---
title: "A Bioarchaeological Approach to Everyday Life: Squatting Facets at Abu Fatima"
authors: ["schrader.md"]
abstract: This paper offers a bioarchaeological approach to everyday life at Abu Fatim through an examination of squatting facets of the ancient population of Nubia.
keywords: ["bioarchaeology", "everyday life", "Nubia", "squatting"]
---
# Introduction
Everyday life in Nubia involves activities such as, cooking, cleaning,
planting seeds, harvesting crops, watching a football match, chatting
with friends, monitoring children, eating delicious foods, and drinking
tea. If we conjure up images of these quotidian actions from personal
experiences, many of these activities are performed in a squatting
position (Fig. 1). When a chair or mat is not available, modern Nubians
will frequently assume a squatting position, with hips, knees, and
ankles bent, to create temporary respite. As many of us that are not
commonly in this position can attest to, it requires a degree of
flexibility that no doubt comes with years of habituation and practice.
Using bioarchaeological methods, we are able to assess whether or not
ancient populations also frequently assumed a squatting position. The
lower leg bone (tibia) has been shown to possess accessory articulating
facets when the ankle joint is regularly hyperdorsiflexed (i.e., when
toes are drawn towards shins; Fig. 1). There have been a few
bioarchaeological publications using this approach, however, they are
mainly limited to case studies.[^1] I argue that the squatting facets
method has broader theoretical importance as it can be used as an
indicator of everyday life in the *longue durée*. We have a window into
how people spent their days, inside and outside of the home, and
potentially a temporal line of continuity between ancient and modern
populations.
**~~Figure 1. Squatting Position and Skeletal Consequences of Habitual Squatting (modified from Trinkaus 1975)[^2]~~**
# Bioarchaeology of the Everyday
Everyday life is vitally important to the development of individual and
communal identities as well as to agentive action and social change.
While certain major life events (e.g., wedding, funeral, war, etc.) may
create a more marked memory, the majority of lived experiences are those
that we might consider mundane. It is these minutiae that scholars of
practice theory suggest are the most crucial---these everyday actions
can be minor acts of resistance to an overarching social system that,
with enough support and continuity, can go on to change entire social
structures.[^3] In this way, these everyday lives of everyday people are
anything but mundane, but rather consist of a series of critical ways of
operating.[^4]
Archaeologists have long argued that understanding everyday life in the
past is essential. Moving away from temples and tombs, archaeologists
became interested in how everyday people lived in their day-to-day
milieu. Additionally, archaeology is ideally situated to study this
everyday past given the material record that everyday life creates.
Interpretations of everyday practice have been achieved through studies
of midden deposits, architecture, debitage, landscape modification, and
ceramics. Footprints at the ancient Mayan site of Chan Nòohol were even
used to recreate movements and personal interactions within this
community.[^5] The archaeology of everyday life in ancient Nubia has
been examined through several lenses, including, but not limited to
architecture and use of space, foodways, and identity expression.[^6]
Skeletal data has the ability to provide unique insight into everyday
life in the ancient world. Contrary to popular belief, bones are not as
unmalleable as we might assume. Rather, the skeletal frame adapts
throughout one's life, slowly remodeling on a cellular level. It is
estimated that it takes approximately 10 years for the skeleton to
completely remodel.[^7] This process also facilitates a record of life
events, embodied in the bones themselves. This is frequently referred to
as embodiment theory in bioarchaeology and speaks to the biosocial
nature of bioarchaeologyn[^8] The discipline goes beyond looking at
broken bones or diseases to assessing lived experience in the ancient
past, how it changed during periods of political, economic, and social
upheaval, and how these data can be used to inform our understanding of
our modern world.
In previous work I have used this embodiment framework to examine
everyday life in ancient Nubia.[^9] By examining skeletal indicators of
activity (osteoarthritis and muscle attachment sites) as well as
biomolecular approaches to diet (carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis),
I was able to document how everyday life changed for Nubians living
under colonial New Kingdom rule as well as in a post-colonial and
Napatan landscape. By integrating a theoretical framework grounded in
practice theory into bioarchaeological data, I was able to interpret
relatively subtle diachronic changes in activity and diet as acts of
agency and resistance. For example, bioarchaeological activity markers
indicate that the post-colonial Third-Intermediate and Napatan period
population may have indeed been engaging in more physically strenuous
everyday movements than New Kingdom colonial Egypto-Nubian populations
(at the site of Tombos, Third Cataract). However, this need not be
interpreted as something negative, but rather can be framed as a newly
independent community utilizing local raw materials (e.g., quarrying,
mining) and building new communities and connections (e.g., construction
efforts; new trading partners and political allies).[^10]
# Squatting Facets
As discussed above, squatting facets are an articulation between the
shin bone (distal tibia) and foot (talus) that are thought to be
acquired in life. When an individual squats down for extended periods of
time, the two bones begin to touch, where in a normal anatomical
position, they would not. This creates a new joint, or articulation, and
is an example of how the skeleton can adapt during life (Fig. 2). Note
that changes can also be seen on the femur, patella, talus, and
metatarsals, however, most commonly the distal tibia is affected and
studied.[^11]
**~~Figure 2. Images of Different Types of Squatting Facets on Distal Tibiae (modified from Singh 1959)[^12]~~**
Squatting facets have been studied for decades both from a clinical and
bioarchaeological perspective. Clinicians have examined the prevalence
of squatting facets in modern populations as well as associated the
presence of squatting facets with the potential for subsequent
injury.[^13] Several papers have reported the presence of squatting
facets both in adults as well as fetuses. The interest in fetal
squatting facets stems from the question, are squatting facets the
product of activity, acquired through one's life? In which case we would
expect to find them only on adult remains. Or are squatting facets
inherited? In which case we would find them on both adults and fetuses.
Furthermore, does the frequency of squatting facets vary across
genetically heterogeneous populations? Singh, for example, compares
adult and fetal squatting facets prevalence in an Indian population and
notes that, while adults do have higher frequencies, fetuses do indeed
possess squatting facets.[^14] Singh does state that the presence of
squatting facets in fetuses is low in this sample, it is also variable
between other samples published in previous works (22.6% Indian; 23%
European; 3.1% Japanese). Barnett, however, provides an explanation for
these findings. Barnett argues that these traits can indeed be
inherited, however, if the activities that maintain this articulation
(i.e., squatting) are not maintained throughout the lifecourse, they
will become obliterated as bone turnover occurs.[^15] While this
explanation does explain the presence of squatting facets on both fetal
and adult remains, the matter is still a topic of debate today.
Bioarchaeological studies have contributed to this research by looking
at changes in squatting facet frequency through time as well as sexual
division of labor in the past. Squatting facets have been found in early
hominin remains, including Neanderthals.[^16] Broadly speaking, we see a
decrease in squatting facets through time, and a notable decrease during
the medieval period. Boule examined 543 tibiae from French and American
archaeological sites (1st-20th centuries CE), and found that prior to
the Middle Ages, squatting was quite common; however, with the dawn of
the Middle Ages, there was a steady decrease in the frequency of
squatting facets.[^17] Similarly, Dlamini and Morris found that
squatting facets were common in Late Stone Age (1st millennium BCE)
South Africa, but almost nonexistent in comparative modern skeletal and
cadaver samples.[^18] Molleson reports high incidence of squatting
facets at Abu Hureyra, Syria (Mesolithic/Neolithic) and Çatalhöyük,
Turkey (Neolithic) and suggests that a saddle quern or mortar were used
to process the grains that were being harvested.[^19] Molleson also
suggests the potential sexual division of labor, indicating that women
and girls may have been responsible for preparing foodstuffs, whereas
men and boys, who exhibited higher rates of squatting facets, were
likely working with their hands while squatting, possibly making baskets
and preparing cord.[^20]
# Squatting Facets in Nubia
To my knowledge squatting facets have not been systematically studied in
Nubian remains. Here I present squatting facet data from the Kerma, or
Kushite, period site of Abu Fatima (*ca*. 2500-1500 BCE). Abu Fatima is
located near the Third Cataract of the Nile near Tombos and modern day
Kerma (Fig. 3) and is currently being excavated by Dr. Stuart Tyson
Smith (University California, Santa Barbara) and myself. Given its
location and size, it has been proposed that Abu Fatima was a suburban
community, which would have been a long walk (approximately 10km) to the
ancient capital city Kerma.[^21] The community is thought to have
participated in agricultural and animal husbandry practices, but also
may have produced pottery, constructed homes, and manufactured other
trade goods.
**~~Figure 3. Map of Abu Fatima.~~**
Analysis of squatting facets was conducted according to presence or
absence of the trait.[^22] All available adult skeletons from Abu Fatima
were analyzed. In some cases, no tibiae were preserved, for which
squatting facets could not be assessed. In other instances, only one
tibia (left or right) was preserved and, thus, only one data point was
collected for said individual(s). Analysis of sex and age-at-death were
performed according to accepted bioarchaeological standards.[^23]
The ethics of handling and studying human skeletal remains were taken
into considering at all stages of this research, including excavation,
curation, and analysis.[^24] The project worked closely with the
National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums (NCAM) of Sudan as well
as the local community of Abu Fatima, who were both supportive of this
research. This analysis was non-destructive, so the remains were
macroscopically analyzed and then returned to conservator boxes in a
temperature- and humidity-controlled environment at the Faculty of
Archaeology, Leiden University, The Netherlands.
# Did Ancient Nubians Squat?
A total of 21 individuals from the Abu Fatima collection had at least
one preserved distal tibia (Table 1). Of these, only one individual did
not possess squatting facets (Burial 4E1). The vast majority of the Abu
Fatima population (20/21, or 95%) did have the very clear presence of
squatting facets. This is markedly higher than many previously published
comparative studies (Table 2). Note that this list is limited to those
studies that focus on tibial squatting facets, as opposed to femoral,
patellar, tarsal, or metatarsal facets.
|||||||
|:---|:---||:---|:---||:---|:---|
|||||||
|ID \#|Squatting Facets||:---|Sex||Age-at-Death|Locality|
|:---|Left||Right|:---||:---|:---|
|1A1|✓||✓|Male||35-49|Local|
|||||||
Table 1. Demographic Distribution of Squatting Facets at Abu Fatima
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
ID \# Squatting Sex Age-at-Death Locality
Facets
------- ----------- ----------- ---------------- --------------- ------------
Left Right
1A1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
1B1 ✓ ✓ Female 50+ Local
1E1 ✓ ✓ Female 18-34 Local
1F1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
1F2 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
2A1 ✓ ✓ Female 35-49 Non-Local
2A2 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
2B1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Local
2C1 ✓ ✓ Male 18-34 Non-Local
2D1 ✓ ✓ Female 50+ Local
2F1 n/o ✓ Female 35-49 Local
3A1 n/o ✓ Male 35-49 Local
4A1 ✓ ✓ Male 18-34 Local
4B2 n/o ✓ Female 35-49 Unknown
4C1 ✓ n/o Female 50+ Local
4D1 n/o ✓ Female 35-49 Non-Local
4E1 Probable Male 35-49 Local
5B1 ✓ ✓ Female 18-34 Local
8A2 ✓ ✓ Female 50+ Non-local
8B1 ✓ ✓ Female 35-49 Local
9A1 ✓ ✓ Male 35-49 Non-Local
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
n/o=Not observable; Locality assessed via strontium isotope analysis
(see Schrader et al. 2019 for additional information)
Table 2. Frequency of Squatting Facets in Other Populations
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Population Squatting Sample Citation
Facet Size
Presence
--------------------------- ------------- -------- ----------------------
Abu Fatima 95% 21 Present study
Ancient Egypt 96% 300 Satinoff, 1972[^25]
Ancient Egypt 33% 3 Thomson et al.,
1889[^26]
Byzantine 13^th^ century 48% 100 Ari et al., 2003[^27]
BCE
Late Stone Age (1^st^ 50% 56 Dlamini and Morris,
millennium BCE), South 2005[^28]
Africa
Early farming (5^th^-19^th^ 77% 17 Dlamini and Morris,
centuries CE), South Africa 2005[^29]
18th century Cape Town 5% 21 Dlamini and Morris,
2005[^30]
20th century Cape Town 0% 29 Dlamini and Morris,
cadavers 2005[^31]
South African (Oxford/Royal 27% 11 Thomson, 1889[^32]
College of Surgeons'
Museum)
Neanderthals (Europe, Near 91% 11 Trinkaus, 1975[^33]
East)
European (Oxford/Royal 13% 40 Thomson, 1889[^34]
College of Surgeons'
Museum)
Scottish (Anatomical 17% 118 Wood, 1920[^35]
Department, University of
Edinburgh)
Asian (Oxford/Royal College 48% 23 Thomson, 1889[^36]
of Surgeons' Museum)
Native American 37% 19 Thomson, 1889[^37]
(Oxford/Royal College of
Surgeons' Museum)
Polynesia (Oxford/Royal 75% 4 Thomson, 1889[^38]
College of Surgeons'
Museum)
Melanesia (Oxford/Royal 71% 38 Thomson, 1889[^39]
College of Surgeons'
Museum)
Australian (Oxford/Royal 79% 14 Thomson, 1889[^40]
College of Surgeons'
Museum)
Australian (Collection of 81% 236 Wood, 1920[^41]
Anatomical Museum of the
University of Edinburgh)
Indian (20^th^ century) 77% 292 Singh, 1959[^42]
cadavers and "museum
specimens"
Panjabi, Indian 87% 52 Charles, 1893 [^43]
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
One interpretation of these data is that the people of ancient Kush,
just like modern Nubians, spent much of their everyday life in a
squatting position. This may have involved both occupational as well as
leisure activities. It is also interesting that both males and females
exhibit squatting facets, suggesting both sexes were participating in
this position. All adult age categories, young, middle, and old adults,
also possess evidence for squatting. This suggests that the activity was
continued throughout life; if, for example, an individual was a squatter
in childhood or young adulthood but then stopped, the facet would be
obliterated by bone remodeling as they aged. In short, it would appear
that a large portion of the Abu Fatima community, of both sexes and all
age groups, were spending much of their everyday life in a squatting
position.
It is also interesting to note that previous bioarchaeological research
of the Abu Fatima collection indicates that approximately 25% of this
population were of non-local origin, meaning they migrated from
someplace else and eventually died and were buried at Abu Fatima.[^44]
This was assessed via strontium isotope analysis, which compares
strontium values from dental enamel (produced during childhood) to local
geology; if these values are similar, we can deduce that the individual
was local to the region, however, if these values differ, it is possible
that they migrated into this community. Interestingly, all non-local
individuals also possessed squatting facets. This suggests that the
patterns exhibited here at Abu Fatima, may not be limited to just this
community, but rather may a more pan-Nubian pattern. Using strontium
isotope analysis, it is impossible to pinpoint the point of origin for
an individual, so we cannot say where these non-locals came from. But it
does appear that throughout their life they were habitually
participating in a squatting behavior.
The one individual in the Abu Fatima collection that did not possess
squatting facets (4E1) is a bit of an oddity. This was a probable male,
dating to the Ancient Kerma period (2,500-2,050 BCE), who likely died
between 35-50. The grave was looted in antiquity and was quite
disturbed, with no skeletal elements remained *in situ*. Despite this,
there is evidence to suggest that this individual may have been
originally been buried with numerous and varied grave goods. Three
lithic blades forming a Nubian-style arrowhead, rawhide sandals, faience
beads, and intricate leatherwork and basketry were all found in this
burial pit. Although it is difficult to say with any certainty given the
looting, it is possible this grave could have belonged to an elite
individual or an individual of a special class (e.g., occupation). For
example, if individual 4E1 were elite, perhaps they didn't squat, but
rather sat in chairs. If they were not participating in common tasks
because of their status, they could have found other positions of
relaxation. Another possible explanation is that this person had an
occupation (e.g., warrior), or daily life, that did not require
squatting. It could also be as simple as this individual did not enjoy
squatting or perhaps an injury, unidentifiable in the skeletal remains,
prevented them from assuming this position.
If we turn to archaeological evidence for squatting in the Nile Valley,
there are a few examples. It is interesting to note that most of these
samples are associated with the non-elite, working class. For example,
there is an Old Kingdom (probably 6th Dynasty, *ca* 2,345-2,125 BCE)
pottery statuette of a squatting man who appears to be naked and
emaciated (Fig. 4). There is a similar figure, on display at the
Egyptian Museum in Cairo, of an emaciated old squatting man grasping an
ivory staff. There are also multiple examples of figures grinding grain,
like this one, a statuette from the 5th Dynasty (*ca.* 2,465-2,323
BCE; Giza; Fig. 5). Figures such as these exhibit scenes from everyday
life and were thought to provide resources for deceased in the
afterlife. They can also provide some insight into the types of
activities Nile Valley inhabitants may have done while in a squatting
position.
In other squatting facet studies, bioarchaeologists have concluded that
individuals with squatting facets may have regularly participated in
grinding, basketmaking, spinning, weaving, baking, milking animals,
preparing dung, knitting rugs, sitting around a fire, and working in the
fields.[^45] There is also some evidence within Egypt to suggest that
scribes may have frequently taken a squatting position.[^46]
Archaeological evidence in Nubia indicates that percussion instruments
were used in a squatting position.[^47] Lastly, there are many
iconographic examples from Ancient Egypt of women given birth in a
squatting position.[^48] However, for the skeleton to modify it would
need to be a highly repetitive behavior. It's certainly possible that
childbirth contributed to the development of squatting facets, it was
probably in combination with other activities.
**~~Figure 4. Statuette of Squatting Man (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 6; Image ©National Museums Scotland A.1954.10: https://www.nms.ac.uk/search-our-collections/collection-search-results?entry=300275).~~**
**~~Figure 5. Statuette of Woman Grinding Grain (Old Kingdom, Dynasty 5 Image © Boston Museum of Fine Arts 21.2601: https://collections.mfa.org/objects/144023).~~**
Satinoff conducted a study of squatting facets in an Egyptian
sample.[^49] The origins of the skeletal material remain unclear as the
only documentation provided is that they were housed at the Institute of
Anthropology at the University of Turin; however, no chronological or
spatial information was provided. Satinoff found that of the 300 male
and female remains analyzed 96% did in fact have squatting facets. This
is very much congruent with the findings presented here from Abu Fatima.
It does beg the question about genetic predisposition to said facets,
given the relatively genetic homogeneity between Egyptian and Nubians.
Skeletal analysis of additional samples, with well-documented
chronologies and cemetery locations, would be useful to better
understand if the majority of Egyptians and Nubians had squatting
facets, or if the similar values between Abu Fatima and the results
presented by Satinoff are coincidence. Additionally, additional skeletal
analysis of non-adult remains, particularly neonates and infants, could
be used to address the genetic predisposition theory.
# Conclusions
These data provide a novel perspective on everyday life in ancient
Nubia. Up until now, the Nubian quotidian had been examined via built
space, everyday life objects, refuse, as well as skeletal indicators of
physically strenuous activity and dietary practices. This study presents
a unique line of embodied continuity between the ancient Kushites,
inhabiting the Third Cataract region *ca*. 4,000 years ago and the
Nubians that inhabit the region today. While it is impossible to specify
what activities these individuals were engaging while assuming the
squatting posture, these data suggest that both men and women were
regularly squatting at Abu Fatima during the Kushite period. As Abu
Fatima is considered a suburban space, these interpretations are further
evidence for how the ordinary, non-elite population would have lived
their daily lives, both inside and outside of the home. This may have
involved squatting around a fire, preparing food (e.g., grinding,
cooking), playing musical instruments, weaving, flint-knapping, or just
chatting with friends.
# Acknowledgements
My thoughts are with the people of Sudan as the country, at the time of
writing, is in the midst of a horrific war. This publication is part of
the project Embodied Inequality (VI.Vidi.201.153) of the Research
Programme VIDI which is financed by the Dutch Research Council (NWO).
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[^1]: Ari, Oygucu, and Sendemir, "The Squatting Facets on the Tibia of
Byzantine (13th) Skeletons"; Boulle, "Osteological Features
Associatd with Ankle Hyperdorsiflexion"; Dlamini and Morris, "An
Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age
Foragers from South Africa"; Molleson, "Seed Preparation in the
Mesolithic"; Molleson, "Bones of Work at
the Origins of Labour"; Robb, "Skeletal Signs of Activity in the
Italian Metal Ages";
Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals."
[^2]: Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals," p. 330.
[^3]: Bourdieu, *Outline of the Theory of Practice*; Giddens, *The
Constitution of Society*;
Schatzki, "Materiality and Social Life."
[^4]: de Certeau, *The Practice of Everyday Life*.
[^5]: Robin, *Everyday Life Matters: Maya Farmers at Chan*.
[^6]: Agha, "Nubia Still Exists";
Budka and Doyen, "Life in New Kindom Towns in Upper Nubia"; Haaland, "Changing
Food Ways as Indicators of Emerging Complexity in Sudanese Nubia";
Smith, "Pharoahs, Feasts, and Foreigners"; Smith, *Wretched Kush*; Smith,
"A Potter's Wheelhead from Askut and the Organization of the
Egyptian Ceramic Industry in Nubia"; Smith, "The Nubian Experience
of Egyptian Domination during the New Kingdom"; van Peltt, "Revising
Egypto-Nubian Relations in New Kingdom Lower Nubia"; Spencer, Stevens, and
Binder, *Nubia in the New Kingdom*.
[^7]: Hedges et al., "Collagen Turnover in the Adult Femoral Mid-Shaft."
[^8]: Schrader and Torres-Rouff, "Embodying Bioarchaeology."
[^9]: Schrader, *Activity, Diet and Social Practice*.
[^10]: Schrader and Buzon, "Everyday Life after Collapse."
[^11]: Boulle, "Osteological Features Associatd with Ankle
Hyperdorsiflexion"; Molleson, "Seed Preparation in the Mesolithic."
[^12]: Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indians," p.
545
[^13]: Massada, "Ankle Overuse Injuries in Soccer Players."
[^14]: Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indian
Foetuses."
[^15]: Barnett, "Squatting Facets on the European Talus."
[^16]: Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals."
[^17]: Boulle, "Evolution of Two Human Skeletal Markers of the Squatting
Positoin."
[^18]: Dlamini and Morris, "An Investigation of the Frequency of
Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa."
[^19]: Molleson, "Seed Preparation in the Mesolithic."
[^20]: Molleson, "Bones of Work at the Origins of Labour."
[^21]: Schrader and Smith, "Socializing Violence."
[^22]: Mann, Hunt, and Lozanoff, *Photographic Regional Atlas of
Non-Metric Traits and Anatomical Variants in the Human Skeleton*.
[^23]: Buikstra and Ubelaker, *Standards for Data Collection from Human
Skeletal Remains*.
[^24]: Schrader et al., "Decolonizing Bioarchaeology in Sudan."
[^25]: Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of Teh Talus and Tibia
in Ancient Egyptians."
[^26]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
[^27]: Ari, Oygucu, and Sendemir, "The Squatting Facets on the Tibia of
Byzantine (13th) Skeletons."
[^28]: Dlamini and Morris, "An Investigation of the Frequency of
Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age Foragers from South Africa."
[^29]: Dlamini and Morris.
[^30]: Ibid.
[^31]: Ibid.
[^32]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
[^33]: Trinkaus, "Squatting among the Neandertals."
[^34]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
[^35]: Wood, "The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine."
[^36]: Thomson, Oxon, and Edin, "The Influence of Posture on the Form of
the Articular Surfaces of the Tibia and Astragalus in the Different
Races of Man and the Higher Apes."
[^37]: Ibid.
[^38]: Ibid.
[^39]: Ibid.
[^40]: Ibid.
[^41]: Wood, "The Tibia of the Australian Aborigine."
[^42]: Singh, "Squatting Facets on the Talus and Tibia in Indians."
[^43]: Charles, "The Influence of Function, as Exemplified in the
Morphology of the Lower Extremity of the Panjabi."
[^44]: Schrader et al., "Intraregional 87Sr/86Sr Variation in Nubia."
[^45]: Baykara et al., "Squatting Facet"; Dlamini and Morris, "An
Investigation of the Frequency of Suatting Facets in Later Stone Age
Foragers from South Africa"; Molleson, "Bones of Work at the Origins
of Labour."
[^46]: Casson, *Everyday Life in Ancient Egypt*.
[^47]: Kleinitz, "Soundscapes of the Nubian Nile Valley."
[^48]: Haimov-Kochman, Sciaky-Tamir, and Hurwitz, "Reproduction Concepts
and Practices in Ancient Egypt Mirrored by Modern Medicine."
[^49]: Satinoff, "Study of the Squatting Facets of the Talus and Tibia
in Ancient Egyptians."