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 title: "My Grandparents\' House: A Sociological Perspective"
 authors: ["abdelsadeq.md"]
 abstract: 
 keywords: ["Nubia", "resettlement", "architecture"]
 ---
 **Introduction**
 For more than fifteen centuries, Nubians lived in the Nile Valley
 between the First Cataract at Aswan in southern Egypt and the Fourth
 Cataract at Dongola in Sudan. The cataract at Aswan, and the barren
 deserts on either side of the valley isolated Nubians from other
 neighboring groups, enabling them to retain their cohesiveness as an
 ethno-linguistic group with distinguishing cultural traditions. Much of
 the Nubian region consisted of rocky shoreline. The arable lands were
 restricted to a narrow fringe of alluvial deposits, which was not
 encouraging enough for permanent colonization by the empires of ancient
 and medieval times (ancient Egyptian, Roman, Islamic, and so on).
 However, Nubia was perceived as "The Corridor to Africa" by these same
 empires. This permitted the partial independence of Nubia while under
 the political dominance of these empires. This unique situation enabled
 the Nubians to be influenced by the belief systems of neighboring
 empires, which became entangled with long-standing Nubian
 traditions.[^1]
 After the construction of Aswan dam in 1902, and its subsequent
 heightenings in 1912 and 1933, Northern Nubian (*Kenuz*) villages, were
 submerged under the Nile waters. This submersion forced the *Kenuz*
 Nubians to rebuild their houses at higher levels each time. Also, most
 of the agricultural land in *Kenuz* villages became inundated for most
 of the year. Cultivation was only possible along a narrow strip of the
 plain for two months during the summer. This impoverishment forced
 Nubian men to migrate to Egyptian cities in search for work, while women
 and children were left behind in Nubia.
 Despite the heightenings of Aswan dam, the effects of the Nile flooding
 were devastating along the Valley and the Delta villages causing much
 loss in life and property. Therefore, the new Egyptian regime in 1954
 decided to build the High Dam, a new dam in Aswan higher than the
 already existing one. This meant that the entirety of Nubia was to be
 submerged under the lake created behind the new dam. So, it was decided
 to relocate the Nubians to the Kom Ombo area, 50 km north of Aswan City.
 This resettlement plan compacted the Egyptian Nubia from thirty-nine
 villages along 320 kilometers of the Nile into thirty-three villages
 occupying a 60-kilometer-long crescent away from the Nile in the desert.
 Several studies discussed the challenges of the Nubian resettlement
 after displacement, however, these studies focused on "home-building"
 issues and the wide dissatisfaction among the Nubians towards their new
 houses and resettlements, but these studies say very little on
 "home-making" practices and efforts undertaken by the Nubians aftermath
 their displacement.
 The experience of forced displacement deeply unsettles the
 taken-for-granted notions of home. When the displaced person lives in a
 new place, he/ she does not feel like home automatically. Home is much
 more than a house or a shelter, rather it is a complex and multi-layered
 concept. Some of these layers are existential; the "immersion of a self
 in a locality".[^2] Home is a physical place that embodies the state of
 being-at-home with its particular emotions; privacy, familiarity,
 safety/comfort, control, the expression of personal identity and the
 social norms and values of his community. Thus, home does not simply
 exist but is made and lived. The term home-making implies a process that
 turns a meaningless space into a home. Material and social practices of
 home-making are undertaken to overcome the displacement gap by
 reflecting one's expectations not only in his/ her new house, but also
 the larger public environment in the neighborhood and the city. Home is
 materially made by building structures, placing furniture and decorating
 the house. Home is socially made through both routinized and seasonal
 social practices including; domestic chores, caring of the household
 members, relaxation, celebrating birthdays and religious rituals,
 communicating with neighbors and so on.
 In this research, I explore how the people of Abu Hor, a Kenuz Nubian
 village, could remake their homes and homeland aftermath their
 displacement in December 1964. Drawing on the scholarship on home-making
 practices in diverse contexts of displacement, as well as
 auto-ethnographic research based on narratives from elderly people who I
 used to talk, listen, and even gossip with them to understand the
 techniques they had developed to deal with the new home life in
 resettlement, a life that was far from the lives they had already known,
 a life which made different demands that they never had experienced
 before. The research begins with an explanation of the built environment
 of Old Abu Hor and the socio-cultural values that created and ordered
 this environment. Then, the research focuses on the different material
 and social practices that they used to create a sense of home in New Abu
 Hor. Finally, the research ends with an analysis of the home-making
 process based on the framework of Maurice Garcia (2019), who proposed
 that the sense of home can be remade in terms of four aspects: material
 place, familiar landscape, social world and emotional space. The
 conclusion of the research underscores the main outcomes of the
 home-making process with its challenges as well as resolutions,
 continuities as well as discontinuities.
 **Before displacement**
 My family originated from a small Kenuz Nubian village called (Abu Hor).
 The old Abu Hor was located about sixty kilometers south of the city of
 Aswan, near Kalabsha village and its famous temple. The post steamboat
 was the only means of transportation linking Nubian villages to Egypt,
 starting from the village of Al-Shalal in Aswan to Wadi Halfa on the
 Egyptian-Sudanese border, passing through all the Egyptian Nubian
 villages. This steamboat used to pass by our village on Wednesdays
 coming from Aswan and on Mondays returning from Halfa. It carried
 passengers, goods, letters, and money orders from migrating men to their
 families in the village.
 Kawthar Abd El-Rasoul and Mohamed Riad visited the village in 1962 and
 described it. Their description is worth quoting at length:[^3]
 > "This was the first time we saw Abu Hor on a summer morning, and the
 > view was beautiful, (...) , the Nile had dropped below its winter
 > level by about twenty meters or a little less, and we were in Little
 > Linda raising our eyes to a rock wall more than fifty meters high, and
 > at the foot of the rock wall, there was a green strip no more than
 > fifty meters wide, and on top of the rocks were scattered high houses,
 > and due to the height, we could only see the edges of their decorated
 > walls for long distances.
 >
 > After about half an hour, the rock wall of Abu Hor retreated in a
 > large arc, and opened up into a small agricultural basin whose depth
 > did not exceed one hundred and fifty meters inward. The cultivated
 > areas in this small plain did not exceed several narrow strips, while
 > green grass covered the remaining areas. Numbers of camels, perhaps
 > more than twenty-five camels, and numbers of goats and sheep spread
 > throughout the area.
 A little before four o\'clock we reached the hamlets of Abu Hor; The
 Nile is much narrower, the eastern plateau is high and continuous for
 kilometers, the western bank is less high and continuous and consists of
 groups of unconnected hills. (...) We rested a little on the west bank
 and saw many flying fish
 ![Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962 showing camels in front of the village.](../static/images/sadeq/fig1.jpg "Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962. Source: Riad, M. and Abdel-Rasoul, K. (2014), A journey in the time of Nubia.")
 **~~Figure 1. Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962. Source: Riad, M. and Abdel-Rasoul, K. (2014), A journey in the time of Nubia.~~**
 Abu Hor extended for ten kilometers and included twenty-three hamlets
 built on the rugged lands at the eastern and western fringes of the
 valley, leaving the narrow plain for agriculture. These hamlets extended
 thinly along the Nile and were separated from each other by topographic
 features like *khor*[^4] and steep hills. During the summer, as the
 water level of the Nile used to recede, *khor* lands became visible and
 people often moved between the hamlets by donkey or on foot. In winter,
 the water of the Aswan reservoir filled the valley and backed up into
 the *khor*s, making hamlets sites like peninsulas, so small felucca
 sailboats ferried the people across the hamlets.
 Since most social relations were associated with hamlets, the village
 lacked the real structure of a social unit. Even so, the village had a
 role of cohesiveness. It served as an administrative unit under the
 supervision of a governmental appointed mayor (Arabic: *omda*) whose
 guesthouse was the place where the people of Abu Hor gathered to make
 crucial decisions that concerned the entire village. The old village had
 three primary schools, a telegraph office, and a health center. These
 facilities were distributed among the different hamlets, and served not
 only the people of Abu Hor, but also the adjacent villages.
 ![Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.](../static/images/sadeq/fig2.jpg "Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.")
 **~~Figure 2. Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.~~**
 The people of Abu Hor belonged to seven tribes, or maximal lineages,
 which were divided among major lineages distributed over hamlets. Each
 hamlet (Arabic: *nag'*) consisted of minor lineages forming a
 patrilineal descent group that had lived in the hamlet for generations
 and shared kinship ties. The *nag'* created a sense of belonging, as
 people used to refer to themselves by their hamlet and particular
 descent group, which were believed to express pride and distinctive
 personalities.
 The *nag'* served as the main social unit that formed the Nubian
 society. It was the actual unit of community life that was organized
 through propinquity and kinship bonds and carried important social
 obligations; such as endogamous marriage, purchase on credit, mutual aid
 in times of need, and taking care for the families of migrating men. The
 *nag'* served as the appropriate domain for women to participate in
 social life. While men were more concerned with village affairs and
 could move freely between hamlets and villages, women were restricted to
 their *nag'* where they practiced social and economic activities,
 ranging from subsistence farming and raising livestock to participating
 in *nag'* events such as weddings, funerals, and religious rituals.
 The *nag'* offered the pattern of co-residence that maintained the
 isolated and conservative life of the Nubians so as the foreigner could
 be identified easily. Although there was no structural plan, the *nag'*
 was a planned settlement, designed by its occupants according to their
 needs and culture. The placement of the dwellings was based on family
 ties and the natural environment as well. It was customary for
 individuals to build their houses on any even tract of land adjacent to
 their relatives in order to have help nearby in case of need. The
 dwellings that made up the *nag'* followed the natural contours of the
 rocky fringes of the valley. The houses that overlooked the Nile were
 detached, or semi---detached, forming clustered terraces, while the
 houses that extended inland were freestanding and grouped together
 around an open area. Usually there were three or four houses in each of
 these arrangements. In the center of the *nag'*, there was a large open
 space where the mosque and few shops were located. The communal
 guesthouse (Arabic: *sabeel*) which used for the *nag'* men gatherings,
 entertaining and housing male guests from other hamlets or villages was
 also placed in the central open space. Each *nag'* also maintained a
 cemetery and a shrine for the local saint in its hinterland.
 The traditional house in Old Nubia was not only a shelter, but it was
 also the center of most Nubian rites. The design of the house had a
 strong connection to the natural environment, especially to the
 topography and the climate. It also reflected Nubian social norms and
 the economic condition of the proprietor. A typical house in old Abu Hor
 might be composed of a big walled courtyard with rooms built at the
 northern part of the courtyard, while the main entrance and the loggia
 were often located in the southern part and were open to the north in
 order to allow the best possible access to north wind. Livestock
 enclosures were found in the southern part of the courtyard as well, but
 with a separate entrance. Guest rooms were not common in Abu Hor houses,
 however, the entrance hall and the bench (Arabic: *mastaba*) built near
 the entrance gate served the purpose of the guest room. The entrance
 hall was a transitional zone between the semi-public, male domain
 outside, and the private, female domain inside the house. The courtyard
 was the vital part of the traditional Nubian house. It was not just an
 empty space; rather, it was the hub for all female activity such as
 baking *dooka* bread, grinding cereals, and raising livestock. The
 courtyard also served as a guest area for women to meet, especially on
 the occasion of weddings, funerals, and other events.
 ![Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, H. (1973), Notes on Nubian Architecture.](../static/images/sadeq/fig3.jpg "Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, H. (1973), Notes on Nubian Architecture.")
 **~~Figure 3. Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, H. (1973), Notes on Nubian Architecture.~~**
 Nubian ceremonies are the most noticeable and distinct feature of the
 Nubian culture. It has reflected its rich and intermingled history
 through the ages. As Muslims, the Nubians celebrated the known Islamic
 feasts; *Eid al-fitr* or the Small Feast and *Eīd* *al-adaha* or the
 Large Feast. In these occasions, the hamlet (*nag'*) was the ritual unit
 where all rites were performed. After, the Eid prayer, the men used to
 make a procession to each house in their own hamlet to congratulate
 their relatives for the feast. However, the Nubians had two ceremonies
 that can be considered as distinctively Nubian; the wedding ceremonies,
 and the local Islamic celebrations *moulid*.
 Marriage rituals varied between seven and fourteen days in length; the
 rituals used to start right after a new marriage was arranged and
 announced, all the women and young females living in the *nag'* were
 expected to assemble in the house of the bride\'s family to assist in
 grinding the wheat to make *shaʼreya*[^5], while the men would visit the
 groom to congratulate him.
 Before marriage, the bride, dressed in her bridal gown and accompanied
 by an elderly female relative, had to visit all the houses around the
 *nag'* to announce the day for starting the wedding ceremonies. In turn,
 the women offered gifts of *karej*[^6] or a china plate. Then the bride
 would continue on to visit all the major saints\' shrines in the village
 and to *Abu Asha* shrine in the adjacent village, *Murwaw*. The groom,
 dressed in his bridal attire, carrying a whip, riding a camel and
 accompanied by the *arras*[^7], had to visit all the guesthouses in the
 village to invite the men of other hamlets to his wedding. Wedding
 ceremonies were occasions for three days and nights of feasting and
 dancing in both the bride\'s and the groom\'s houses. On the morning of
 the wedding day (the third day of wedding ceremonies), the relatives and
 friends of the groom would bring his *sandouq* *jally* and hung the
 *kojara* in the bride\'s house. After the guests had eaten the *fatta*
 lunch at the groom\'s house, they would form a procession with the
 groom\'s family to the local shrine before going to the bride\'s house,
 passing in front of the *nag'* houses while sessions of singing and
 dancing were carried on accompanied by gunshots and cries of joy.
 ![A picture of sandouq jally.](../static/images/sadeq/fig4.jpg "A picture of sandouq jally.")
 **~~Figure 4. A picture of sandouq jally.~~**
 The local Saints (Arabic: *sheikh*) have an important ritual ceremony
 called *moulid*, a festival day designated as the *sheikh's* birthday,
 usually on the fifteenth of the Islamic month of *Shaʼbān*. The *moulid*
 was both a religious and social occasion that was celebrated by men,
 women and children, and reunited many of the city migrants with their
 relatives in the village. The whole *nag'* used to combine their
 financial resources in order to host the ceremonies, demonstrating their
 generosity and prestige among other hamlets. From the early morning of
 the *moulid* day, boatloads of people from neighboring villages along
 with the village residents made long processions to the square of the
 saint\'s shrine, where the men sang *zikr* and danced the *kaff* dance,
 the women offered sacrificial goats and sheep to be slaughtered, cooked
 and eaten in the communal feast afterwards, and the children enjoyed the
 joyful atmosphere and bought sweets and toys from travelling vendors.
 **After displacement**
 On the 27^th^ of December 1963, the displacement of the people of Abu
 Hor began to their village in New Nubia, where the new Abu Hor is one of
 the five villages that are under the administrative local council of
 Kalabsha, a main village which provides the neighboring villages with
 social, educational and administrative services.
 The new Abu Hor was planned according to a grid pattern; the main
 streets were oriented north-south and secondary streets crossed at right
 angles. In the first phase of resettlement, the houses were
 significantly smaller than in Old Nubia and were arranged back-to-back
 in long rows based on four prototypes of houses that ranged from one to
 four bedrooms. These houses were distributed according to family size;
 however, this arrangement ignored the socio-spatial structure
 characteristic of the Nubian villages before displacement. Relatives and
 the elderly who had lived nearby in old Nubia were allocated houses far
 from each other. And women, who were confined to their hamlet, found
 themselves surrounded by strange neighbors from other hamlets. For
 instance, my paternal grandfather (Sayed) was assigned a
 three-bedroom-house away from the house of his grandfather (Ali). Thus,
 the new settings in resettlement disturbed the established social fabric
 of the village.
 Moreover, many families didn't even receive a house in the first phase
 of resettlement, so they had to live with relatives in their new small
 houses. This situation was further exacerbated after the 1967 war, when
 the migrant families who were living in Suez, Ismailia, and Port Said
 had to evacuate these cities and moved back to New Abu Hor to live with
 their relatives. This crowdening even worsened the living conditions in
 the new village.
 ![Layout of New Abu Hor.](../static/images/sadeq/fig6.jpg "Layout of New Abu Hor.")
 **~~Figure 6. Layout of New Abu Hor.~~**
 In 1970, my mother\'s family received their house (Faris' house in
 Figure 6) as one of the second phase typical houses; a
 thirteen-by-twenty-meter house that consisted of a courtyard, two small
 bed rooms, a kitchen, and a bathroom. The walls were made of limestone
 cut from nearby quarries, with 0.40m thickness and 3-meter height, while
 the flat roof was made of reinforced concrete to allow the building of a
 second storey using the bearing walls technique. However, this house
 form disregarded the climatic and social considerations characteristic
 of the traditional Nubian house. The kitchen was so small that there was
 no space to store food and supplies. The rooms were also much smaller
 than their house in Old Abu Hor, which prevented them from having enough
 space for sleeping or socializing. The placement of the rooms along the
 southern side of the house allowed the heat to penetrate into them, in
 addition to the heat that came in from the uninsulated roof. Surrounded
 by other houses on three sides, the northern winds could not reach the
 house, making the living conditions intolerable during the summer
 months.
 They had to make alterations in the house in order to suit their way of
 life. A larger kitchen was built to be spacious enough for cooking and
 storing dried food and supplies, while the former kitchen had become a
 bedroom, in addition to building a new room for the children and
 enclosures for goats and chicken. As in Old Nubia, the façade was
 whitewashed, and the low clay bench mastaba was built in front of the
 house, adding more space for hospitality and neighbors\' gatherings.
 Aside from cooking and cleaning the house, the daily activities after
 relocation ranged between fetching water from the installed public taps
 and shopping at Seyalla's weekly market. Occasionally, they spent their
 afternoons on their farmland, where they planted palm trees and a
 Roselle shrub.
 ![My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.](../static/images/sadeq/fig7.jpg "My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.")
 **~~Figure 7. My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.~~**
 The people of Abu-Hor tried to recreate the sense of community in their
 new village through undertaking several cooperative projects. Every row
 of houses cooperated in cleaning the street, plastering the facades and
 planting trees. The whole village collected money to build a communal
 guesthouse (*sabeel*) not only for accommodating visitors, but also as a
 gathering place where men can meet in the evening, gather in ritual
 feasts, and hold public meetings. The people of Abu-Hor cooperated in
 celebrating religious rituals.
 An elderly woman, who was a custodian of a saint's shrine in the Old Abu
 Hor, built a shrine in the new village. Some women, especially in the
 first years after relocation, were visiting this shrine to make vows and
 offer sacrificial sheep and goats as in Old Nubia. Also, the custodian
 of the shrine held moulids for the saint on the fifteen of Shaaban, and
 few people in the village celebrated it. But the biggest moulid after
 relocation was the "Five Domes" moulid in Murwaw village, which hundreds
 of Kenuz men, women, and children celebrated by singing zikr, dancing
 kaff, and communal feast as in Old Nubia.
 **Discussion**
 The Nubian house was rooted in the natural landscape on which it was
 built. It embodied the social world of Nubian society with its basic
 values and hierarchies. The house was spatially organized to invert the
 fundamental oppositions within Nubia: North/ South, Nile/ mountain,
 public/ private, male/ female, human/ animal. Moreover, the domestic
 spatial divisions enabled inhabitants to practice traditional Nubian
 rituals, especially for women. In wedding ceremonies, for instance, the
 women of the *nag'* gathered in the courtyard of the bride's house to
 participate in a seven-day ritual period of cooking, singing, dancing
 and feminine visitation. Similarly, other life-cycle rituals were
 practiced by women domestically. Thus, the courtyard had to be wide
 enough to accommodate the guests attending these ceremonies. The Nubian
 house functioned as a generative mechanism for the Nubian culture,
 underwriting habitus and reproducing its elements for the inhabitants.
 As Bourdieu and Sayad stated, "the structure of habitat is the symbolic
 projection of the most fundamental structures of a culture."[^8]
 The Nubian house served as the centerpiece of all Nubian social
 organization. The spatial configurations separated the house from the
 patrilineal agglomeration (*nag'*) and the *nag'* from other
 agglomerations. These divisions reflected the Nubian social hierarchy in
 a unitary symbolic order. Thus, the traditional Nubian house and village
 were the reflection of the Nubian culture, where all life functions
 occur in harmony.
 However, the Nubian social life with its infinite rhythm faced a sudden
 and dramatic transformation after the construction of the High Dam in
 1964. The resettlement policies that relocated entire Nubian people
 placed them in a very different social and architectural setting;
 planned villages in the desert removed from the Nile. Displacement as
 experienced by Nubians driven from their homes and from their homeland,
 overturned the Nubian social organization. Such transformations in
 domestic space had an indelible effect on their culture.
 Following displacement, as people are forced to leave their homelands, a
 place where they had felt socially, culturally and emotionally embedded,
 they are likely to experience a sense of loss of community, history, and
 identity. Thus, emplacement is not simply re-placing people in new
 places, but it is a continuous process of making one's place in the
 world. Emplacement implies the social processes, relations and
 encounters through which displaced people engage with the new
 environment, and therefore transform the new place into a personalized
 and socialized one. Emplacement emphasizes the concept of place as a
 process of embeddedness and socio-affective attachment, and also
 emphasizes the role of displaced people in place-making processes.
 The loss of a home due to displacement is such a socially disorienting,
 disempowering and disruptive process that remaking one involves a
 lengthy effort with no obvious start or end point. The process of
 remaking a home entails more than building a physical place of shelter
 and finding a source of livelihood. It requires inhabitants to establish
 a feeling of being "'at home."[^9] This process of feeling at home
 involves four dimensions; a material place, a familiar landscape, a
 social world, and an emotional and existential place.
 The home is not only a place where individuals can satisfy their basic
 needs and protect themselves from harm threatening otherness (weather
 conditions, animals, people). It is also a place where dwellers can take
 control of their own boundaries and express their personal and social
 identities within the home. Living in a place in which individuals have
 no control or ability to express themselves and cannot change the
 furnishings or the decorations can be deeply frustrating. It compromises
 their ability to feel at home. Houses are seldom built by their
 inhabitants. Thus, it is the ornamentation, maintenance, housework,
 identification, and personalization processes that people enact to
 transform a house into a home. According to Bourdieu, domestic space is
 appropriated by the resident according to a system of customs that are
 generated by past residential experience which he called \"habitus\".
 Thus, the acts of appropriation and identification from past experience
 not only connect individuals spatially with the places in which they
 dwell, but also connect them with the past and the future.
 Regaining the sense of being at home was also achieved through
 familiarization with the new milieu, including its geographical and
 social features. This is a process whereby strange places and people
 become familiar. This process involved different scales of place, from
 the specific home to the whole village. The meaningless house is
 transformed into a home through daily practices and repetitive behavior
 in everyday life events. The actions create familiarity and therefore a
 sense of home.
 > Becoming at home is linked to the "refrain," a form of expression with
 > a different meaning every time it is repeated, as a song ventures
 > forward with each verse before returning to the refrain.[^10]
 Familiarity is also created when people possess a maximal spatial
 knowledge of the new village and its features become familiar through
 daily movement along the same paths, which Michel de Certeau called "The
 opacity of the body."
 > In movement, gesticulating, walking, taking its pleasure, is what
 > indefinitely organizes a here in relation to an abroad, a
 > \"familiarity\" in relation to a \"foreignness.\"[^11]
 As Korac stresses, "emplacement does not take place in a social vacuum;
 rather it occurs within the context of intra- and inter-group
 relations."[^12] Creating a sense of home in New Abu-Hor required
 reconstructing a social world in the new village based on shared
 traditions and values after centuries of belonging to *nag'* kin groups.
 Reconstructing the social world aimed to regaining a sense of belonging
 to a community, where "one recognizes people as 'one's own' and where
 one feels recognized by them as such."
 Through everyday social practices, visiting and chatting with neighbors
 in *mastaba*, the people of Abu-Hor could create new social attachments
 within the place of resettlement, thus creating a sense of home.
 Building the village guesthouse (*Sabeel*) was another way the people of
 Abu-Hor could reconstruct their social world, by creating "new material
 forms which symbolize a former community."[^13] The guesthouse could be
 conceived as a "memorialized locale,"[^14] which symbolizes the
 lifestyle of the past culture.
 Displacement involved separating from a place that Nubians described as
 "homely," a place where they had felt emotionally embedded. Displacement
 was an experience full of emotional distress; whether grief for the
 place left behind, the struggle of living in the present or worrying for
 the future. This emotional distress of being displaced remained until
 people were able to remake emotional attachments in the new village.
 However, the reconstruction of the emotional feeling of being at home
 did not happen automatically; for a long time, people continued to
 reflect on differences between the old Abu-Hor and the new village.
 The people of Abu-Hor could reconstruct the emotional feeling of being
 at home by replicating their social and cultural traditions of Old Nubia
 in the new village; such as life-cycle rituals and celebrating religious
 ceremonies. Although the new setting lacked the geographical features in
 which these traditions were practiced -- the Nile, mountains, old
 shrines, and so on -- creativity and imagination helped them to
 reproduce cultural traditions by evoking the landscape that they were
 forced to abandon. As Obeid writes, "what seems like a yearning for the
 past can contribute very much to the creation of the present and the
 future."[^15]
 **Conclusion**
 For more than fifteen centuries, Egyptian Nubians had lived in isolated
 villages on the banks of the Nile, surviving the harsh environment and
 the competing empires, and had slowly developed a distinctive culture
 that successfully responded to numerous crises. However, the building of
 the High Dam and the subsequent resettlement of Nubians in a desert
 habitat has been the greatest shock to their culture that has been
 characterized by continuity and change. Yet Nubian culture did not
 collapse by the backwaters of the High Dam, the vitality and flexibility
 of the Nubians helped them to adjust to the different natural and social
 milieu while retaining a strong sense of their historical and cultural
 identity.
 The idea that Nubia no longer exists made the (re)production of homeland
 as a mythical place necessary for maintaining their identity. This
 research illustrated the varied strategies undertaken by Nubians to
 reconstruct homeland in new settlements. These strategies included
 houses alterations, symbolic recreation of places depicting the places
 in Old Nubia such as the shrine and the community guesthouse, practicing
 Nubian rituals and celebrating religious and social ceremonies. All
 these strategies were significant in transforming the unfamiliar
 resettlement place into a home.
 Former narratives of Nubians displacement were often colored by rosy
 view of Old Nubia, which became a mythical place to which Nubians still
 long to return. Such narratives emanate from the static and fixed
 Heideggerian ontology of being-in-the-world, which conceive of home and
 homeland as a place of rootedness. However, the Nubian displacement, and
 other experiences of displacement worldwide, challenge this discourse.
 Even after displacement disrupted people's social worlds-- the
 individuals' sense of being at home and their social relations -- the
 displaced are often able to recreate home, or what Naila Habib calls
 "the evolving meaning of home" as "a dynamic and constantly changing
 process."[^16] This dynamic notion of home denotes that belonging to a
 place can be understood as fluid territorialisation -- in the Deleuzian
 sense -- through giving meaning to the place by individual and
 collective behavior, which reminds us of Appadurai\'s thesis on the
 production of locality.[^17] According to this thesis, a locality is not
 a given, but it is created by social practices, ritual activities, and
 the collective effort of the community in order to socialize the space
 and localize the people. In the case of Abu Hor, villagers turned to
 traditional practices in addition to building of a shrine and a
 community guesthouse in the new village, which illustrates this process
 of (re)construction not only of Abu Hor but also of the bond between the
 people and their new locality.
 Indeed, this research does not aim to romanticize nor to underestimate
 the precarious circumstances of Nubian displacement. Instead, the
 intention of this research is to acknowledge the significance of
 Nubians' contributions to produce alternative meanings within the
 modularization of their new top - built environment. Rather than
 associating the Nubian displacement merely with loss and passivity, this
 research discussed the resiliency and the spatial practices through
 which Nubians could contribute to processes of homemaking and
 (re)territorialisation on different spatial scales.
 **Bibliography**
 Appadurai, Arjun. "The Production of Locality." In *Counterwork:
 Managing the Diversity of Knowledge*, edited by Richard Fardon, pp.
 107-16. London: Routledge, 1995.
 Brah, Avtar. *Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities*. London:
 Routledge, 1996.
 Bourdieu, Pierre and Sayad, Abdelmalek. *Le déracinement. La Crise de
 l'agriculture traditionelle en Algérie*. Paris: Minuit, 1964.
 Dovey, Kim. *Becoming Places*. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge,
 2010.
 Habib, Naila. "The Search for Home." *Journal of Refugee Studies* 9
 (1996): pp. 96--102.
 Hassan, Abu-bakr Mahjoub and Hassan, Mohamed Mahjoub. *Abu- Hor Our
 Homeland*. Khartoum: The Nubian Studies and Documentation Center, 2000.
 Jaritz, Horst. "Notes on Nubian Architecture." In *Nubians in Egypt:
 Peaceful People*, edited by Robert A. Fernea. Austin and London:
 University of Texas Press, 1973: pp.XX
 Korac, Maja. *Remaking Home: Reconstructing Life, Place and Identity in
 Rome and Amsterdam*. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2009.
 Leach, Neil. "Belonging: Towards a Theory of Identification with Space."
 In *Habitus: A Sense of Place,* edited by Jean Hillier and Emma Rooksby,
 pp. 297-313. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2016.
 Lofland, Lyn H. *The Public Realm: Exploring the City's Quintessential
 Social Territory. Communication and Social Order*. Hawthorne and New
 York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1998.
 Obeid, Michelle. "Home-Making in the Diaspora Bringing Palestine to
 London." In *Diaspora and Transnational Studies Companion*, edited by
 Ato Quayson, and Girish Daswani, pp. 366-80. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley &
 Sons, 2013.
 Perez Murcia, Luis Eduardo. "Remaking a Place Called Home Following
 Displacement." In *The* *Routledge Handbook* *of* *Place*, edited by Tim
 Edensor, Ares Kalandides, and Uma Kothari. Abingdon, pp. 468-76. Oxon;
 New York, NY: Routledge, 2020.
 Riad, Mohamed and Abd el-Rasoul, Kawthar. *A Journey in the Time of
 Nubia*. Windsor: Hindawi Foundation, 2014.
 Schultze, Henrik. "The Symbolic Construction of Community Through
 Place." In *The* *Routledge Handbook* *of* *Place*, edited by Tim
 Edensor, Ares Kalandides, and Uma Kothari, pp. 285-93. Abingdon, Oxon;
 New York, NY: Routledge, 2020.
 Smith, Stuart T. "Colonial Entanglements: Imperial Dictates and
 Intercultural Interaction in Nubia." In *Archaeologies* *of Empire:
 Local Participants and Imperial Trajectories,* edited by Anna L. Boozer,
 B.S. Düring, and B.J. Parker, pp. 21-56. Santa Fe, NM: SAR & UNM Press,
 2020.
 United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.
 <https://archives.ungeneva.org/kalabsha-4>
 Hassan Fathy, <https://www.archnet.org/sites/14965>
 [^1]: Smith, \"Colonial Entanglements.\"
 [^2]: Brah, *Cartographies of Diaspora*.
 [^3]: Riad and Abd el-Rasoul, *A Journey in the Time of Nubia*.
 [^4]: []{dir="rtl"}Khor: an Arabic word stands for a natural swale
    cutting through the desert plateau at right angles to the Nile.
 [^5]: Shaʼreya: a vermicelli-like food with milk and sugar which was
    served as breakfast to the guests and to the bride and groom after
    the wedding.
 [^6]: []{dir="rtl"}Karej: Nubian traditional plates weaved of brightly
    colored palm fiber strips.
 [^7]: Arras: a young boy relative of the groom who accompanied him
    everywhere for the whole week prior to the wedding. His role was to
    serve the groom and "guard" him from his friends\' pranks.
 [^8]: Bourdieu and Sayad, *Le déracinement*, p. 26.
 [^9]: Hage's, 1997: 102.
 [^10]: Dovey, *Becoming Places*, p. 18.
 [^11]: Leach, "Belonging," p. 299.
 [^12]: Korac, *Remaking Home*, p. 42.
 [^13]: Schultze, *The Symbolic Construction of Community Through Place*,
    p. 291.
 [^14]: Lofland, *The Public Realm*, p. 65.
 [^15]: Obeid, *Home-Making in the Diaspora*, p. 374.
 [^16]: Habib, \"The Search for Home."
 [^17]: Appadurai, \"The Production of Locality."
--- a/content/author/abdelsadeq.md
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@ -1,8 +0,0 @@
 ---
 title: Amany Abdelsadeq Sayed Hussein
 affiliation: Independent researcher
 ---
 # Biography
 Amany Abdelsadeq Sayed Hussein is
--- a/content/issue/dotawo9.md
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 ---
 title: "Dotawo 9: Nubian Homescapes from Antiquity to the Present"
 editors: ["annaboozer.md", "annejennings.md"]
-has_articles: ["sadeq.md", "tsakoswelsby.md"]
+has_articles: ["tsakoswelsby.md"]
 keywords: ["homescape", "home", "homeland", "household", "homelife", "diaspora", "displacement", "tahgeer" ,"Nubia", "Nubian", "Aswan High Dam Campaign", "war", "genocide", "resettlement", "Kom Ombo", "stereotype", "longue durée"]
 ---
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