hafsaas alomst there

content/article/HafsaasWar.md

@@ -478,7 +478,7 @@ Lower Nubia is examined in the next section.
 # The Earliest Naqada Cemetery in Lower Nubia
 
 Nine cemeteries in northern Lower Nubia were used by the Naqada people
-during the 4^th^ millennium BCE. The dating of these sites suggests a
+during the 4th millennium BCE. The dating of these sites suggests a
 gradual expansion southward.[^98] In this article, I will only discuss
 the site contemporary with the proto-phase of the A-Group people. The
 other Naqada sites were established after the A-Group predecessors had
@@ -496,7 +496,7 @@ were placed between the two clusters of A-Group graves of the
 proto-phase.[^101] Of the seventeen skeletons completely or partially
 preserved, sixteen were males in the age range from youth to adult. Only
 one individual was female, and she was middle-aged. Human remains were
-absent in twelve graves (**Appendix 1**). Notably, each of the graves
+absent in twelve graves (Appendix 1). Notably, each of the graves
 without human remains had an empty area intended for a body. I have
 proposed that these empty graves were cenotaphs for warriors whose
 bodies were lost on the battlefield and the burial rituals thus
@@ -504,16 +504,28 @@ performed in absentia.[^102]
 
 This Naqada cemetery is extraordinary regarding war since several graves
 contained numerous weapons. Sixteen mace-heads were uncovered in twelve
-graves, and other weapons were found in four graves (see **Appendix 1**
+graves, and other weapons were found in four graves (see Appendix 1
-and **Figure 4**). Weapons were thus found in 55 per cent of the graves.
+and Figure 4). 
+
+![](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig4.jpg "")
+
+**~~Figure 4: ~~**
+
+Weapons were thus found in 55 per cent of the graves.
 Other weapons uncovered were flint daggers, flint knives, flint and
 chalcedony blades, and various types of arrowheads. Except for the
 lunates, these weapons were characteristic of the Naqada people. Some of
 the arrowheads had their closest parallels at Hierakonpolis in southern
 Upper Egypt, which suggests that this was the homeland of the
-individuals buried in Cemetery 17 (**Figure 5**). In the cemetery, five
+individuals buried in Cemetery 17 (Figure 5). 
+
+![a) Large concave-base arrowhead with long straight lobes (typical for Hierakonpolis) found in Naqada grave 50 in Cemetery 17. Photo by Alexandros Tsakos. Courtesy of Nubia Museum in Aswan. b) Three tanged arrowheads with barbs found in Naqada grave 78 in Cemetery 17. Photo by Alexandros Tsakos. Courtesy of Nubia Museum in Aswan.](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig5.jpg "a) Large concave-base arrowhead with long straight lobes (typical for Hierakonpolis) found in Naqada grave 50 in Cemetery 17. Photo by Alexandros Tsakos. Courtesy of Nubia Museum in Aswan. b) Three tanged arrowheads with barbs found in Naqada grave 78 in Cemetery 17. Photo by Alexandros Tsakos. Courtesy of Nubia Museum in Aswan.")
+
+**~~Figure 5: a) Large concave-base arrowhead with long straight lobes (typical for Hierakonpolis) found in Naqada grave 50 in Cemetery 17. Photo by Alexandros Tsakos. Courtesy of Nubia Museum in Aswan. b) Three tanged arrowheads with barbs found in Naqada grave 78 in Cemetery 17. Photo by Alexandros Tsakos. Courtesy of Nubia Museum in Aswan.~~**
+
+In the cemetery, five
 males were interred with a single mace, while seven graves without human
-remains contained eleven maces (see **Appendix 1**). The latter graves
+remains contained eleven maces (see Appendix 1). The latter graves
 may have been the cenotaphs for eleven warriors whose remains were not
 retrieved after the battle. Weapons are rare in Naqada graves.[^103]
 Being killed in action and buried in foreign territory was probably a
@@ -550,8 +562,8 @@ was a complex of associated graves belonging to humans and animals.
 Among the sacrificed animals were 27 dogs, often buried together with
 young males.[^111] The plundered graves of these young males still
 contained some tanged arrowheads characteristic for Hierakonpolis.[^112]
-Similar tanged arrowheads were also found in Cemetery 17 (see **Figure
+Similar tanged arrowheads were also found in Cemetery 17 (see Figure
-5b**). These individuals in Cemetery HK6 have thus been interpreted as
+5b). These individuals in Cemetery HK6 have thus been interpreted as
 hunters.[^113] I find it probable that some, perhaps all, of these young
 males also were warriors. The difference between hunters and warriors
 was probably minor during the Naqada period. Both warriors and hunters
@@ -561,8 +573,14 @@ to achieve their political ends.[^114] Indeed, the nineteen men depicted
 on the unprovenanced Hunters' Palette carry the same types of weapons as
 found in Cemetery 17 at Khor Bahan and HK6 at Hierakonpolis: maces,
 spears, bows and arrows, and throw sticks. Furthermore, three hunting
-dogs were partaking in the lion hunt together with the men (**Figure
+dogs were partaking in the lion hunt together with the men (Figure
-6**). Since dog burials are associated with graves of males with weapons
+6). 
+
+![The Hunters’ Palette (BM EA 20790) depicting nineteen men and three hunting dogs in a lion hunt. Length: 30,5 cm. © The Trustees of the British Museum (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig6.jpg "The Hunters’ Palette (BM EA 20790) depicting nineteen men and three hunting dogs in a lion hunt. Length: 30,5 cm. © The Trustees of the British Museum (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0).")
+
+**~~Figure 6: The Hunters’ Palette (BM EA 20790) depicting nineteen men and three hunting dogs in a lion hunt. Length: 30,5 cm. © The Trustees of the British Museum (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0).~~**
+
+Since dog burials are associated with graves of males with weapons
 at Khor Bahan and Hierakonpolis, I will suggest that Naqada people
 trained dogs to assist with hunting and warfare. Dog burials are also
 attested at Neolithic cemeteries in Sudan[^115] and at Cemetery 7 of the
@@ -585,7 +603,7 @@ is more easily attested archaeologically than injuries from arrows,
 spears, and daggers, which often affect soft tissues.[^122] In northern
 Lower Nubia, several violent deaths caused by fractures to the skull
 inflicted by a blunt instrument -- probably a mace -- are attested
-during the mid-4^th^ millennium BCE.[^123] The practice of attacking the
+during the mid-4th millennium BCE.[^123] The practice of attacking the
 head also led to distinctive defensive injuries.[^124] Fractures of the
 distal ulna in the lower arm can derive from fending a blow to the head.
 This characteristic injury is often referred to as a parry fracture --
@@ -602,8 +620,8 @@ bones sometimes testify to the perimortem infliction of the
 injuries.[^128] Postmortem damages to the bones occur after the
 individual is dead.[^129]
 
-Nubiologists have overlooked the data on violent injuries in norther
+Nubiologists have overlooked the data on violent injuries in northern
-Lower Nubia during the mid-4^th^ millennium BCE for more than a century,
+Lower Nubia during the mid-4th millennium BCE for more than a century,
 although some attention has been given to the scientific value of the
 anatomical examinations by Sir Grafton Elliot Smith and Frederic Wood
 Jones in the last decades.[^130] The report on the human remains from
@@ -616,15 +634,15 @@ archaeologists wish to distance themselves from the racist paradigm
 these anatomists worked in.[^133] Without the evidence dealing with
 violence, however, archaeologists have had the impression that the
 contact zone between peoples in Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia during the
-mid-4^th^ millennium BCE was more peaceful than the violent cases I will
+mid-4th millennium BCE was more peaceful than the violent cases I will
 present suggest. In this analysis of the human remains, osteological
 case descriptions are only provided for individuals with evidence of
 healed or unhealed trauma related to interpersonal violence. Most of
 these injuries are unambiguous traces of violence, but I cannot rule out
 that some resulted from accidents.
 
-The human remains in Cemetery 7 included two violent cases (**Appendix
+The human remains in Cemetery 7 included two violent cases (Appendix
-2**). The male in grave 257 died from multiple blows to the head that
+2). The male in grave 257 died from multiple blows to the head that
 fractured several bones in his face. Besides the blunt violence, a piece
 on the back of his skull had been cut away by a sharp weapon -- probably
 a copper-alloy implement.[^134] The female in grave 263 had a healed
@@ -636,7 +654,7 @@ be buried in the cemetery before abandonment.[^136] The male in grave
 violence.
 
 Injuries relating to violence were also recorded at Cemetery 14
-(**Appendix 3**). The male in grave 10 died from excessive blunt force
+(Appendix 3). The male in grave 10 died from excessive blunt force
 violence to the skull, eight fractured ribs on his right side, and a
 fracture on the right side of the pubis. The violence had caused much
 bloodstaining of the bones.[^137] The female in grave 13 had a
@@ -648,31 +666,47 @@ in grave 23 had a healed fracture of his right cheekbone,[^140] which is
 an injury seen in assaults with blunt force violence.[^141]
 
 In the A-Group graves of the proto-phase in Cemetery 17, two individuals
-had antemortem fractures related to violence (**Appendix 4)**. The male
+had antemortem fractures related to violence (Appendix 4). The male
 in grave 29 had fractured the distal portion of the right ulna,[^142]
 which suggests a parry fracture caused when fending a blow to the
 head.[^143] Additionally, the mid-point of the left clavicle had a
-healed fracture (**Figure 7a**).[^144] A direct frontal blow with a
+healed fracture (Figure 7a).[^144] 
+
+![Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 24. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig7a.jpg "Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 24. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 74)."Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 24. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).")
+
+**~~Figure 7a: Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 24. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).~~**
+
+A direct frontal blow with a
 heavy device,[^145] like a mace, could inflict this injury. Both
 injuries seem related to interpersonal violence and may have occurred
 during a single attack. The male in grave 24 also had a healed fracture
 of the middle of the right clavicle (**Figure 7b**).[^146]
 
+![Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig7b.jpg "Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: figure 74).")
+
+**~~Figure 7b: Healed fractures of clavicle from proto-phase A-Group graves in Cemetery 17. No scale. Male in grave 29. Drawing from Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 74).~~**
+
 The archaeologists recorded no injuries related to interpersonal
 violence at Cemetery 41/200, but the skeletal remains were fragmentary
-and not prioritized for detailed anatomical study (**Appendix
+and not prioritized for detailed anatomical study (Appendix
-5**).[^147]
+5).[^147]
 
 Abundant skeletal evidence for interpersonal violence was recorded at
-Cemetery 45 (**Appendix 6**). The elderly male in grave 211 appears to
+Cemetery 45 (Appendix 6). The elderly male in grave 211 appears to
 have been executed by having the back of his neck cut with a sharp
 instrument. This individual received seven incisions across the
-posterior surface of three of the cervical vertebrae (**Figure
+posterior surface of three of the cervical vertebrae (Figure
-8**).[^148] This practice of execution has in recent years been revealed
+8).[^148] 
+
+![The man in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig8.jpg "The man in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).")
+
+**~~Figure 8: The man in grave 211 in Cemetery 45 had seven cut marks on his third and fourth cervical vertebrae. From Elliot Smith and Wood Jones (1910: fig. 69).~~**
+
+This practice of execution has in recent years been revealed
 on a large scale at Hierakonpolis.[^149] The anatomists suggested that a
 copper-alloy weapon had been used.[^150] The lowest cut probably caused
-death as it "*passed into the spinal canal by cutting off the tip of the
+death as it "passed into the spinal canal by cutting off the tip of the
-spine*".[^151] Furthermore, the male in grave 202 had perimortem
+spine".[^151] Furthermore, the male in grave 202 had perimortem
 injuries on the right side of his chest. Five ribs were fractured and
 had caused much blood-staining -- especially around the nares suggesting
 bleeding from the nose.[^152] The female in grave 201 had a healed
@@ -730,8 +764,8 @@ per cent.[^165] The cut marks were observed on males in 52 per cent of
 the cases, while 10 per cent were females. The remaining 38 per cent had
 unidentified sex. Most of the people killed in this way were young
 adults. The cut marks were found on several vertebrae, usually the
-second and the third. The numerous lacerations suggest "*repeated blows
+second and the third. The numerous lacerations suggest "repeated blows
-with a lighter blade*".[^166] Based on the available weapon technology
+with a lighter blade".[^166] Based on the available weapon technology
 during Naqada II, I suggest that the implements used were sharp pointed
 weapons like daggers or spears of copper-alloy or flint.[^167] At
 Hierakonpolis, the purpose of the stabbing was to sever the neck,
@@ -761,7 +795,13 @@ without heads dating to the proto-phase in northern Lower Nubia belonged
 to A-Group predecessors killed in action and decapitated on the
 battlefield.[^174] Decapitation of prisoners of war certainly was a
 later practice in Egypt, as attested in iconography such as the Narmer
-palette from the very beginning of the First Dynasty (**Figure 9**). The
+palette from the very beginning of the First Dynasty (Figure 9). 
+
+![](../static/images/hafsaas/Fig4.jpg "")
+
+**~~Figure 9: ~~**
+
+The
 head could also have been removed after some time of exposure on the
 battlefield. The Naqada people may have collected the skulls of fallen
 victims of violence before their kinsmen could return to bury their
@@ -781,11 +821,11 @@ material. Most of the injuries seem to have been caused by blunt force
 violence -- most probably stone maces. However, two individuals died in
 attacks where sharp force violence also was used -- most likely
 copper-alloy weapons. Both males and females were injured and killed in
-these cemeteries (see **Appendices 1-6**).
+these cemeteries (see Appendices 1-6).
 
-![Burials and Violence](../static/images/hafsaas/Table2.jpg "Burials and Violence")
+![Violent deaths, violent injury antemortem, missing skulls, and broken skulls in total and in per cent in A-Group cemeteries dating to the proto-phase. Data from Appendices 2-6.](../static/images/hafsaas/Table2.jpg "Violent deaths, violent injury antemortem, missing skulls, and broken skulls in total and in per cent in A-Group cemeteries dating to the proto-phase. Data from Appendices 2-6.")
 
-**~~Table 2. Burials and Vioelnce.~~**
+**~~Table 2. Violent deaths, violent injury antemortem, missing skulls, and broken skulls in total and in per cent in A-Group cemeteries dating to the proto-phase. Data from Appendices 2-6.~~**
 
 Furthermore, ten individuals appear to have been buried without their
 skull, and seventeen individuals were uncovered with their skull broken
@@ -810,10 +850,10 @@ given to the human remains in many cemeteries further south.
 
 The previous sections have emphasized three main sources of evidence for
 war between Naqada intruders and native A-Group predecessors in the
-region between the First Cataract and Bab el-Kalabsha in the mid-4^th^
+region between the First Cataract and Bab el-Kalabsha in the mid-4th
 millennium BCE. The most obvious evidence is the individuals killed or
 injured by violence in the A-Group cemeteries of the proto-phase (see
-**Table 2**). The second line of evidence is the Naqada cemetery
+Table 2). The second line of evidence is the Naqada cemetery
 consisting of young males with weapons at Khor Bahan. The third source
 of evidence is contextual with the shift in the settlement pattern as
 the Naqada people expanded into northern Lower Nubia and the A-Group
@@ -823,17 +863,17 @@ in a war between the Naqada people and the A-Group predecessors.
 
 The Naqada people in Hierakonpolis and the A-Group people were aware of
 each other even before they came into closer contact in northern Lower
-Nubia in the mid-4^th^ millennium BCE, since both groups sporadically
+Nubia in the mid-4th millennium BCE, since both groups sporadically
 used the area between the First Cataract and Gebel es-Silsila in Upper
-Egypt before the mid-4^th^ millennium BCE.[^176] Imports in the graves
+Egypt before the mid-4th millennium BCE.[^176] Imports in the graves
 also demonstrate interaction. The region north of the First Cataract
 thus appears as the first contact zone between the two
 populations.[^177] Ongoing archaeological investigations north of the
 First Cataract may provide further evidence for interaction between the
-A-Group and the Naqada peoples throughout the 4^th^ millennium
+A-Group and the Naqada peoples throughout the 4th millennium
 BCE.[^178]
 
-The peoples from the nearest Naqada center at Hierakonpolis was probably
+The peoples from the nearest Naqada center at Hierakonpolis were probably
 responsible for the violent Naqada expansion into Lower Nubia.
 Hierakonpolis was the southernmost of the Predynastic centers in Upper
 Egypt, and the site is situated around 130 kilometers downstream from
@@ -877,12 +917,12 @@ Bab el-Kalabsha with the purpose to incorporate this territory into the
 chiefdom of Hierakonpolis. The A-Group predecessors at Shellal probably
 faced a violent attack by the Naqada people at the beginning of Naqada
 IC. Two individuals in Cemetery 7 carried traces of violence on their
-bones (see **Appendix 2**). The earliest A-Group occupation in this area
+bones (see Appendix 2). The earliest A-Group occupation in this area
 appears to have ended with the burial of a male killed by excessive
 violence. His head was hit repeatedly with weapons causing both blunt
 and sharp force injuries. According to both pictorial and archaeological
 sources, the mace was the favoured weapon in hand-to-hand fighting in
-the Nile Valley during the 4^th^ millennium BCE.[^190] The final blow at
+the Nile Valley during the 4th millennium BCE.[^190] The final blow at
 the back of his head was delivered with a copper-alloy axe or adze. This
 weapon of prestigious metal signals high social status, so it was
 probably the leader of the warrior band who gave him the final blow.
@@ -897,7 +937,7 @@ The Naqada peoples buried in Cemetery 17 at Khor Bahan appear so
 uniformly equipped with mace-heads and other weapons that they probably
 formed a band of warriors under central command acting on the orders of
 the chieftain of Hierakonpolis. Males constituted a majority of 94 per
-cent of the burials in this cemetery (see **Appendix 1**). In addition,
+cent of the burials in this cemetery (see Appendix 1). In addition,
 seven graves with weapons but no body have been interpreted as cenotaphs
 for killed warriors.[^191] The Naqada warriors buried at Khor Bahan
 appear to have died young, which strongly suggests that the A-Group
@@ -909,7 +949,7 @@ traditionally consist of men,[^193] like the Naqada warriors in this
 study. In defensive warfare in the vicinity of habitation sites, women
 can participate in the fighting and thus be wounded or killed.[^194]
 Females were among the killed and wounded in the cemeteries of the
-A-Group predecessors in this study (see **Appendices 2 to 6**).
+A-Group predecessors in this study (see Appendices 2 to 6).
 
 Violence can contribute to formalizing group identities.[^195] The
 forging of new collective identities can take the form of ethnogenesis.
@@ -954,7 +994,7 @@ The next clashes took place soon afterwards at Meris and Dehmit. Beside
 the violent deaths and injuries, I have identified a pattern where up to
 12 per cent of the individuals in the cemeteries of the A-Group
 predecessors in northern Lower Nubia were recorded with their skull
-missing (see **Table 2**). Furthermore, up to 22 per cent of the
+missing (see Table 2). Furthermore, up to 22 per cent of the
 individuals had their skull broken post-mortem. Especially cemeteries 41
 and 45 have high numbers of missing and broken skulls. Archaeologists
 usually explain the absence of the skull in Nubia as an effect of grave
@@ -966,7 +1006,7 @@ broken in so high numbers on a frontier with violent conflict.
 As we saw in the examination of violence in the earliest A-Group
 cemeteries, a male in grave 211 in Cemetery 45/200 had been stabbed in
 the back of his neck seven times with a sharp implement -- possibly a
-copper-alloy dagger or spear (see **Appendix 6**). A reconstruction of
+copper-alloy dagger or spear (see Appendix 6). A reconstruction of
 the violence placed the man prostrate with his face down in front of his
 assailant who struck him seven times. If the weapon indeed was a
 copper-alloy dagger or spear, as suggested from the cut marks and
@@ -982,7 +1022,7 @@ evidence, the head was possibly removed postmortem after some time of
 decomposition on the battlefield before the body was buried by the next
 of kin. The removals of the heads were probably undertaken in acts of
 ritual violence. Postmortem violence and humiliation of the enemy is
-also attested in Syria in the mid-4^th^ millennium BCE.[^200]
+also attested in Syria in the mid-4th millennium BCE.[^200]
 
 The seizure, modification, and display of human body parts as trophies
 have been practiced worldwide since prehistoric times.[^201]
@@ -996,9 +1036,9 @@ hunting animals.[^204] Moreover, Harrison suggests that actors created
 and negotiated group boundaries and thus the groups themselves through
 such practices:
 
-> *"\[H\]eads were taken not because the victims were distant strangers,
+> "\[H\]eads were taken not because the victims were distant strangers,
 > but to make them distant, to generate estrangement, and 'produce' a
-> category of people as enemies with whom to fight."*[^205]
+> category of people as enemies with whom to fight."[^205]
 
 This quote seems analogous to the war between the Naqada people and the
 A-Group predecessors in northern Lower Nubia after the first clashes.
@@ -1024,7 +1064,7 @@ whereby cultural groups define themselves against each other.
 In this article, I have argued that two culturally related, but
 distinctive populations -- the Naqada people and the A-Group
 predecessors -- clashed in deadly battles in northern Lower Nubia in the
-mid-4^th^ millennium BCE. Since the first violent clashes of the two
+mid-4th millennium BCE. Since the first violent clashes of the two
 groups, the people north and south of the First Cataract region came to
 perceive themselves as culturally different. The violent conflict arose
 from increased contact and intensive competition for territory and
@@ -1044,9 +1084,9 @@ contributed to a schismogenesis by dehumanizing the other. The A-Group
 predecessors and the Naqada people increasingly came to define
 themselves in opposition to each other, and their cultural and social
 differences continued to widen with time. For the latter half of the
-4^th^ millennium BCE, the A-Group people left a distinctive
+4th millennium BCE, the A-Group people left a distinctive
 archaeological heritage in the region between Bab el-Kalabsha and Batn
-el-Hajar (see **Map 1**).
+el-Hajar (see Map 1).
 
 When the ethnic boundary was in place, the Naqada people established at
 least eight sites in northern Lower Nubia.[^208] The narrow passage with
@@ -1079,203 +1119,203 @@ final product. Any remaining errors are my own.
 
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 [^1]: For general discussions of the concept ethnogenesis, see ROOSENS,
     *Creating Ethnicity,* and WEIK "The Archaeology of Ethnogenesis."