades, dividing the country
and fuelling inequality. During the civil war in Darfur, the rebel
tribes were called by the government "Black Africans". In opposition to
them, the Sudan army was identified as Arabs.[^30] Attempts to implement
the same ethnical division on young people impacted the social response
and became a double-edged weapon. The opposite, as expected, brought
people closer under the slogan: "We want a country free of racism!"
(Figure 6)[^31] Young activists created a new quality of communication
and collective disobedience. No one felt excluded, and a concept of
peaceful demonstrations, so different from the terror used by the
security apparatus, appealed to all people. Perversely, al-Bashir\'s
rule formed a fertile ground for the unification of all Sudanese people
and pushed them to act as one.

The long-lasting civil war in Darfur was used as a government excuse for
the deepening economic crisis and the stricter racist policy towards
non-Arabs.[^32] During the sit-in, protesters have often stressed that,
as a result of long-term government campaigns targeting ethnic
minorities, the division of society is a severe problem.[^33] Currently,
there are studies on the Arab Islamist Sudanese government inspiring the
conflict in Darfur.[^34] In 2018, the government accused ten young
Darfur men of planning a terrorist attack on protesters on the streets
of Khartoum. According to public records, they planned to use self-made
bombs. The plot was exposed in social media and showcased the same
race-based politics that the al-Bashir regime was known for. The friends
of the young Darfurians identified them as peaceful students rather than
terrorists.[^35] In response to such a despicable attempt to spark
ethnic riots, protesters called for unification with a special message
to the government: You racist egomaniac! We are all Darfur![^36] As a
counter-narrative to the regime propaganda, artists embraced Sudan's
cultural diversity and appreciation for uniting differences. One of the
murals by Mughira, a fine arts student, shows a series of figures
standing next to each other in traditional and contemporary clothes and
headgear -- symbolizing participation in protests regardless of origin
(Figure 7).[^37]

Racism in Sudan is a complex issue due to the mixture of various
populations. Deep-rooted racism, discrimination, and intolerance are the
results of years of government propaganda emphasizing racial and ethnic
superiority. With the spread of the internet, propaganda moved to social
media. Pages responsible for spreading ethnic propaganda were often
exposed on Facebook during the revolution in 2019. Sudanese knew the
regime's methods and remembered many cases when fake news and hate
speech started violence between ethnic groups, especially in the
South.[^38] The exclusionary policy not only covered non-Arab tribes but
also women, who were the primary victims of the Public Order Act.[^39]
Coupled with physical and verbal abuse, women were gradually forced out
of society.[^40] Women were in the front of the protests from the first
day of the revolution; they became symbols of strength and muses for the
artists. 60-70% of the participants were women, so there is a reason why
this revolution is often described as the Women\'s Revolution.[^41]
Women inspired artists with their steadfastness when facing the
oppressive army officers, strength during the long sit-in and ululation,
kindness, and readiness to help the wounded and those in need. Female
artists\' perspective was crucial for showing women's everyday life
without beautifying it and of priceless value for understanding their
motivation and hopes. The artist Almoger Abdulbagey painted 17 images of
walking women in traditional and contemporary clothes -- reflecting
their ethnic diversity. These abstract figures painted with vivid
colours emanate power, as reporters who witnesses the marches and
chanting described the women's presence in the demonstrations.[^42] This
is an example of how fake news targeting ethnic groups spread by the
regime backfired during the protests. Art began to express the
opposition to the state propaganda, and this became a turning point in
the perception of social divisions by the Sudanese themselves. There is
no consent to racist propaganda in these artworks.

On 8 April 2019, Lana Haroun took the photo of Alaa Salah in front of
the military headquarters in Khartoum (Figure 8). The iconic photo shows
Alaa Salah standing on the car's roof, with her hand up, leading the
chant and making the crowd cheer together.[^43] Alaa Salah was then a
22-year-old architecture student who advocated for women\'s rights. Her
photo became a symbol of protests in Sudan and sparked a new trend in
artworks focusing on women\'s rights, strength, steadfastness, and
constant motivation to get the people around them involved. Of course,
there are many photos and videos from this event. However, this photo
widely echoed around the world. Alaa Salah's white tobe is associated
with professions such as teachers, nurses, and midwives -- they adopted
it as their uniform and is still considered a modest garment for
educated and independent women. The thoughtful selection of Alaa Salah's
clothing makes reference to the tradition of Sudanese female activists
from the 1940s and 1950s, and the dress emphasizes the legacy of
women\'s fight for social justice.[^44] "*At a national conference in
1969, activist and first female member of Sudan's Parliament, Fatima
Ahmed Ibrahim, argued that women's rights were in keeping with Sudanese
traditions. As evidence of this, Ibrahim asked the audience to compare
her tobe with the western business suit of then-President Gaafar
Numeiri, who stood next to her*."[^45] The choice of the outfit was
undoubtedly a well-thought-out move and its message spread widely and
drew attention to the feminist movement in Sudan. This image of a young
student is still the most recognizable and most shared image in social
media of the 2018/2019 revolution. The only downside to the attention
the image attracted is that the focus was not on the words spoken by
Alaa Salah but only on her outfit. She was quoting the reaction of
Sudanese poet Azhari Mohamed Ali against the Public Order Act: "*They
imprisoned us in the name of religion, burned us in the name of religion
... killed us in the name of religion*".[^46] Lana Haroun's photo,
referred to as a symbol of the revolution, was repeatedly adapted and
changed by artists worldwide, sometimes in an optimistic or satirical
way, and sometimes in a more serious and sublime manner. For example, in
Ali Hamra's cartoon where Alaa Salah replaced the Statue of Liberty on
the pedestal, al-Bashir runs away in panic upon seeing her. Kesh Malek's
mural presents Alaa Salah standing among the flashes of mobile phones
commemorating the event with a slogan next to it: "*Liberty is not a
statue anymore. She is alive with flesh and blood"* (Figure 9). In an
impressionist manner, a painting by Fatima Abdullahi shows Alaa Salah
raising her arm in the air amidst a mostly female crowd of protesters,
holding their phones with a flashlight, which creates a magical glow and
gives the picture a nearly mystical expression (Figure 10). Of course,
Alaa Salah is one of the thousands of women taking part in the
revolution, standing up against uniformed men. However, this image
became viral, and Alaa Salah became an icon of the revolution, a symbol
of women\'s fights for equal rights. Thanks to her recognition, she also
became an activist raising Sudanese women\'s rights to the international
agenda. \"*Every revolution inspires another revolution,*" Alaa Salah
says in an interview, stressing that women will not hesitate to take to
the streets again when needed.[^47] A unique adaptation of Alaa Salah as
"The scent of the revolution" was created by artist Amado Alfadni
(Figure 11). He transformed Sudan's iconic Bint El Sudan perfume label
into a clever revolutionary message.[^48] A billboard with a photo of
Alaa Salah next to the sign: "My grandmother was a Kandaka." In a
powerful way, this picture emphasizes Sudanese women's strength (Figure
12).[^49] These words were also chanted during the demonstration,
empowering, and connecting generations of women walking together. On a
mural painted by artists Amir Saleh and Belal Abdelrahman it is stated:
"Our history returns back with Kandaka". It shows a woman wearing a
helmet and brandishing a sword for her enemies (Figure 13).[^50]
Sudanese artist Yasmin Elnour's Instagram account is Kandaka Khronicles.
The nickname is inspired by the Kushite queen. Her works beautifully and
harmoniously draw from Nubian traditions and combine ethnic aesthetics
with modern symbols. The art piece "Kandaka factory\" emphasizes the
participation of women in strikes (Figure 14). She traces the women\'s
ancestry back to the pyramids of Ancient Kush, where she placed the
factory producing all the brave Sudanese warriors. With the art piece
\'Women rights?\' Yasmin asks where are women\'s rights, and why are
Sudanese women second-class citizens? Yasmin Elnour writes on her
Instagram account: *\"A surprising status quo in the old stomping ground
of the Kandakes - Nubian Warrior Queens that fought off foreign powers
and steadfastly ruled the Kingdom of Kush. We cannot blindly accept
oppressive frameworks but instead carve a path of resistance, in the
glowing spirit of our female ancestors.*"[^51]

A collage by Mahammed Mahdi shows women in white tobes and modern
clothes marching with their fists raised in protest and as signs of
anger. Above them, in the air, as if freed and freely soaring upwards,
there is a woman in white and next to her the inscription: "Long live
the women's struggle!"[^52] The artist emphasizes women's daily battle
for equality, free speech, and fair governance (Figure 15).

Artist Alaa Satir focused on the socio-political aspects of women\'s
lives in Sudan. Her series of cartoons, \"*We are the revolution*\",
honours female protesters\' centrality in uplifting and sustaining the
resistance through their strength, courage, and commitment (Figure
16).[^53] In her graphic, she also refers to Sudan\'s Independence Flag,
which no longer represents the state. Gaafar Nimeiry replaced this flag
with the tricolor black-white-red flag with a green triangle at the
hoist in 1970. The Independence Flag, as seen on the Alaa Satir
graphics, resembled the flags of Rwanda and Tanzania, emphasizing the
racial diversity of Sudan and the joining of all ethnic groups, while
Nimeiry's flag derives from purely Arab aesthetics and refers to the
Sudanese Arab identity.[^54] Many protesters waved the Independence Flag
during the rallies. Its colors emphasize the combination of Arab and
African roots, which was also reflected in the people\'s outfits on the
streets. Like many young activists, Alaa Satir raised a very important
issue regarding identity and ethnicity, which was widely discussed
during the sit-in. For the first time, these matters were discussed
openly and emphasized that multi-ethnicity is what makes Sudan stronger.
In her works, Alaa Satir also shows the everyday life of protests and
the enormous influence of women who took the fight to the streets and
for whom giving up is not an option. One of the murals with the
inscription: 'We are the revolution, and the revolution continues'
portrayed women in traditional clothes with their hands raised and their
fists clenched in a gesture of victory (Figure 17).[^55] Another mural,
painted on a blue background, shows a woman with a raised hand in a sign
of victory with slogans next to this like: 'Freedom, peace, and
justice', 'Tasqut Bas' and 'Ladies, stand your ground; this is a women's
revolution' (Figure 18). The artist writes about the events in Sudan:
"*We are not here just to overthrow a political regime but the corrupt
social system that came along with it, that targeted women and used all
techniques to try and push them backwards!*"[^56]

Mergani Salih chose a different form of expression by creating a mosaic
with thousands of photos of women protesting and suffering from an
oppressive government. With dedication, he searched the Internet to
choose the right photos to create a representation of Sudan\'s
embodiment. The character is deeply rooted in Sudan folklore -- Habouba,
grandmother and caretaker. He adopted a photo of an older woman in a
traditional headdress, with a calm expression on her face, curious eyes,
and a face bearing traces of work and time -- like Sudan itself, tired
and aged but still with a sparkle in the eyes looking to the future
(Figure 19). This video mosaic is available online and even now makes an
unforgettable impression on the onlooker.[^57]

An anonymous female artist who adapted Banksy's \'Mona Lisa with rocket
launcher\' created a mural deeply inspired by pop culture. After all,
Banksy\'s London mural was referring to Da Vinci\'s 'Mona Lisa'. The
mural in Khartoum shows a figure whose outline resembles Banksy's 'Mona
Lisa', but her face is that of a Sudanese woman with a scarf on her head
and a rocket launcher in her hands (Figure 20). This simple image has a
powerful and direct message: beware of women's power.

**Online Art**

A new generation of young activists looks back to the Girifna movement,
founded by students in Khartoum in 2009, for inspiration. Their fight
shifted the protest onto completely different tracks than those known
from previous uprisings. Girifna volunteers organized just before the
elections that would take place in 2010, realizing that the society was
under-informed, and deciding to change this situation.[^58] Awareness
campaigns quickly expanded to organizing protests and publishing news
without censorship. Within a few years, these activists became the main
opposition force, and they are now visible on the political scene in
Sudan. Contemporary opposition groups significantly differ from
classical parties such as the National Umma Party, the Democratic
Unionist Party, and the Communist Party.[^59] The SPA distinguished
itself through their activities in social media, thanks to which
Sudanese people were allied to their demands. At the beginning of the
revolution, SPA formed alliances with many political parties. As a
result, 'The Forces of Freedom and Change' was formed.[^60] Very quickly
the SPA started expressing the voices of all Sudanese and published
daily on Facebook the public opinion on the current situation in Sudan.

The activists arousing political awareness among young people and
manifesting their social needs come from various regions of Sudan and
even the diaspora. Thanks to such participation of young people,
revolutionary agitation was very effectively transferred to social media
and developed countless forms of expression. These tactics have so far
been entirely ignored by political parties, but young innovative
activists identify themselves without any problems with them. Elusive on
the web, they are free to report on events in Sudan and strengthen
international support for the protesters. Online communication has been
constantly changing over the years, adapting to the situation and
guaranteeing optimal and safest oppositionist conditions. NISS (National
Intelligence and Security Service) created cyber units called *jihadist
cyber units*. Members created false accounts on Facebook or Twitter to
disinform protesters, spread propaganda, or lure individual activists
into traps. These efforts did not go unnoticed. The SPA has created
applications for contact between members and a website that broadcasts
protests live. Social media became the primary source of information
about events in Sudan and the main communication tool for
revolutionaries. One can say that they even fuelled their activities.
The regime controlled the state media and for a long time provided only
propaganda to improve its image. At the same time, information was
published on Twitter and Facebook, simultaneously translated from Arabic
to English.[^61] Al Jaili 'Jaili' Hajo is an artist who has pointed out
the lack of information about the situation in the country in the media.
In his collages, he compares public television news with photos from
protests, showing how the reality on the streets of Khartoum is
diametrically different from government propaganda broadcasted on
television (Figure 21).[^62] In one of his collages, we see people
injured after the June 3 2019 crackdown. In a manner, such artworks
replace public media, which had no information about this event.

The live-streaming massacre on 3 June 2019 was an unprecedented case
made possible by the courage of the protesters who shared photos and
videos in social media. Journalists producing "Africa Eye" for BBC have
collected several videos from the RSF\'s attack in a shocking short
documentary about the revolution.[^63] The documentary shows the
ruthless and planned actions of the militia and the terror of the
protesters. Live posts on Twitter reported a minute-by-minute escalation
of violence by the RSF. Photos showed people injured and killed on the
streets, overcrowded hospitals, and bodies pulled out from the Nile. All
this, seen almost live, confronted the world with what was happening in
Sudan in an unprecedented manner. Social media flooded with digital art
after these horrifying events. The artist Enas Satir created the series
'Kaizan and why they are bad for you' -- a compilation of drawings
explaining the origin of the word 'kaizan' (metal mug) and why the
Sudanese use it as a name for the government (see also below). This
series is aesthetically appealing and, for those from abroad, also very
informative. Enas Satir put a broader context on Sudan's situation in a
simple and clever manner.[^64] She writes on one of her drawings: "If
Sudan was a person, it would by now be gravely ill" next to a metal cup
('Kaizan') filled with blood (Figure 22).[^65]

Under al-Bashir\'s rule, any political expression was forbidden, so
artists developed a way to spread anti-government content, in an
indirect direct way. However, during the uprising, the freedom of
expression replaced all restrictions, and artists finally could speak
their minds, and via social media they could reach people anywhere.
Visual and audio-visual forms of documentation attracted a larger group
of people and had a more significant impact on the audience than TV
news. Never has such an extensive range of information resources been
used to show the power of the people in Sudan. An online mobilization
aimed at identifying the aggressors who were attacking protesters,
another unprecedented method of exercising justice. Based on photos and
videos available online, a group of women recognized the RSF officers
and published their data on Facebook. For this reason, operations'
officers began to wear masks to hide their faces and prevent their
identification.[^66]

There has been an unstoppable flow of drawings, cartoons, and memes,
fuelling the protests with bold images and intelligent retorts. This
uprising sparked a social, political, and cultural awakening that
intertwined with each other, creating an image of the marginalized
before pressing problems and underlining the power of social resistance.
In art, we can find traditional symbols and African indigenous motifs.
Also, the modern cultural references blend poetically with traditional
Sudanese aesthetics, creating bold and authentic artwork. Thanks to the
influence of tradition, so deeply rooted in Sudanese consciousness, art
reached everyone, regardless of age or origin. Artists found a way to
spread ideas and share their views in an accessible and universal way.
We can distinguish references to the history of Sudan, be it ancient
(the kingdom of Kush) or more modern (independence and earlier
revolutions). For example, a collage by Merghani Salih with a young boy
reciting poetry during protests superimposed on Kushite pyramids refers
to the ancient history of Sudan (Figure 23). It is an adaptation of the
photo entitled 'Straight Voice,' a powerful image made by Yasuyoshi
Chiba, who won World Press Photo in 2020, in the Photo of the Year
category.[^67]

A famous slogan appearing on social media: \"Make Sudan Great Again\",
on the background of monumental buildings from the Kush period, is an
ironic comment on Donald Trump's slogan "Make America Great Again", but
it also emphasized the reliance on the powerful Sudanese ancestors
dominating in north-eastern Africa during the Kushite period (Figure
24). The people of ancient Nubia were captured as slaves by Egypt. Then
the power dynamics between Nubia and Egypt shifted, and Kush ruled Egypt
as pharaohs of the 25^th^ Dynasty (about 747--656 BCE). Thus, art
teaches history; the Sudanese cannot live in chains, and they are
capable to regain their freedom. Ben Jones, with his artworks, alludes
to modern times in world history. His graphics portray al-Bashir and his
military allies as Nazis (Figure 25). It is a powerful and terrifying
combination, but it is indisputably associated with the racist rhetoric
of the NCP authorities and the genocide committed in Darfur and
Kordofan.

The global movement #BlueForSudan started in solidarity with Sudanese
martyr Mohamed Mattar, whose favourite colour was blue (Figure 26). An
artist known as Kandaka Khronicles, created a photomontage with a young
boy crying in a boat floating on a bloody river (Figure 27). It is a
homage to those killed in the crackdown and their families. The dark
blue backdrop honours Mohamed Mattar, the boy's endless tears remind of
the ongoing aggressions against peaceful protesters. Also, 'Blue Night'
by Mounir Khalil, an impressionist painting, shows people waving flags
against a starry sky background. It is a beautiful art piece full of
tranquillity and dedicated to those fallen during the uprising (Figure
28).

A graphic by Jaili Hajo is a collage of a viral photo made on the
streets of Khartoum. In a pickup truck used by security services lies a
protester knocked over on the car\'s back but still holding the Sudanese
flag high in the air. On the car roof, covered by the waving Sudanese
flag, stands an enormous figure of al-Bashir (Figure 29). He is not
essential for the artist; his face does not even deserve to be shown; he
is only a symbol of oppression. The artist thoughtfully depicts the
sense of fear that people must have felt when faced with the armed
forces. We can notice an officer with a long truncheon with a split end
on the side of the car -- the truncheon was probably used against the
crowd.[^68]

When the news broke out on social media that a NISS car killed the
3-year-old boy Muayed Yasir and seriously injured his 5-year-old
brother, people worldwide were shocked and mobilized against the
impunity of the security services in Sudan. Artists decided to react
too.[^69] The 'Hanz' graphic designer on his Twitter account condemned
this event and asked for public support to the mother of the two boys,
one of which was still in intensive care at the hospital (Figure 30).
Mustafa Alnasry created a poignant graphic of Bashir dancing on stage
during his '1 Million People March' organized to underline people\'s
support for the government. Alnasry shows the coldly calculated dance of
the President, posing as a kind leader, at the same time, ruthlessly
attacking peaceful resistants (Figure 31).[^70]

Drawings inspired by pop culture reached the most remarkable popularity
online. For example, in the work of Ibrahim Jihad (known as hxmaside),
there is a reference to the Transformers' universe of the DC comics. His
graphic entitled 'Fallen' presents the symbolic metal cup, "Kaizan" (see
above) damaged by bullets, dropped on the ground or thrown away, thus no
longer needed (Figure 32).[^71] This art piece resembles a movie poster,
and as with any poster of that kind, we can find out that "Kaizan Fall"
was produced and directed by Sudanese people -- a very clever artistic
move. Another point of inspiration from pop culture is the reference to
the KFC restaurants: The slogan "Al-jidād al-iliktrūni" means "The
electronic chicken", and it is referring to people hired by the regime
to spread fake news on the Internet. In a satirical manner, the
revolutionaries created posters portraying Omar el-Bashir on a KFC
flyer, where KFC was replaced by KEC (Kaizan Electronic Chicken) (Figure
33).[^72] Who is 'Kaizan'? It is a traditional mug made of steel and
called 'koz' (singular of Kaizan). There are different theories on why
Sudanese started calling the ruling party \'Kaizan'. Alshaheed Alimam
Alhassan Albana, the Muslim Brotherhood founder, once said: "*Knowledge
is a sea and we are its kaizan*", which back then described Muslim
Brotherhood members but now refers to Omar al-Bashir and the National
Congress Party (NCP).[^73]

Among the artists who commented on the events in Sudan were cartoonists.
Cartoons are sarcastic, often on the verge of absurdity or insult, but
their message refers often to tragic events. They have sometimes been
made without any inscriptions because the image itself is universal and
does not need any explanation. Khalid Albaih shows how General Mohamed
Hamdan Dagalo, also known as Hemeti, climbs on the corpses of the
Sudanese people to attain power (symbolized here as a throne).[^74] A
pile of bodies wrapped in shrouds is a very powerful and upsetting image
(Figure 34). In a violent manner, the artist addresses the civilian
casualties, which are part of the brutal rise of Hemeti to power in
Sudan. Hemeti, together with general Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, are
responsible for armed attacks in Darfur and took part in the war in
Yemen. Their rise to power was a blow for the Sudanese and, at the same
time, a call for mobilization to continue the struggle for democracy.
Sudanese cartoonist Boushra Al-Mujahid commented daily on the events in
Sudan. His images were always on point, clever, and understandable even
for foreigners unfamiliar with Arabic.[^75] The security forces were so
obedient that they even arrested a donkey that the protesters had marked
with revolutionary slogans. The event recorded by the phone of an
onlooker set in motion a wave of satirical cartoons ridiculing the
absurd attempts of the government to keep order on the streets. This
image transformed into all sorts of memes and cartoons to mock the
soldiers and express disrespect for their actions (Figure 35).[^76]

Participating in sit-ins was associated with the risk of an attack by
the security forces using tear gas and rubber bullets and all kinds of
physical and mental aggression. A video available online shows a group
of protesters on one side of the street and police forces on the other,
throwing tear gas canisters into a crowd. We see the brave woman Rifka
Abdel Rahman taking a tear gas canister (which is about to explode) and
throwing it back. She was named 'Bumban Catcher' ('Bumban' means tear
gas in Sudan). Merghani Salih returns to these events in his art after
the revolution using 3D models. The series is called \"Living with
Revolutionaries\" and, as he describes himself, it was created to
capture the icons of the Sudan Revolution. One of these 3D models,
posted on Merghani's Twitter account, commemorated the courage of Rifka
\'Bumban Catcher'.[^77]

**Street Art**

During the uprising, alongside regular verbal and written communication,
a flood of sketches, murals, graffiti, and cartoons spread the word
about the revolution across Sudan. Art became a platform for
transmitting information in a highly censored environment, reflecting
social tensions, and forming political discourse. Slogans were
everywhere, on people's clothes or bodies, but mainly on all urban
structures. Sudanese people expressed their emotions on the building
walls, streets, public transport, fences, and even trees and animals.
Anti-government slogans appeared in every space that it was possible to
draw, even the smallest ones. The slogan "Tasqut bas" addressed to
el-Bashir and his regime can be translated as: "Just fall, that's all"
or "You'd better fall" (Figure 36).[^78] This slogan was repeated and
hash-tagged many times on different kinds of brochures and online
flyers. Almost equally famous was: \"Ash -shaab yurid isqat an-nizam",
which means: "The people want the regime to fall".[^79] It appeared on
the buildings and bus stops not only in Khartoum but in other towns and
even villages. Activists created the hashtags #BlueForSudan and
#KeepEyesOnSudan, which appeared widely both on the streets and online.
These hashtags attracted world attention on Sudan and kept up the
mobilization in favour of the revolution. #BlueForSudan represents the
favourite colour of the martyr Mohamed Mattar, who was shot protecting
two women during a police attack (see above). Another hashtag formed
during the protests was #Sudaxit. This alluded to Brexit and emphasized
that protesters identified more with African peoples than with Arabs and
demand the separation of Sudan from the Arab League.[^80]

Due to the restrictions imposed on Internet and the censorship practised
in public television, the flow of information had to find other ways to
spread. The activists used brochures, postcards, or leaflets, sometimes
minor marks on clothes or on their bodies. That information included the
dates and places of protests, comments on current events, revolutionary
slogans or symbols, and glorifications of the martyrs. Women, for
example, used the henna painting (traditionally made before weddings)
and designed anti-government slogans or images on the hands or feet of
protesters (Figure 37 and 38).[^81] Also women wove revolution symbols
into their traditional clothes, adding victory signs or "Tasqut bas"
slogans to their toubes, which gained over the years representative
status as a reminder of feminist values fought by their mothers and
grandmothers.[^82] Older generations wore the white toube during the
previous popular uprising, which once again linked traditions with
modern times.

The artists felt responsible for showing the emotions of the Sudanese
people and spreading the revolutionary messages. Such a message can be
found on a mural in Khartoum, which is an interesting adaptation of
[Eugène'a
Delacroix](https://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eug%C3%A8ne_Delacroix)', 'La
Liberté guidant le peuple' (Figure 39). The accompanying text reads: The
revolution will go on. These artworks were an expression of despair and
hope. They were born out of a desperate need for change and the
necessity of speaking the truth. Street art, impermanent and unique,
could be removed at any time, and the artists who made it were in
constant danger of being caught and imprisoned. All of this was
evanescent. It emphasized the fragility of human existence and made it
even more inclined to reflect on the values of life and what is worth
fighting for. Assil Diab, a graffiti artist, known as 'sudalove', was
one of the many female Sudanese artists courageously creating art on the
streets of Khartoum.[^83] Diab painted murals and immortalised the
memory of Sudanese killed by security forces during the uprising.
Sometimes the families were taking part in creating the martyrs\'
portraits, which allowed them to add something personally to commemorate
their loved ones (Figure 40). The portraits are reminders of the loss
and sacrifice, of government brutality and their disrespect for human
life, and the price of freedom and democracy.

One of the most high-profiled cases of police and intelligence services
brutality was the death of Ahmed al-Khair, a 36-year-old teacher from
Kashm al-Qirba. He was arrested at his home after the protest he was
taking part in and died on 2 February 2019, after a week of detention.
The police stated that the cause of Ahmed's al-Khair death was the
result of his poor health condition and was not related to his
imprisonment. However, the examination of Ahmed\'s body, first by his
family and then by pathologists, indicated death by beating and torture
to which he was subjected during the interrogation. The horrifying
details of the torture shocked and infuriated the public and Ahmed's
story was told nationwide.[^84] Sudanese still recall these events in
conversations, emphasizing that this was the turning point of the
revolution. There was nationwide mobilization and awareness that nothing
would stop the regime to silence the voice of the nation. Anger and
opposition to violence united the Sudanese people more than before.
Images of Ahmed were held by the protesters during the rallies, were
reproduced on the city\'s walls, and circulated in social media. When,
on 30 December 2020, 29 intelligence agents and police officers
responsible for Ahmed al-Khair\'s death were sentenced to death, a crowd
rallied outside the court in Omdurman. This event went down in history
as a moment of national mourning from which Sudanese rose resiliently.
After the revolution ended, Ahmed\'s story was taught in schools and
drawings of his face appeared on the walls of school buildings (Figure
41). These paintings were often painted over by the security services
but were always recreated by the people, determined and in strong
opposition to the regime\'s brutality and their efforts to censor
history.

The 3 June 2019 massacre has left a deep mark on everyone who
participated in the sit-in and watched the live streaming. RSF militia
forces opened fire on unarmed protestants, beat many of them, and raped
48 women. In their works, Galal Yousif and Amel Bashier condemned
cruelty and rape as tactics for pacifying women (Figure 42). Following
these events, the African Union degraded Sudan's rights as a
member.[^85] The daily news about atrocities committed by the RSF is
reflected in the artists\' work following these events. The mural of
Galal Yousif, destroyed during the June 3 crackdown, shows people
shouting or screaming. Above them, huge hands try to silence the figure
in the centre. The inscription in Arabic on the side explains: "You were
born free, so live free."[^86] Yousif painted several murals in
Khartoum. One of them was placed under the bridge near the sit-in and
depicts screaming figures with horrified and distorted faces (Figure
43). The incomprehensible anxiety can be compared with Edward Munch\'s
'Scream'.[^87]

Colourful murals, graffiti, sculptures, and installations within the
sit-in created a whole new space in the centre of Khartoum, a city
within a city. Space where people felt free, expressed their political
views with no fear, and experimented with new forms of artistic
expressions. It was an unprecedented phenomenon -- there has never been
such a concentration of artists from all over Sudan with different
cultural backgrounds covering various fields of fine art. Space within
the sit-in became an exhibition on a vast scale, with paintings,
graffiti, sculptures and installations, various traditional crafts,
regional costumes, poems, songs, and dances.

In the face of a military crackdown, protesters opposed the aggression
in a very clever way. They collected military equipment and reused it
differently, peacefully changing its meaning and creating an utterly
different dichotomy between them and the government forces. They made it
possible to find a bit of humour in these difficult moments and
ridiculed the militia on the other side of the barricade. Such acts gave
people a different perspective; they began to let go of fear and
regained the dignity that was taken from them by years of oppression.
Empty tear gas canisters that were used to separate protesters have been
transformed into flower vases, containers, or electrical
connectors.[^88] There was an impressive increase of photos on social
media showing an endless creativity, among these one may pick the
\"tasqut bas" slogan made with tear gas canisters (Figure 44). The
protesters were utterly changing the functions and common perceptions of
military equipment, almost straightforwardly saying objects themselves
are not dangerous but only become so in the hands of dangerous people.
An example is a photo of a ring made from a bullet (Figure 45). Art,
therefore, did not embellish reality and did not avoid showing the
violence and terror in which everyday protesters functioned.

In 2019, merchandise with symbols of the revolution started to appear in
the street markets. They were mainly produced abroad by the diaspora,
but some handmade products also circulated, albeit in a limited range,
also in Sudan: stickers, phone cases, bags or T-shirts on which symbols
and hashtags spread the message of the revolution (Figure 46). Street
art became popular and functioned as a reference to political ideas and
the current situation in the country.

**Summary**

The 2018/2019 revolution in Sudan was one of the most significant and
best-organized revolts in the Arab world in recent years. There were
large-scale protests, which showed social commitment and the
effectiveness of opposition by activists. The political engagement of
young activists changed the approach to protests in Sudan. They showed
extraordinary creativity and commitment, and thanks to that, they
reached vast sections of the society. Resistance groups, which have been
emerging since 2009, moved their activities to the streets, showing
their opposition through slogans, murals, and leaflets. Most of their
activities quickly spread online, where they joined forces with other
groups to create an efficient machine of resistance and for spreading
information without the fear of governmental censorship. Their actions
in the streets and online created a foundation for mass resistance,
which was used to the full during the protests in 2018-2019.

This article shows the phenomenon of revolutionary art in shaping public
opinion, transferring information, political discourse, and calls for
mass disobedience. The photos of the revolution, murals, and graphics
are still circulating in social media and the events related to them are
still present in the consciousness of the Sudanese.[^89] Most of the
murals have been painted over by the police, but the ones in the
University of Khartoum campus have remained untouched. They were
protected from destruction by the people and can also be seen in
galleries online.[^90] These murals are examples of the strong emotions
evoked in the Sudanese people, even after the end of the revolution.
Their preservation can be understood as a tool for remembering, for
commemorating the loss of loved ones and the tragedies of many families,
raising people\'s spirits, and keeping resistance alive.

The artwork that was created out of this revolution has a significant
role in civil disobedience. Sudanese people lived under constant
control, repression, and racism-based politics. The need to talk about
it loudly and be heard was unbearable. Art helped them express
themselves and brought people together for a common cause. It also
changed the information flow and created a dialogue with the government.
The protesters\' actions inspired the artists who, over time, mobilized
the people. It was a mutually reinforcing relationship that gave birth
to a freedom movement that emanated strength and bravery. Art became an
integral part of this movement as the artists raised awareness and
became a voice of the people. Art was inclusive, anti-conformist, and
empowering, and it was used as a censorship-free source of news and
expression.

Street art and graffiti glorify people and their sacrifice, challenge
them during the revolution and after, and remain a constant memento of
the events in Sudan. War has many faces, but whether it is a cultural,
ideological, or religious war, it is associated with social change and
never leaves the country unchanged. In Sudan, during the uprising, this
change took place in the freedom of expression, greater self-awareness
of citizens and creativity in all areas of fine arts. Poetry, songs,
photography, collages, and street and online art during the revolution
in the blink of an eye responded to the ever-changing situation in
Sudan. Art inspired by actual events evokes instant connection and
understanding between the artist and the viewer. Apart from
anti-government slogans, art reflects the revolutionary reality. It
shows sadness and fear; there are visible references to police
brutality, excessive use of force, tear gas, ammunition, torture, and
mental and physical exhaustion of people. It is an incredibly moving
picture, without glorifying a peaceful uprising but considering the
dangers associated with it. Devoid of the romantic vision of the freedom
struggle in which all protesters happily return home.

The events in Sudan inspired and still inspire artists. 'Kejer's Prison'
-- a short film by Mohamed Kordofani, in a moving way shows the social
tear during the revolution, especially among the military soldiers.[^91]
Many years of indoctrination or compulsion to obey the order have caused
the soldiers to turn against their fellow citizens. Everyone should be
held accountable, there is no doubt, but Mohamed Kordofan's film changes
a bit our perspective on the events. We want to hear their stories and
find out how they became torturers for those they should protect.
Abu'Obayda Mohamed, known as OXDA, in his graphic shows the burning
Khartoum, where the militia's attack on the sit-in on 3 June 2019 took
place (Figure 47). The graphic was created a year later with a
dedication to all the fallen and the shed blood on the dangerous road to
democracy. Also, in 2021, the anniversary of the June 3 massacre was
celebrated, emphasizing that the memory of these events is still alive,
and the victims of the regime's violence will not be forgotten.

Even after the revolution, the role of the artists has not changed. On
the contrary, the artists have gained more momentum, and they are using
the newly acquired freedom. However, social and political change is a
long process, and Sudan\'s future remains unknown. The economy is
suffering from inflation and the continued devaluation of the Sudanese
pound. The locust plague and the flood disaster hit agricultural
production, and the COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated the health crisis
in the country. All this contributed to the deepening of the recession
in 2020 and 2021. On the other hand, the U.S. removed Sudan from the
list of states assisting terrorism and mediated the signing of a peace
agreement with Israel, after which Sudan received \$ 1 billion in
financial aid. The situation in Sudan will not change dramatically
overnight, however, the government has proposed fuel subsidies and tax
law reforms, as well as social protection programs. New fiscal and
monetary policies were introduced while renewing diplomatic relations
and attempts to stabilize the economic situation. Sudan is ready for
fundamental economic and institutional reforms and the first changes
have already been noticed in August 2021, when the inflation decreased
by 35 points. International media were talking about stabilization in
the country.

**2022 update. The conflict in Sudan is not over.**

In October 2021 the Sudanese army carried out a coup against the
civilian leadership. Prime Minister Adballa Hamdook and his cabinet were
arrested. Strikes broke out again and the actions of the army were
condemned. This situation provoked a reaction from the international
financial institutions supporting Sudan and forced the cessation of
financial aid totaling \$4.6bn. Furthermore, \$700m of financial aid
from the US has been blocked, along with the supply of grain to be used
in subsidizing bread.[^92] The cost of living began to rise
dramatically, and inflation soared.

The Sudanese still protest against the military coup on a weekly basis.
Currently carried out by professional groups, students, and women\'s
rights groups. Protests still rely on non-violent tactics and the use of
social media is still crucial for wider media coverage. The rise of
local activism in Sudan is a phenomenon that continues to grow and reach
even larger circles. Protests re-emerged and Sudanese people demand a
constitution and a democratically elected government.

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---------. *Sudan's revolution Isn't a Fluke; It's Tradition*"
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---------. *Inside Sudan's Viral Revolution: What You Need to Know*"
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GAAFAR Reem, SHAKWAT, Omnia. *Sudanese Women at the Heart of the
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*http://journalofdemocracy.org/articles/sudan-uprising-the-fall-of-a-dicator/*

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\*AKWEI, Ismail. *Sudan's Protests Through Cartoons, the Daring Work of
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KARAR, Haytham. *Protesters Dismantling Modus Operandi of Sudan's
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KORDOFANI, Mohamed. *\"Kejer\'s Prison\" - Short Film* ‏سجن الكجر - فلم
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KUWAIT TIMES. *Bashir's Overthrow Inspires Sudan Graffiti Artists*.
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---------. *Sudan's Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with Assil
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---------. *Sudan's Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with Mounir
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MURRAY, Elizabeth. *How Art Helped Propel Sudan's Revolution.*
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NORBROOK, Nicholas. *Sudan: Who Is Hemeti, the Butcher of the
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OSMAN, Muhammed & BEARAK, Max. *Omar Al-Bashir Exploited Sudan's Ethnic
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POWELL, Brian. *Sudan Constitutional Declaration: Draft Constitutional
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REILLY, Katie. *The Iconic Photo of Her Helped Fuel Sudan's Revolution.
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https://time.com/5712952/alaa-salah-sudan-women-protest/.

ROBATHAN, Hannah & PEARCE, Isabella. *The Satir Sisters: Two Artists
Inspiring Change Through Illustration.*
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SALIH, Zeinab Mohammed & WILSON Tom. *Sudanese Women Take Lead in
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Reform*. Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa and The
Redress Trust.

STAFF WRITER. *Sudan Just Criminalized Female Genital Mutilation in a
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ROYCHOUDHURY, Supriya. *The Art of Resistance: When Imagination Meets
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THE OBSERVATEURS. *Brothers Create Mosaic Portraits of Protesters Killed
in Sudan's Revolution.* Yahoo Finance, March 12, 2019.
https://uk.finance.yahoo.com/news/brothers-create-mosaic-portraits-protesters-154135130.html?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAHL-VQ5xkU91oZq4s1TD6QLgcV61MXYnj6rZspRnJ8qHlz-gvCl52tx2qFlnKAb2Nbn2nyIyUg_hb9iZkbBs6r9FI_KEYHGTH034INGwx8IOF4neA0Mw_Yu6hT-WyMiHQAOg_39XhP-gg7wD3MnoyTcY11BnhMMffy4o6N4IAxaH.

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[^1]: BERRIDGE, *Civil Uprising in Modern Sudan, pp. 13-34.*

[^2]: DESHAYES & ETIENNE & MEDANI*, Reflection on the Sudanese
    Revolutionary Dynamics*.

[^3]: BOTALITO, *Sudan Revolution: An Exploration Causes and
    Consequences for Power Struggle and Regime Change.*

[^4]: In 1964, the so-called \'Southern Problem\' became the cause of
    the conflict. The increasing discrimination against the Christian
    South of Sudan was the result of the policy of Abbud's regime. A
    \'Southern problem\' became widely discussed at the time, which led
    to clashes between students and the police at the University of
    Khartoum. A very important factor depending on the conflict was the
    government\'s ineffective economic policy and the rising costs of
    living. Eventually, the protests led to the president\'s
    resignation.

[^5]: Any newspaper under this law could be suspended without any court
    order and its employees arrested.

[^6]: CIPESA, *Sudan's Bad Laws, Internet Censorship and Repressed Civil
    Liberties.*

[^7]: For more information see: *Sudan: Press freedom still in
    transition a year after Omar al-Bashir's removal*, Reporters Without
    Borders, 2020.

[^8]: WILDE BOTTA, *The Revolution Has Emerged: Sudan's Acute
    Contradictions*.

[^9]: COPNALL, *A Poisonous Thorn in Our Hearts*: *Sudan and South
    Sudan\'s Bitter and Incomplete Divorce.*

[^10]: https://www.instagram.com/p/BtBLM5cFNG-/

[^11]: KARAR, *Protesters Dismantling Modus Operandi of Sudan\'s
    Oppressor*: *"...the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
    government adopted austerity measures that resulted in cutting fuel
    and bread subsidies. However, the adjustment plan has immensely hit
    the extremely poor, estimated to be around 36.1 per cent of the
    population. In December 2018, the inflation rate has risen to 72.94
    per cent, the second worst rate worldwide after Venezuela*."

[^12]: ELHASSAN, How Sudanese Art Is Fueling the Revolution.

[^13]: BERRIDGE, Civil Uprisings in Modern Sudan: The \'Khartoum
    Springs\' of 1964 and 1985.

[^14]: ELHASSAN, Sudan's Revolution Isn\'t a Fluke, It\'s Tradition.

[^15]: Ibid.

[^16]: LAMENSCH, Sudan\'s Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with
    Mounir Khalil.

[^17]: MURRAY, How Art Helped Propel Sudan's Revolution.

[^18]: AFRICA NEWS, Sudan Protest Hub: Anti-Bashir Protesters Tear
    Gassed in Omdurman.

[^19]: HASSAN and KODOUDA, *Sudan's Uprising: The Fall of a Dictator,*
    pp.97-100.

[^20]: [HÄGGSTRÖM](https://www.kasperhaggstrom.com/) , Art for the
    Revolution: How Artists Have Changed the Protests in Sudan.

[^21]: NORBROOK, *Sudan: Who Is Hemeti, the Butcher of the Revolution?*

[^22]: BOTTA, *The Revolution has Emerged: Sudan's Acute
    Contradictions*.

[^23]: HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH, *"They Were Shouting 'Kill Them'"*.

[^24]: POWELL, *Sudan Constitutional Declaration: Draft Constitutional
    Charter for the 2019 Transitional Period*.

[^25]: Policy and military attacked sleeping protesters and destroy the
    site of the sit-in. People were shot and wounded by machetes and
    their bodies were thrown into the River Nile. For more information
    see: \"*Chaos and Fire": An Analysis of Sudan\'s June 3, 2019,
    Khartoum Massacre*, Physician for Human Rights.

    Videos made by protesters during the massacre (contains disturbing
    scenes): htpp://bbc.com/news/av/worls-africa-48956133

[^26]: The Public Order Law was proposed in 1989 and created as a set of
    legal provisions from the Sudanese Criminal Law Act. A restrictive
    public law that controlled how women acted and dressed in public,
    violating their privacy and freedoms. Promotes discrimination
    against women and limits their social activities. For more
    information see: http://democracyfirstgroup.org

[^27]: DABANGA, *Prosecution Denounces Call to Revive Sudan's Repealed
    Public Order Law*.

[^28]: STAFF WRITER, *Sudan Just Criminalised Female Genital Mutilation
    in a Landmark Victory for Women*. Cartoon by Alaa Satir condemning
    FGM with a sign: female body cannot be edited, available:
    https://www.instagram.com/p/BjHpwZjFxD9/

[^29]: BOTTA, *The Revolution.*

[^30]: Propaganda is not in the scope of this article, for more
    information on this matter see: GOLDSTEIN, *Exploiting Darfur
    Genocide for Propaganda*, Sudan Tribune, 2006.

[^31]: OSMAN & BEARAK, *Omar Al-Bashir Exploited Sudan's Ethnic Division
    for Decades. Now Sudan Is United Against Him*.

[^32]: BOTALITO, *Sudan Revolution.*

[^33]: LATIF, *You Arrogant Racist, We are All Darfur'; Human Rights
    Protests as Nation-Building in Sudan,* pp. 54 - 67.

[^34]: IDRIS, *Conflict and Politics of Identity in Sudan.*

[^35]: CARMICHAEL & PINNELL, *How Fake News from Sudan's Regime
    Backfired*.

[^36]: BISHAI & ELSHAMI, *"We Are All Darfur!" -- Sudan's Unity Protests
    Stand a Real Chance. Time for the West to Step up*.

[^37]: HASHIM, *In Pictures: The Art Fuelling Sudan\'s Revolution*.

[^38]: For more information see: REEVES. BENJAMIN, *Online fake news and
    hate speech are fuelling tribal 'genocide' in South Sudan*,
    http://theworld.org

[^39]: For more information see: Global Gender Gap Report.

[^40]: SIHA NETWORK, *Criminalisation of women in Sudan. A need for
    Fundamental Reform,* pp. 8-13, 41-43.

[^41]: SALIH & WILSON, *Sudanese Women Take Lead in Protests Against
    Bashir*.

[^42]: HENDAWI, *Sudan: An Artist's Tribute to Women Leaders of the
    Pro-Democracy Movement*.

[^43]: For more information see: SALIH, Zeinab Mohammed, '*I was raised
    to love our home': Sudan's singing protester speaks up*, The
    Guardian, April 10, 20919; REILLY, Katie, *The Iconic Photo of Her
    Helped Fuel Sudan's Revolution. Now, She and Other Women Are Being
    Sidelined*, The Times, October 30, 2019.

[^44]: JAAFARI, *Here\'s the Story Behind the Iconic Image of the
    Sudanese Woman in White*.

[^45]: BROWN, *History Stands Alongside the Woman in the White Tobe*.

[^46]: ELAMIN & ISMAIL, *The Many Mothers of Sudan's Revolution*.

[^47]: REILLY, *The Iconic Photo of Her Helped Fuel Sudan\'s Revolution.
    Now, She and Other Women Are Being Sidelined.*

[^48]:
    ##  LICHTENSTEIN, *Read the Scent of Revolution: The Story Behind Sudan\'s Legendary Perfume Label Remi .* Exhibition Amado Alfadni work at the Sulger-Buel Gallery in London: https://thezay.org/amado-alfadni-kendakas-and-bint-al-sudan/

[^49]: ABDEL AZIZ, *The Third Sudanese Revolution Reinstates Women from
    All Walks of Life onto the Map of Sudanese Public Life*.

[^50]: KUWAIT TIMES, *Bashir\'s Overthrow Inspires Sudan Graffiti
    Artists*.

[^51]: https://www.instagram.com/p/Bqm6Ne1lxrP/

[^52]: HÄGGSTRÖM, *Art for the Revolution.*

[^53]: DAHIR, *Sudan's Protests Inspire Art, Graffiti Revolution*.

[^54]: For more information see: MONDESIRE. Zachary, *Race after
    Revolution: Imagining Blackness and Africanity in the "New Sudan"*,
    Middle East Political Science, 2020.

[^55]: LAMENSCH, Sudan\'s Artists.

[^56]: HÄGGSTRÖM, *Art for the Revolution.*

[^57]: THE OBSERVATEURS, *Brothers Create Mosaic Portraits of Protesters
    Killed in Sudan's Revolution*.

[^58]: ANONYMOUS, *We Are Fed up! The Power of a New Generation of
    Sudanese Youth Activists*.

[^59]: UK HOME OFFICE, *Sudan Opposition to the Government, Including
    Sur Place Activity: (November 2018).*

[^60]: For more information about the structure and evolution of the
    Sudanese professionals Association see:
    https://www.arab-reform.net/publication/sudanese-professionals-association-structure-evolutioroles-and-coalitions-changes-and-future-prospects/

[^61]: BIOR, *Sudan\'s Social Media Deemed Major Player in Bashir\'s
    Ouster*.

[^62]: HASSAB, *Sudan Uprising: On an Artistic Note*.

[^63]: https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-africa-48956133

[^64]: ROBATHAN & PEARCE, *The Satir Sisters: Two Artists Inspiring
    Change Through Illustration*.

[^65]: ELHASSAN, *Inside Sudan\'s Viral Revolution: What You Need to
    Know*.

[^66]: GAAFAR & SHAKWAT, *Sudanese Women at the Heart of the Revolution:
    African Feminism (AF)*.

[^67]: https://www.worldpressphoto.org/collection/photo/2020/39605/1/Yasuyoshi-Chiba

[^68]: FUHRMANN, *#sudanrevolts: Contesting Power & Violence Through
    Art*.

[^69]: https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/public-anger-in-sudan-capital-as-children-crushed-by-niss-driver

[^70]: FUHRMANN, *#sudanrevolts.*

[^71]: HASSAB, *Sudan Uprising.*

[^72]: CASCIARRI & MANFREDI, *Freedom, Peace and Justice - a Glossary of
    the Third Sudanese Revolution, p.18.*

[^73]: DIAB, *Everything You Need to Know About the Sudan Revolution*.

[^74]: EDITORS, *Cartooning for Peace*.

[^75]: AKWEI, *Sudan's Protests Through Cartoons, the Daring Work of
    Boushra Cartoonist.*

[^76]: FUHRMANN, *#sudanrevolts.*

[^77]: https://twitter.com/Merg_Salih/status/1401508418708545540

[^78]: CASCIARRI & MANFREDI, *Freedom, pp. 15-17*.

[^79]: DESHAYES & ETIENNE & MEDANI*, Reflection.*

[^80]: HASHIM, *In pictures: The art fuelling Sudan\'s revolution*.

[^81]: FUHRMANN, *#sudanrevolts*.

[^82]: ROYCHOUDHURY, *The Art of Resistance: When Imagination Meets
    Technology at Protests from India to Chile*.

[^83]: LAMENSCH, *Sudan\'s Artists of the Revolution: An Interview with
    Assil Diab*.

[^84]: For more information see: ERIC REEVES, *On the Brutal Murder of
    Ahmed al-Khair of Kashm al-Qirba, February 2, 2019.
    <https://sudanreeves.org/2019/02/02/on-the-brutal-murder-of-ahmed-al-khair-of-khashm-al-qirba-february-2-2019/>.*
    Authors note: Some readers may find the description of events
    distressing.

[^85]: CARMICHAEL & PINNELL, *How fake news from Sudan's regime
    backfired.*

[^86]: MURRAY, *How Art Helped Propel Sudan's Revolution*.

[^87]: ROYCHOUDHURY, *The Art of Resistance.*

[^88]: CAPRON, *In Sudan, Empty Tear Gas Canisters from Protests Turned
    into Art*.

[^89]: The art of the Sudanese revolution was exhibited at the
    University of London and Khartoum

[^90]: http://sudanrevolutionart.org

[^91]: KORDOFANI, *"Kejer\'s Prison - Short Film* ‏سجن الكجر - فلم قصير‎,"
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Enyax1Dzj_g.

[^92]: KAMABRESSI, *To save its economy, Sudan needs civilian rule.*