From bf44814e4becd6a0101c996e7a3d607d5101c37c Mon Sep 17 00:00:00 2001 From: Alexandros Tsakos Date: Fri, 31 Jan 2025 17:09:34 +0100 Subject: [PATCH] issue --- content/article/sadeq.md | 1147 ++++++++++++++++++++++------------ content/article/twonubias.md | 1009 ------------------------------ 2 files changed, 732 insertions(+), 1424 deletions(-) delete mode 100644 content/article/twonubias.md diff --git a/content/article/sadeq.md b/content/article/sadeq.md index fdee00d..c9faac9 100644 --- a/content/article/sadeq.md +++ b/content/article/sadeq.md @@ -1,121 +1,125 @@ --- -title: "A Tale of Two Nubias" +title: "A Tale of Two *Nubias*" authors: ["abdelsadeq.md"] -abstract: For centuries, the Nubians lived between the First and Fourth Cataracts of the Nile as an ethno-linguistic group united by their language, customs, and distinctive architecture. However, the construction of the High Dam in 1964 led to the displacement of Nubian communities from their historical sites to another location completely different to the environment in which the Nubian culture arose and developed. In this research, I examine my grandparents' daily life in old Abu Hor, a Kenuz Nubian village, and in New Nubia, as a case study to explore how the Nubians could remake their homes and homeland in the aftermath of their displacement. I use auto-ethnographic tools to understand the material and social techniques they had developed to create a sense of home in New Nubia. The research demonstrates how the displacement of Nubians and the changing spatial context have deeply affected their culture, and how the Nubians could create new images of *home* and new cultural practices for *belonging* through sixty years. -keywords: ["Old Nubia", "New Nubia", "home-making", "homing", "displacement", "homeland", "resettlement", "architecture"] +abstract: For centuries, the Nubians lived between the First and Fourth Cataracts of the Nile as an ethno-linguistic group united by their language, customs and distinctive architecture. However, the construction of the High Dam in 1964 led to the displacement of Nubian villages from their historical sites to another location completely different to the environment in which the Nubian culture arose and developed. In this research I examine the daily life in Abu Hor, a Nubian village in both Old and New Nubia as a case study to explore how the Nubians could remake their homes and homeland in the aftermath of their displacement. I use auto-ethnographic tools to understand the material and social techniques they had developed to create a sense of home in New Nubia. The research demonstrates how the displacement of Nubians and the changing spatial context have deeply affected their culture, and how the Nubians could create new images of home and new cultural practices for belonging through sixty years. +keywords: ["Old Nubia", "New Nubia", "home-making", "homing", "displacement", "homeland"] --- -**Introduction** +# Introduction For more than fifteen centuries, Nubians lived in the Nile Valley between the First Cataract at Aswan in southern Egypt and the Fourth -Cataract at Dongola in Sudan. The cataract at Aswan, and the barren -deserts on either side of the valley isolated Nubians from other +Cataract upstream from Dongola in Sudan. The cataract at Aswan, and the +barren deserts on either side of the valley isolated Nubians from other neighboring groups, enabling them to retain their cohesiveness as an ethno-linguistic group with distinguishing cultural traditions. Much of the Nubian region consisted of rocky shoreline. The arable lands were -restricted to a narrow fringe of alluvial deposits, which was not -encouraging enough for permanent colonization by the empires of ancient -and medieval times (ancient Egyptian, Roman, Islamic, and so on). -However, Nubia was perceived as "The Corridor to Africa" by these same -empires. This permitted the partial independence of Nubia while under -the political dominance of these empires. This unique situation enabled -the Nubians to be influenced by the belief systems of neighboring -empires, which became entangled with long-standing Nubian -traditions.[^1] +restricted to a narrow fringe of alluvial deposits, which was not enough +encouraging for permanent colonization by the empires of ancient and +medieval times (ancient Egyptian, Roman, Islamic, and so on). However, +Nubia was perceived as "The Corridor to Africa" by these same empires. +This unique situation permitted the partial independence of Nubia while +under the political influence of these empires,[^1] enabling the Nubians +to creatively adopt the belief systems of neighboring empires. These +systems became entangled with long-standing Nubian traditions.[^2] -After the construction of Aswan dam in 1902, and its subsequent -heightenings in 1912 and 1933, Northern Nubian (*Kenuz*) villages, were -submerged under the Nile waters. This submersion forced the *Kenuz* -Nubians to rebuild their houses at higher levels each time. Also, most -of the agricultural land in *Kenuz* villages became inundated for most -of the year. Cultivation was only possible along a narrow strip of the -plain for two months during the summer. This impoverishment forced -Nubian men to migrate to Egyptian cities in search for work, while women -and children were left behind in Nubia. +After the construction of the Aswan dam in 1902, and its subsequent +heightening in 1912 and 1933, Northern Nubian (Arabic: *Kenuz*) +villages, were submerged under the Nile waters. This submersion forced +the Kenuz Nubians to rebuild their houses at higher levels each time. +Also, most of the agricultural land in Kenuz villages became inundated +for most of the year. Cultivation was only possible along a narrow strip +of the plain for two months during the summer. This impoverishment +forced Nubian men to migrate to Egyptian cities in search for work, +while women and children were left behind in Nubia. In Egypt, Nubian men +learned to speak Arabic and were partially acculturated by the Egyptian +culture. Thus, the isolation of Nubians that had lasted for centuries +gradually changed.[^3] -Despite the heightenings of Aswan dam, the effects of the Nile flooding -were devastating along the Valley and the Delta villages causing much -loss in life and property. Therefore, the new Egyptian regime in 1954 -decided to build the High Dam, a new dam in Aswan higher than the -already existing one. This meant that the entirety of Nubia was to be -submerged under the lake created behind the new dam. So, it was decided -to relocate the Nubians to the Kom Ombo area, 50 km north of Aswan City. -This resettlement plan compacted the Egyptian Nubia from thirty-nine -villages along 320 kilometers of the Nile into thirty-three villages -occupying a 60-kilometer-long crescent away from the Nile in the desert. -Several studies discussed the challenges of the Nubian resettlement -after displacement, however, these studies focused on "home-building" -issues and the wide dissatisfaction among the Nubians towards their new -houses and resettlements, but these studies say very little on -"home-making" practices and efforts undertaken by the Nubians aftermath -their displacement. +Despite the heightening of the Aswan dam, the effects of the Nile +flooding were devastating along the Valley and the Delta villages +causing much loss in life and property. Therefore, the new Egyptian +regime in 1954 decided to build the High Dam, a new dam in Aswan higher +than the already existing one. This meant that the entirety of Nubia was +to be submerged under the lake created behind the new dam. So, it was +decided to relocate the Nubians to the Kom Ombo area, 50 km north of +Aswan City. This resettlement plan compacted Egyptian Nubia from 39 +villages along 320 kilometers of the Nile into 33 villages occupying a +60-kilometer-long crescent away from the Nile in the desert.[^4] Several +studies discussed the challenges of the Nubian resettlement after +displacement. These studies focused, however, on "home-building" issues +and the wide dissatisfaction among the Nubians towards their new houses +and resettlements, but they say very little on "home-making" practices +and efforts undertaken by the Nubians in the aftermath of their +displacement. The experience of forced displacement deeply unsettles the -taken-for-granted notions of home. When the displaced person lives in a -new place, he/ she does not feel like home automatically. Home is much +taken-for-granted sense of home. When the displaced person lives in a +new place, he/she does not feel like at home automatically. Home is much more than a house or a shelter, rather it is a complex and multi-layered concept. Some of these layers are existential; the "immersion of a self -in a locality".[^2] Home is a physical place that embodies the state of +in a locality."[^5] Home is a physical place that embodies the state of being-at-home with its particular emotions; privacy, familiarity, -safety/comfort, control, the expression of personal identity and the -social norms and values of his community. Thus, home does not simply -exist but is made and lived. The term home-making implies a process that -turns a meaningless space into a home. Material and social practices of -home-making are undertaken to overcome the displacement gap by -reflecting one's expectations not only in his/ her new house, but also -the larger public environment in the neighborhood and the city. Home is -materially made by building structures, placing furniture and decorating -the house. Home is socially made through both routinized and seasonal -social practices including; domestic chores, caring of the household -members, relaxation, celebrating birthdays and religious rituals, -communicating with neighbors and so on. +safety, comfort, control, and the expression of personal identity and +the social norms of the community.[^6] Thus, home does not simply exist, +but is made and lived.[^7] The term home-making or homing implies an +ongoing process that turns a meaningless space into a home.[^8] Material +and social practices of home-making are undertaken to overcome the +displacement gap by reflecting one's expectations not only in his/her +new house, but also the larger public environment in the neighborhood +and the city.[^9] While *home* is materially made by building +structures, placing furniture and decorating the house, it is socially +made through both routinized activities and seasonal social practices +including domestic chores, caring of the household members, relaxation, +celebrating birthdays and religious rituals, communicating with +neighbors, and so on.[^10] In this research, I explore how the people of Abu Hor, a Kenuz Nubian -village, could remake their homes and homeland aftermath their -displacement in December 1964. Drawing on the scholarship on home-making -practices in diverse contexts of displacement, as well as -auto-ethnographic research based on narratives from elderly people who I -used to talk, listen, and even gossip with them to understand the -techniques they had developed to deal with the new home life in -resettlement, a life that was far from the lives they had already known, -a life which made different demands that they never had experienced -before. The research begins with an explanation of the built environment -of Old Abu Hor and the socio-cultural values that created and ordered -this environment. Then, the research focuses on the different material -and social practices that they used to create a sense of home in New Abu -Hor. Finally, the research ends with an analysis of the home-making -process based on the framework of Maurice Garcia (2019), who proposed -that the sense of home can be remade in terms of four aspects: material -place, familiar landscape, social world and emotional space. The -conclusion of the research underscores the main outcomes of the -home-making process with its challenges as well as resolutions, -continuities as well as discontinuities. +village, could remake their homes and homeland in the aftermath of their +displacement in December 1964. I am drawing on the scholarship on +home-making practices in diverse contexts of displacement, as well as +auto-ethnographic research based on narratives from elderly people with +whom I talked in order to understand the techniques they had developed +to deal with the new home life in resettlement, a life that was far from +the life they had already experienced. The research begins with an +explanation of the built environment of old Abu Hor and the +socio-cultural values that created and ordered this environment. Then, +the research focuses on the different material and social practices that +they used to create a sense of home in new Abu Hor. Finally, the +research ends with an analysis of the home-making process based on the +framework of Perez Murcia,[^11] who proposed that home can be remade in +terms of four aspects: material place, familiar landscape, social world, +and emotional space. The conclusion of the research underscores the main +outcomes of the home-making process with its challenges, resolutions, as +well as cultural continuity and change. -**Before displacement** +# Before displacement -My family originated from a small Kenuz Nubian village called (Abu Hor). +My family originated from a small Kenuz Nubian village called Abu Hor. The old Abu Hor was located about sixty kilometers south of the city of Aswan, near Kalabsha village and its famous temple. The post steamboat was the only means of transportation linking Nubian villages to Egypt, starting from the village of Al-Shalal in Aswan to Wadi Halfa on the -Egyptian-Sudanese border, passing through all the Egyptian Nubian +Egyptian Sudanese border, passing through all the Egyptian Nubian villages. This steamboat used to pass by our village on Wednesdays -coming from Aswan and on Mondays returning from Halfa. It carried +coming from Aswan and on Mondays returning from Wadi Halfa. It carried passengers, goods, letters, and money orders from migrating men to their families in the village. -Kawthar Abd El-Rasoul and Mohamed Riad visited the village in 1962 and -described it. Their description is worth quoting at length:[^3] +The topography of the old Abu Hor was rough; the Nile banks comprised of +high rock plateaus overlooking the river, leaving small plain pockets on +few locations. Kawthar Abd El-Rasoul and Mohamed Riad visited the +village in 1962 and described it. Their description is worth quoting at +length: -> "This was the first time we saw Abu Hor on a summer morning, and the +> This was the first time we saw Abu Hor on a summer morning, and the > view was beautiful, (...) , the Nile had dropped below its winter -> level by about twenty meters or a little less, and we were in Little -> Linda raising our eyes to a rock wall more than fifty meters high, and -> at the foot of the rock wall, there was a green strip no more than -> fifty meters wide, and on top of the rocks were scattered high houses, -> and due to the height, we could only see the edges of their decorated -> walls for long distances. +> level by about twenty meters or a little less, and we were (...) +> raising our eyes to a rock wall more than fifty meters high, and at +> the foot of the rock wall, there was a green strip no more than fifty +> meters wide, and on top of the rocks were scattered high houses, and +> due to the height, we could only see the edges of their decorated +> walls for long distances..... > > After about half an hour, the rock wall of Abu Hor retreated in a > large arc, and opened up into a small agricultural basin whose depth @@ -123,186 +127,207 @@ described it. Their description is worth quoting at length:[^3] > areas in this small plain did not exceed several narrow strips, while > green grass covered the remaining areas. Numbers of camels, perhaps > more than twenty-five camels, and numbers of goats and sheep spread -> throughout the area. +> throughout the area......[^12] +> +> A little before four o\'clock we reached the hamlets of Abu Hor. The +> Nile is much narrower, the eastern plateau is high and continuous for +> kilometers, the western bank is less high and continuous and consists +> of groups of unconnected hills.[^13] -A little before four o\'clock we reached the hamlets of Abu Hor; The -Nile is much narrower, the eastern plateau is high and continuous for -kilometers, the western bank is less high and continuous and consists of -groups of unconnected hills. (...) We rested a little on the west bank -and saw many flying fish +![Photograph of old Abu Hor in 1962. Photo from Riad and Abd el-Rasoul (2014: p. 293/b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig1.jpg "Photograph of old Abu Hor in 1962. Photo from Riad and Abd el-Rasoul (2014: p. 293/b).") -![Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962 showing camels in front of the village.](../static/images/sadeq/fig1.jpg "Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962. Source: Riad and Abdel-Rasoul, A journey in the time of Nubia.") +**~~Figure 1. Photograph of old Abu Hor in 1962. Photo from Riad and Abd el-Rasoul (2014: p. 293/b).~~** -**~~Figure 1. Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962. Source: Riad and Abdel-Rasoul, A journey in the time of Nubia.~~** -Abu Hor extended for ten kilometers and included twenty-three hamlets -built on the rugged lands at the eastern and western fringes of the -valley, leaving the narrow plain for agriculture. These hamlets extended -thinly along the Nile and were separated from each other by topographic -features like *khor*[^4] and steep hills. During the summer, as the -water level of the Nile used to recede, *khor* lands became visible and -people often moved between the hamlets by donkey or on foot. In winter, -the water of the Aswan reservoir filled the valley and backed up into -the *khor*s, making hamlets sites like peninsulas, so small felucca -sailboats ferried the people across the hamlets. +Abu Hor extended for ten kilometers and included 23 hamlets built on the +rugged lands at the eastern and western fringes of the valley, leaving +the narrow plain for agriculture. These hamlets extended thinly along +the Nile and were separated from each other by topographic features like +khor[^14] and steep hills. During the summer, as the water level of the +Nile used to recede, khor lands became visible and people often moved +between the hamlets by donkey or on foot. In winter, the water of the +Aswan reservoir filled the valley and backed up into the khors, making +hamlets' sites like peninsulas, so small felucca sailboats ferried the +people across the hamlets. Since most social relations were associated with hamlets, the village lacked the real structure of a social unit. Even so, the village had a role of cohesiveness. It served as an administrative unit under the -supervision of a governmental appointed mayor (Arabic: *omda*) whose +supervision of a governmentally appointed mayor (Arabic: *omda*) whose guesthouse was the place where the people of Abu Hor gathered to make crucial decisions that concerned the entire village. The old village had three primary schools, a telegraph office, and a health center. These facilities were distributed among the different hamlets, and served not -only the people of Abu Hor, but also the adjacent villages. +only the people of *Abu Hor*, but also the adjacent villages. -![Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.](../static/images/sadeq/fig2.jpg "Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.") +![Map of the hamlets of old *Abu Hor* in 1937. Source: .](../static/images/sadeq/fig2.jpg "Map of the hamlets of old *Abu Hor* in 1937. Source: .") + +**~~Figure 2. Map of the hamlets of old *Abu Hor* in 1937. Source: .~~** -**~~Figure 2. Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.~~** The people of Abu Hor belonged to seven tribes, or maximal lineages, which were divided among major lineages distributed over hamlets. Each hamlet (Arabic: *nag'*) consisted of minor lineages forming a patrilineal descent group that had lived in the hamlet for generations -and shared kinship ties. The *nag'* created a sense of belonging, as +and shared kinship ties. The nag' created a sense of belonging, as people used to refer to themselves by their hamlet and particular descent group, which were believed to express pride and distinctive personalities. -The *nag'* served as the main social unit that formed the Nubian -society. It was the actual unit of community life that was organized -through propinquity and kinship bonds and carried important social -obligations; such as endogamous marriage, purchase on credit, mutual aid -in times of need, and taking care for the families of migrating men. The -*nag'* served as the appropriate domain for women to participate in -social life. While men were more concerned with village affairs and -could move freely between hamlets and villages, women were restricted to -their *nag'* where they practiced social and economic activities, -ranging from subsistence farming and raising livestock to participating -in *nag'* events such as weddings, funerals, and religious rituals. +The nag' served as the main social unit that formed the Nubian society. +It was the actual unit of community life that was organized through +propinquity and kinship bonds and carried important social obligations, +such as endogamous marriage, purchase on credit, mutual aid in times of +need, and taking care for the families of migrating men. The nag' served +as the appropriate domain for women to participate in social life. While +men were more concerned with village affairs and could move freely +between hamlets and villages, women were restricted to their nag' where +they practiced social and economic activities, ranging from subsistence +farming and raising livestock to participating in nag' events such as +weddings, funerals, and religious festivals. -The *nag'* offered the pattern of co-residence that maintained the -isolated and conservative life of the Nubians so as the foreigner could -be identified easily. Although there was no structural plan, the *nag'* -was a planned settlement, designed by its occupants according to their -needs and culture. The placement of the dwellings was based on family +The nag' offered the pattern of co-residence that maintained the +isolated and conservative life of the Nubians so that the foreigner +could be identified easily. Although there was no structural plan, the +nag' was a planned settlement, designed by its occupants according to +their needs and culture. The placement of dwellings was based on family ties and the natural environment as well. It was customary for individuals to build their houses on any even tract of land adjacent to their relatives in order to have help nearby in case of need. The -dwellings that made up the *nag'* followed the natural contours of the +dwellings that made up the nag' followed the natural contours of the rocky fringes of the valley. The houses that overlooked the Nile were -detached, or semi---detached, forming clustered terraces, while the +detached, or semi--detached, forming clustered terraces, while the houses that extended inland were freestanding and grouped together around an open area. Usually there were three or four houses in each of -these arrangements. In the center of the *nag'*, there was a large open +these arrangements. In the center of the nag', there was a large open space where the mosque and few shops were located. The communal -guesthouse (Arabic: *sabeel*) which used for the *nag'* men gatherings, -entertaining and housing male guests from other hamlets or villages was -also placed in the central open space. Each *nag'* also maintained a -cemetery and a shrine for the local saint in its hinterland. +guesthouse (Arabic: *sabeel*) which was used for the nag' men +gatherings, entertaining and housing male guests was also placed in the +central open space. Each nag' also maintained a cemetery and a shrine +for the local saint in its hinterland. -![Houses in Old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.](../static/images/sadeq/fig3.jpg "Houses in Old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.") +![Houses in old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 169/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig3.jpg "Houses in old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 169/a).") -**~~Figure 3. Houses in Old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.~~** +**~~Figure 3. Houses in old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 169/a).~~** -![A nag’ in Old Abu Hor. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.](../static/images/sadeq/fig4.jpg "A nag’ in Old Abu Hor. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.") +![A nag' in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 171/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig4.jpg "A nag' in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 171/a).") + +**~~Figure 4. A nag' in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 171/a).~~** -**~~Figure 4. A nag’ in Old Abu Hor. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.~~** The traditional house in Old Nubia was not only a shelter, but it was also the center of most Nubian rites. The design of the house had a strong connection to the natural environment, especially to the topography and the climate. It also reflected Nubian social norms and the economic condition of the proprietor. A typical house in old Abu Hor -might be composed of a big walled courtyard with rooms built at the -northern part of the courtyard, while the main entrance and the loggia -were often located in the southern part and were open to the north in -order to allow the best possible access to north wind. Livestock -enclosures were found in the southern part of the courtyard as well, but -with a separate entrance. Guest rooms were not common in Abu Hor houses, -however, the entrance hall and the bench (Arabic: *mastaba*) built near -the entrance gate served the purpose of the guest room. The entrance -hall was a transitional zone between the semi-public, male domain -outside, and the private, female domain inside the house. The courtyard -was the vital part of the traditional Nubian house. It was not just an -empty space; rather, it was the hub for all female activity such as -baking *dooka* bread, grinding cereals, and raising livestock. The -courtyard also served as a guest area for women to meet, especially on -the occasion of weddings, funerals, and other events. +was built of fieldstone and plastered with mud and composed of a big +walled courtyard with vaulted rooms built at the northern part of the +courtyard, while the main entrance and the loggia were often located in +the southern part and were open to the north in order to allow the best +possible access to north wind. Livestock enclosures were built in the +eastern or southern part of the courtyard, but with a separate entrance. +Guest rooms were not common in Abu Hor houses. However, the entrance +hall and the bench (Arabic: *mastaba*) built near the entrance gate +served the purpose of the guest room. The entrance hall was a +transitional zone between the semi-public, male domain outside, and the +private, female domain inside the house. The courtyard was a vital part +of the traditional Nubian house. It was not just an empty space; rather, +it was the hub for all female activity such as grinding cereals, baking +*doka* bread, and raising livestock. The courtyard also served as a +guest area for women to meet, especially on the occasion of weddings, +funerals, and other events. -![Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, Notes on Nubian Architecture.](../static/images/sadeq/fig5.jpg "Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, Notes on Nubian Architecture.") +![Plan of a house in old Abu Hor in 1964. Graphic from Jaritz (1973: Fig. 21 B5b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig5.jpg "Plan of a house in old Abu Hor in 1964. Graphic from Jaritz (1973: Fig. 21 B5b).") -**~~Figure 5. Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, Notes on Nubian Architecture.~~** +**~~Figure 5. Plan of a house in old Abu Hor in 1964. Graphic from Jaritz (1973: Fig. 21 B5b).~~** -![Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Fathy, Drawing.](../static/images/sadeq/fig6.jpg "Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Fathy, Drawing.") +![Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1962. Graphic by Amany Abdelsadeq from Hassan Fathy drawing (1962). Source: .](../static/images/sadeq/fig6.jpg "Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1962. Graphic by Amany Abdelsadeq from Hassan Fathy drawing (1962). Source: .") -**~~Figure 6. Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Fathy, Drawing.~~** +**~~Figure 6. Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1962. Graphic by Amany Abdelsadeq from Hassan Fathy drawing (1962). Source: .~~** -![The Entrance of a traditional house in Old Abu Hor. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.](../static/images/sadeq/fig7.jpg "The Entrance of a traditional house in Old Abu Hor. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.") +![A traditional house in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p.168/b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig7.jpg "A traditional house in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p.168/b).") -**~~Figure 7. The Entrance of a traditional house in Old Abu Hor. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.~~** +**~~Figure 7. A traditional house in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p.168/b).~~** -Nubian ceremonies are the most noticeable and distinct feature of the -Nubian culture. It has reflected its rich and intermingled history -through the ages. As Muslims, the Nubians celebrated the known Islamic -feasts; *Eid al-fitr* or the Small Feast and *Eīd* *al-adaha* or the -Large Feast. In these occasions, the hamlet (*nag'*) was the ritual unit -where all rites were performed. After, the Eid prayer, the men used to -make a procession to each house in their own hamlet to congratulate -their relatives for the feast. However, the Nubians had two ceremonies -that can be considered as distinctively Nubian; the wedding ceremonies, -and the local Islamic celebrations *moulid*. -Marriage rituals varied between seven and fourteen days in length; the +Nubian ceremonies have always been the most noticeable and distinct +feature of Nubian culture reflecting its rich and intermingled history +through the ages. The ceremonies were of great symbolic importance in +the social life of Nubians. They were not just diversion from the +routines of everyday life but also had the function of uniting the nag', +reinforcing ties within community, and maintaining its solidarity, as +the ceremonies were occasions for reuniting migrants in different +Egyptian cities with their relatives in the village. + +As Muslims, the Nubians celebrated the famous Islamic feasts, *Eid +al-Fitr* and *Eid al-Adha*. In these occasions, the hamlet (nag') was +the ritual unit where all rites were performed. After the Eid prayer, +the men used to make a procession to each house in their own hamlet to +congratulate their relatives for the feast. However, the Nubians had two +ceremonies that can be considered as distinctively Nubian: the wedding +ceremonies, and the local Islamic celebrations *moulid*. + +Wedding rituals varied between seven and fourteen days in length. The rituals used to start right after a new marriage was arranged and -announced, all the women and young females living in the *nag'* were +announced. All the women and young females living in the nag' were expected to assemble in the house of the bride\'s family to assist in -grinding the wheat to make *shaʼreya*[^5], while the men would visit the -groom to congratulate him. +grinding the wheat to make *shaʼreya*,[^15] while the men would visit +the groom to congratulate him. Before marriage, the bride, dressed in +her bridal gown and accompanied by an elderly female relative, had to +visit all the houses around the nag' to announce the day for starting +the wedding ceremonies. In turn, the women offered gifts of *karej*[^16] +or a china plate. Then the bride would continue to visit all the major +saints\' shrines in the village and to *Abu Asha* shrine in the adjacent +village, *Murwaw*. The groom, dressed in his bridal attire, carrying a +whip, riding a camel and accompanied by the *arras*,[^17] had to visit +all the guesthouses in the village to invite the men of other hamlets to +his wedding. -Before marriage, the bride, dressed in her bridal gown and accompanied -by an elderly female relative, had to visit all the houses around the -*nag'* to announce the day for starting the wedding ceremonies. In turn, -the women offered gifts of *karej*[^6] or a china plate. Then the bride -would continue on to visit all the major saints\' shrines in the village -and to *Abu Asha* shrine in the adjacent village, *Murwaw*. The groom, -dressed in his bridal attire, carrying a whip, riding a camel and -accompanied by the *arras*[^7], had to visit all the guesthouses in the -village to invite the men of other hamlets to his wedding. Wedding -ceremonies were occasions for three days and nights of feasting and -dancing in both the bride\'s and the groom\'s houses. On the morning of -the wedding day (the third day of wedding ceremonies), the relatives and -friends of the groom would bring his *sandouq* *jally* and hung the -*kojara* in the bride\'s house. After the guests had eaten the *fatta* -lunch at the groom\'s house, they would form a procession with the -groom\'s family to the local shrine before going to the bride\'s house, -passing in front of the *nag'* houses while sessions of singing and -dancing were carried on accompanied by gunshots and cries of joy. +Wedding ceremonies were occasions for three days and nights of communal +feasting and dancing in both the bride\'s and the groom\'s houses. On +the morning of the wedding day (the third day of wedding ceremonies), +the relatives and friends of the groom would bring his *sandouq* +*jally*[^18] and hung the *kojara*[^19] in the bride\'s house. After the +guests had eaten the *fatta* lunch at the groom\'s house, they would +form a procession with the groom\'s family to the local shrine before +going to the bride\'s house, passing in front of the *nag'* houses while +sessions of singing and dancing were carried on accompanied by gunshots +and joyful ululations of the women. -![A picture of sandouq jally. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.](../static/images/sadeq/fig8.jpg "A picture of sandouq jally. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.") +![A traditional wedding ceremony in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 158/b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig8.jpg "A traditional wedding ceremony in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 158/b).") -**~~Figure 8. A picture of sandouq jally. Source: Hassan and Hassan, Abu-Hor Our Homeland.~~** +**~~Figure 8. A traditional wedding ceremony in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 158/b).~~** + +![A picture of sandouq jally. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 39/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig9.jpg "A picture of sandouq jally. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 39/a).") + +**~~Figure 9. A picture of sandouq jally. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 39/a).~~** The local Saints (Arabic: *sheikh*) have an important ritual ceremony -called *moulid*, a festival day designated as the *sheikh's* birthday, -usually on the fifteenth of the Islamic month of *Shaʼbān*. The *moulid* +called moulid, a festival day designated as the sheikh's birthday, +usually on the fifteenth of the Islamic month of *Shaʼbān*. The moulid was both a religious and social occasion that was celebrated by men, -women and children, and reunited many of the city migrants with their -relatives in the village. The whole *nag'* used to combine their -financial resources in order to host the ceremonies, demonstrating their +women and children. The whole nag' used to combine their financial +resources in order to host the ceremonies, demonstrating their generosity and prestige among other hamlets. From the early morning of -the *moulid* day, boatloads of people from neighboring villages along -with the village residents made long processions to the square of the -saint\'s shrine, where the men sang *zikr* and danced the *kaff* dance, -the women offered sacrificial goats and sheep to be slaughtered, cooked -and eaten in the communal feast afterwards, and the children enjoyed the -joyful atmosphere and bought sweets and toys from travelling vendors. +the moulid day, boatloads of people from neighboring villages along with +the village residents used to make long processions to the square of the +saint\'s shrine, where the men were chanting *zikr*[^20] and dancing the +*kaff* dance,[^21] the women were offering sacrificial sheep to be +slaughtered, cooked and eaten in the communal feast afterwards, and the +children were enjoying the joyful atmosphere and buying sweets and toys +from travelling vendors. The people of Abu Hor celebrated eight moulids +in different hamlets in the village, and five other moulids in the +adjacent villages. -**After displacement** +![*Moulid* celebration in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 157/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig10.jpg "*Moulid* celebration in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 157/a).") -On the 27^th^ of December 1963, the displacement of the people of Abu -Hor began to their village in New Nubia, where the new Abu Hor is one of -the five villages that are under the administrative local council of +**~~Figure 10. *Moulid* celebration in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 157/a).~~** + +# After displacement + +On the 27th of December 1963, the displacement of the people of Abu +Hor began to their village in New Nubia. There, the new Abu Hor is one +of the five villages that are under the administrative local council of Kalabsha, a main village which provides the neighboring villages with social, educational and administrative services. @@ -326,186 +351,233 @@ Moreover, many families didn't even receive a house in the first phase of resettlement, so they had to live with relatives in their new small houses. This situation was further exacerbated after the 1967 war, when the migrant families who were living in Suez, Ismailia, and Port Said -had to evacuate these cities and moved back to New Abu Hor to live with -their relatives. This crowdening even worsened the living conditions in -the new village. - -![Layout of New Abu Hor.](../static/images/sadeq/fig9.jpg "Layout of New Abu Hor.") - -**~~Figure 9. Layout of New Abu Hor.~~** - +had to evacuate these cities and moved back to new Abu Hor to live with +their relatives. This crowding had even worsened the living conditions +in the new village. In 1970, my mother\'s family received their house (Faris' house in -Figure 6) as one of the second phase typical houses; a +Figure 11) as one of the second phase typical houses; a thirteen-by-twenty-meter house that consisted of a courtyard, two small -bed rooms, a kitchen, and a bathroom. The walls were made of limestone +bedrooms, a kitchen, and a bathroom. The walls were made of limestone cut from nearby quarries, with 0.40m thickness and 3-meter height, while the flat roof was made of reinforced concrete to allow the building of a second storey using the bearing walls technique. However, this house form disregarded the climatic and social considerations characteristic of the traditional Nubian house. The kitchen was so small that there was no space to store food and supplies. The rooms were also much smaller -than their house in Old Abu Hor, which prevented them from having enough -space for sleeping or socializing. The placement of the rooms along the +than their house in old Abu Hor. The placement of the rooms along the southern side of the house allowed the heat to penetrate into them, in addition to the heat that came in from the uninsulated roof. Surrounded by other houses on three sides, the northern winds could not reach the house, making the living conditions intolerable during the summer months. -![Governmental houses and the public tap of Kalabsha and Abu Hor new villages, as well as a new shrine built by the villagers. Source: Crane, Nubian women at well.](../static/images/sadeq/fig10.jpg "Governmental houses and the public tap of Kalabsha and Abu Hor new villages, as well as a new shrine built by the villagers. Source: Crane, Nubian women at well.") +![Layout of new Abu Hor. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.](../static/images/sadeq/fig11.jpg "Layout of new Abu Hor. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.") + +**~~Figure 11. Layout of new Abu Hor. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.~~** + +![Governmental houses and the communal tap of *Kalabsha* and *Abu Hor* in New Nubia, as well as a new shrine built by the people of *Kalabsha*. Photo by Ralph Crane (1964). Courtesy of the LIFE Picture Collection.](../static/images/sadeq/fig12.jpg "Governmental houses and the communal tap of *Kalabsha* and *Abu Hor* in New Nubia, as well as a new shrine built by the people of *Kalabsha*. Photo by Ralph Crane (1964). Courtesy of the LIFE Picture Collection.") + +**~~Figure 12. Governmental houses and the communal tap of *Kalabsha* and *Abu Hor* in New Nubia, as well as a new shrine built by the people of *Kalabsha*. Photo by Ralph Crane (1964). Courtesy of the LIFE Picture Collection.~~** -**~~Figure 10. Governmental houses and the public tap of Kalabsha and Abu Hor new villages, as well as a new shrine built by the villagers. Source: Crane, Nubian women at well.~~** They had to make alterations in the house in order to suit their way of life. A larger kitchen was built to be spacious enough for cooking and storing dried food and supplies, while the former kitchen had become a -bedroom, in addition to building a new room for the children and -enclosures for goats and chicken. As in Old Nubia, the façade was -whitewashed, and the low clay bench mastaba was built in front of the -house, adding more space for hospitality and neighbors\' gatherings. -Aside from cooking and cleaning the house, the daily activities after -relocation ranged between fetching water from the installed public taps -and shopping at Seyalla's weekly market. Occasionally, they spent their -afternoons on their farmland, where they planted palm trees and a -Roselle shrub. +bedroom, in addition to building a new room for the children. As in Old +Nubia, the façade was plastered with mud and whitewashed, and the low +clay bench *mastaba* was built in front of the house, adding more space +for hospitality and neighbors\' gatherings. Occasionally, they were +spending their afternoons on their orchard, where they planted palm +trees and a Roselle shrub. -![My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.](../static/images/sadeq/fig11.jpg "My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.") +![My grandparents\' house before and after alterations. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.](../static/images/sadeq/fig13.jpg "My grandparents\' house before and after alterations. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.") -**~~Figure 11. My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.~~** +**~~Figure 13. My grandparents\' house before and after alterations. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.~~** -The people of Abu-Hor tried to recreate the sense of community in their -new village through undertaking several cooperative projects. Every row -of houses cooperated in cleaning the street, plastering the facades and -planting trees. The whole village collected money to build a communal -guesthouse (*sabeel*) not only for accommodating visitors, but also as a -gathering place where men can meet in the evening, gather in ritual -feasts, and hold public meetings. The people of Abu-Hor cooperated in -celebrating religious rituals. -An elderly woman, who was a custodian of a saint's shrine in the Old Abu -Hor, built a shrine in the new village. Some women, especially in the -first years after relocation, were visiting this shrine to make vows and -offer sacrificial sheep and goats as in Old Nubia. Also, the custodian -of the shrine held moulids for the saint on the fifteen of Shaaban, and -few people in the village celebrated it. But the biggest moulid after -relocation was the "Five Domes" moulid in Murwaw village, which hundreds -of Kenuz men, women, and children celebrated by singing zikr, dancing -kaff, and communal feast as in Old Nubia. +The people of *Abu-Hor* tried to recreate the sense of community in +their new village through undertaking several cooperative projects. +Every row of houses cooperated in cleaning the street and planting +trees. The whole village collected money to build a communal guesthouse +(*sabeel*) not only for accommodating visitors, but also as a gathering +place where men can meet in the evening, hold public meetings, and +gather in communal feasts in weddings and Eid al-Adha. Moreover, an +elderly woman, who was a custodian of a saint's shrine in old Abu Hor, +built a shrine in the new village. -**Discussion** +Nubian ceremonies maintained their importance in the social life of the +Nubians after displacement, but they have been adjusted to conform to +the new place. For instance, the people of Abu Hor used to celebrate +eight *moulids* in different hamlets in the old village, and the other +five *moulids* in the adjacent villages. After displacement, they +celebrated only one, the "Five Domes" *moulid* in *Murwaw* village, +which was celebrated on the fifteen of *Shaaban* by tens of *Kenuz* men, +women, and children by chanting *zikr*, dancing *kaff*, and communal +feast as in Old Nubia. Rather than *moulids*, the famous Islamic feasts; +*Eid al-Fitr* and *Eid al-Adha* gained a growing importance in Nubian +social life after displacement. In these occasions, the men make a +procession to each house in the village to congratulate for the feast. +Also, wedding customs were adapted for increased participation by the +whole village residents, friends from nearby villages, and migrant +relatives in Egyptian cities. While the bride celebrates in her family's +house with her friends and the women of the village, the groom holds a +wedding party for the men in the open space in front of the guesthouse +(*sabeel*). + +# Discussion + +*Home*, as the French philosopher Gaston Bachelard described it, is "our +corner of the world,"[^22] a "binding principle of human life .... +Without it, man would be a dispersed being."[^23] Home is the +ontological human urge to feel inside a place capable of providing +"dwelling" biologically, emotionally and socially. Dwelling, here, means +how people affirm their own existence and express their personal and +cultural identities,[^24] as Heidegger explains, "The way in which we +are and I am, the manner in which we are humans on earth, is +dwelling."[^25] Home also entails an important aspect supplied by the +environmental context and the special character of the place itself. It +is the spirit of place, or what the Romans called the *genius loci*, +which arises from the complex interplay of the significant aspects of +the place, including buildings, topographical features, climatic +conditions, in addition to people and human activities.[^26] The concept +of home also indicates a social place in which one feels belonging to a +community or a group of people, who share common experiences and +cultural practices.[^27] We can summarize the concept of home as +"wherever, or however, we feel at home."[^28] + +Over centuries, Nubians lived in their hamlets and villages, enjoying +their beautiful Nubia, being interrelated by their distinctive culture +which grew out of time and place. They shaped their local environment +around them by interacting with the landscape and leaving traces in it, +so, over time, Nubians became "implicated in the landscape."[^29] Even +after building the Aswan Dam in 1902 and the migration of Nubian men to +work in Egyptian cities, they insisted to rebuild their villages at +higher levels in the same locations. They considered Old Nubia their +blessed land, where the land and water were superior to anywhere else, +and where peacefulness and honesty prevailed. Being stigmatized in +Egypt, Nubia was for the Nubians "the true home among one\'s own +people,"[^30] where they felt a sense of personal worth and importance +in their own communities. Despite being vacant most of the year, their +houses had great symbolic importance; reflecting the prosperity of its +owners, a source of their pride and self-esteem, and providing a place +for relatives' gatherings at weddings, deaths or religious +festivals.[^31] The Nubian house was rooted in the natural landscape on which it was built. It embodied the social world of Nubian society with its basic values and hierarchies. The house was spatially organized to invert the -fundamental oppositions within Nubia: North/ South, Nile/ mountain, -public/ private, male/ female, human/ animal. Moreover, the domestic +fundamental oppositions within Nubia: North/South, Nile/mountain, +public/private, male/female, human/animal. Moreover, the domestic spatial divisions enabled inhabitants to practice traditional Nubian rituals, especially for women. In wedding ceremonies, for instance, the -women of the *nag'* gathered in the courtyard of the bride's house to -participate in a seven-day ritual period of cooking, singing, dancing -and feminine visitation. Similarly, other life-cycle rituals were -practiced by women domestically. Thus, the courtyard had to be wide -enough to accommodate the guests attending these ceremonies. The Nubian -house functioned as a generative mechanism for the Nubian culture, -underwriting habitus and reproducing its elements for the inhabitants. -As Bourdieu and Sayad stated, "the structure of habitat is the symbolic -projection of the most fundamental structures of a culture."[^8] +women of the nag' gathered in the courtyard of the bride's house to +participate in a seven-day ritual period of cooking, singing and +dancing. Thus, the courtyard had to be wide enough to accommodate the +guests attending these ceremonies. Similarly, other Nubian rituals were +practiced by women domestically. The Nubian house functioned as a +generative mechanism for the Nubian culture, reproducing its elements +for the inhabitants. As Bourdieu and Sayad stated, "the structure of +habitat is the symbolic projection of the most fundamental structures of +a culture."[^32] The Nubian house served as the centerpiece of all Nubian social organization. The spatial configurations separated the house from the -patrilineal agglomeration (*nag'*) and the *nag'* from other -agglomerations. These divisions reflected the Nubian social hierarchy in -a unitary symbolic order. Thus, the traditional Nubian house and village -were the reflection of the Nubian culture, where all life functions -occur in harmony. +patrilineal agglomeration (nag') and the nag' from other agglomerations. +These divisions reflected the Nubian social hierarchy in a unitary +symbolic order. Therefore, the traditional Nubian house and village were +the reflection of the Nubian culture, where all life functions occur in +harmony. However, the Nubian social life with its infinite rhythm faced a sudden and dramatic transformation after the construction of the High Dam in -1964. The resettlement policies that relocated entire Nubian people -placed them in a very different social and architectural setting; -planned villages in the desert removed from the Nile. Displacement as -experienced by Nubians driven from their homes and from their homeland, -overturned the Nubian social organization. Such transformations in -domestic space had an indelible effect on their culture. +1964. The resettlement policies that relocated the Nubians placed them +in a very different natural and physical environment: planned villages +in the desert removed from the Nile. Displacement, as experienced by +Nubians driven from their homes and from their homeland, overturned the +Nubian social organization. Such transformations in domestic space had +an indelible effect on their culture. Following displacement, as people are forced to leave their homelands, a -place where they had felt socially, culturally and emotionally embedded, -they are likely to experience a sense of loss of community, history, and -identity. Thus, emplacement is not simply re-placing people in new -places, but it is a continuous process of making one's place in the -world. Emplacement implies the social processes, relations and -encounters through which displaced people engage with the new -environment, and therefore transform the new place into a personalized -and socialized one. Emplacement emphasizes the concept of place as a -process of embeddedness and socio-affective attachment, and also -emphasizes the role of displaced people in place-making processes. +place where they felt socially, culturally and emotionally embedded, +they are likely to experience a sense of loss of belonging. Therefore, +emplacement is not simply re-placing people in a new place, but it is a +continuous process of making one's place in the world. Emplacement +implies the social processes, relations and encounters through which +displaced people engage with the new environment and therefore transform +the new place into a personalized and socialized one. Emplacement +emphasizes the concept of place as a process of embeddedness and +socio-affective attachment and also emphasizes the role of displaced +people in place-making processes.[^33] The loss of a home due to displacement is such a socially disorienting, disempowering and disruptive process that remaking one involves a lengthy effort with no obvious start or end point. The process of remaking a home entails more than building a physical place of shelter and finding a source of livelihood. It requires inhabitants to establish -a feeling of being "'at home."[^9] This process of feeling at home -involves four dimensions; a material place, a familiar landscape, a -social world, and an emotional and existential place. +a feeling of being at home. This process of feeling at home involves +four dimensions: a material place, a familiar landscape, a social world, +and an emotional and existential place.[^34] The home is not only a place where individuals can satisfy their basic needs and protect themselves from harm threatening otherness (weather -conditions, animals, people). It is also a place where dwellers can take -control of their own boundaries and express their personal and social -identities within the home. Living in a place in which individuals have -no control or ability to express themselves and cannot change the -furnishings or the decorations can be deeply frustrating. It compromises -their ability to feel at home. Houses are seldom built by their -inhabitants. Thus, it is the ornamentation, maintenance, housework, -identification, and personalization processes that people enact to -transform a house into a home. According to Bourdieu, domestic space is -appropriated by the resident according to a system of customs that are -generated by past residential experience which he called \"habitus\". -Thus, the acts of appropriation and identification from past experience -not only connect individuals spatially with the places in which they -dwell, but also connect them with the past and the future. +conditions, animals, or people).[^35] It is also a place where dwellers +can take control of their own boundaries and express their personal and +social identities within them. Living in a place in which individuals +have no control over or ability to express themselves within; where they +cannot change the furnishings or the decorations, can be a deeply +frustrating. It compromises their ability to feel at home.[^36] Houses +are seldom built by their inhabitants. Thus, it is the identification, +ornamentation, and personalization processes that people enact to +transform a house into a home.[^37] According to Bourdieu, domestic +space is appropriated by the resident according to a system of customs +that are generated by past residential experience which he called +\"habitus.\" Thus, the acts of appropriation from past experience, like +building a mastaba and whitewashing the house, not only connect the +inhabitants spatially with the places in which they dwell but also +connect them with the past and the future.[^38] Regaining the sense of being at home was also achieved through -familiarization with the new milieu, including its geographical and -social features. This is a process whereby strange places and people -become familiar. This process involved different scales of place, from -the specific home to the whole village. The meaningless house is +familiarization with the new milieu, including its natural and physical +features.[^39] This is a process whereby strange places and people +become familiar.[^40] This process involved different scales of place, +from the specific home to the whole village. The meaningless house is transformed into a home through daily practices and repetitive behavior in everyday life events. The actions create familiarity and therefore a -sense of home. +sense of home,[^41] as Kim Dovey describes: -> Becoming at home is linked to the "refrain," a form of expression with +> Becoming at home is linked to the 'refrain', a form of expression with > a different meaning every time it is repeated, as a song ventures -> forward with each verse before returning to the refrain.[^10] +> forward with each verse before returning to the refrain.[^42] -Familiarity is also created when people possess a maximal spatial -knowledge of the new village and its features become familiar through -daily movement along the same paths, which Michel de Certeau called "The -opacity of the body." +Not only the house, but the streets, the mosque, the communal taps, the +orchards all take on a sense of familiarity that makes one feel at home. +Familiarity was created when people possessed a maximal spatial +knowledge of the new village and its features became familiar through +daily movement along the same paths,[^43] which Michel de Certeau called +"The opacity of the body." > In movement, gesticulating, walking, taking its pleasure, is what > indefinitely organizes a here in relation to an abroad, a -> \"familiarity\" in relation to a \"foreignness.\"[^11] +> \"familiarity\" in relation to a \"foreignness\"[^44] As Korac stresses, "emplacement does not take place in a social vacuum; -rather it occurs within the context of intra- and inter-group -relations."[^12] Creating a sense of home in New Abu-Hor required +rather it occurs within the context of intra -- and inter-group +relations."[^45] Creating a sense of home in new Abu Hor required reconstructing a social world in the new village based on shared -traditions and values after centuries of belonging to *nag'* kin groups. -Reconstructing the social world aimed to regaining a sense of belonging +traditions and values after centuries of belonging to nag' kin groups. +Reconstructing this social world aimed to regaining a sense of belonging to a community, where "one recognizes people as 'one's own' and where -one feels recognized by them as such." +one feels recognized by them as such."[^46] Through everyday social practices, visiting and chatting with neighbors -in *mastaba*, the people of Abu-Hor could create new social attachments -within the place of resettlement, thus creating a sense of home. -Building the village guesthouse (*Sabeel*) was another way the people of +on mastabas, the people of Abu Hor could create new social attachments +within the place of resettlement, thus, creating a sense of home. +Building the village guesthouse (Sabeel) was another way the people of Abu-Hor could reconstruct their social world, by creating "new material -forms which symbolize a former community."[^13] The guesthouse could be -conceived as a "memorialized locale,"[^14] which symbolizes the -lifestyle of the past culture. +forms which symbolize a former community."[^47] The guesthouse could be +conceived as a "memorialized locale" which symbolizes the lifestyle of +the past culture.[^48] Displacement involved separating from a place that Nubians described as "homely," a place where they had felt emotionally embedded. Displacement @@ -515,178 +587,423 @@ the future. This emotional distress of being displaced remained until people were able to remake emotional attachments in the new village. However, the reconstruction of the emotional feeling of being at home did not happen automatically; for a long time, people continued to -reflect on differences between the old Abu-Hor and the new village. +reflect on differences between the old Abu Hor and the new village. -The people of Abu-Hor could reconstruct the emotional feeling of being +The people of Abu Hor could reconstruct the emotional feeling of being at home by replicating their social and cultural traditions of Old Nubia -in the new village; such as life-cycle rituals and celebrating religious +in the new village, such as life-cycle rituals and celebrating religious ceremonies. Although the new setting lacked the geographical features in -which these traditions were practiced -- the Nile, mountains, old -shrines, and so on -- creativity and imagination helped them to -reproduce cultural traditions by evoking the landscape that they were -forced to abandon. As Obeid writes, "what seems like a yearning for the -past can contribute very much to the creation of the present and the -future."[^15] +which these traditions were practiced -- the Nile, hills, old shrines, +and so on -- creativity and imagination helped them to reproduce +cultural traditions by evoking the landscape that they were forced to +abandon. As Obeid explains "what seems like a yearning for the past can +contribute very much to the creation of the present and the +future."[^49] -**Conclusion** +# Conclusion For more than fifteen centuries, Egyptian Nubians had lived in isolated villages on the banks of the Nile, surviving the harsh environment and the competing empires, and had slowly developed a distinctive culture that successfully responded to numerous crises. However, the building of -the High Dam and the subsequent resettlement of Nubians in a desert -habitat has been the greatest shock to their culture that has been -characterized by continuity and change. Yet Nubian culture did not +the Aswan High Dam and the subsequent resettlement of Nubians in a +desert habitat has been the greatest shock to their culture that has +been characterized by continuity and change. Yet, Nubian culture did not collapse by the backwaters of the High Dam, the vitality and flexibility of the Nubians helped them to adjust to the different natural and social milieu while retaining a strong sense of their historical and cultural identity. The idea that Nubia no longer exists made the (re)production of homeland -as a mythical place necessary for maintaining their identity. This +as a mythical place necessary for maintaining their identity.[^50] This research illustrated the varied strategies undertaken by Nubians to -reconstruct homeland in new settlements. These strategies included -houses alterations, symbolic recreation of places depicting the places -in Old Nubia such as the shrine and the community guesthouse, practicing -Nubian rituals and celebrating religious and social ceremonies. All -these strategies were significant in transforming the unfamiliar -resettlement place into a home. +reconstruct homeland in new settlements. These strategies included house +alterations, symbolic recreation of places depicting places in Old Nubia +such as the shrine and the community guesthouse, practicing Nubian +rituals, and celebrating religious and social ceremonies. All these +strategies were significant in transforming the unfamiliar resettlement +place into a home. -Former narratives of Nubians displacement were often colored by rosy -view of Old Nubia, which became a mythical place to which Nubians still -long to return. Such narratives emanate from the static and fixed +Now, after sixty years of displacement, many of the older generation +have died and much of the old Nubian culture will soon be gone. The +younger generations of Nubians in resettlement villages at New Nubia, +most of them born after displacement, speak Arabic, wear Egyptian +costumes, and live in multi-storey houses. Since displacement, many of +the customs associated with the Old Nubia had already gone, and +progressive reductions in all non-Islamic rituals have been going on for +years. One example is the fact that Abu Hor, which previously had eight +moulids, now has none. The famous Islamic feast Eid al-Adha gains more +importance as migrant Nubian families in Cairo, Alexandria, and other +Egyptian cities charter trains and buses every year to spend their +vacation in resettlement villages. Also, Nubian wedding ceremonies +became, except for the songs and dancing, like that of other Egyptians. +However, wedding ceremonies continue to be an important event in the +Nubians' social life. All that indicates that neither migration from +Nubia nor displacement have totally ended the continuity of the Nubian +culture. Although greatly acculturated, the Nubian society remains +distinctly unique, where Nubian traditions and values continue to be +determinants of behavior. + +Former narratives of Nubians' displacement were often colored by the +rosy view of Old Nubia, which became a mythical place to which Nubians +still long to return. Such narratives emanate from the static and fixed Heideggerian ontology of being-in-the-world, which conceive of home and -homeland as a place of rootedness. However, the Nubian displacement, and -other experiences of displacement worldwide, challenge this discourse. -Even after displacement disrupted people's social worlds-- the -individuals' sense of being at home and their social relations -- the -displaced are often able to recreate home, or what Naila Habib calls -"the evolving meaning of home" as "a dynamic and constantly changing -process."[^16] This dynamic notion of home denotes that belonging to a -place can be understood as fluid territorialisation -- in the Deleuzian -sense -- through giving meaning to the place by individual and -collective behavior, which reminds us of Appadurai\'s thesis on the -production of locality.[^17] According to this thesis, a locality is not -a given, but it is created by social practices, ritual activities, and -the collective effort of the community in order to socialize the space -and localize the people. In the case of Abu Hor, villagers turned to -traditional practices in addition to building of a shrine and a -community guesthouse in the new village, which illustrates this process -of (re)construction not only of Abu Hor but also of the bond between the -people and their new locality. +homeland as a place of rootedness.[^51] However, the Nubian +displacement, and other experiences of displacement worldwide, challenge +this discourse. Even after displacement disrupted people's social worlds +-- the individuals' sense of being at home and their social relations -- +the displaced are often able to recreate home, or what Naila Habib calls +"the evolving meaning of home ... as a dynamic and constantly changing +process."[^52] This dynamic notion of home denotes that belonging to a +place can be understood as fluid territorialization through giving +meaning to the place by individual and collective behavior,[^53] which +reminds us of Appadurai\'s thesis on the production of locality. +According to his thesis, a locality is not a given, but it is created by +social activities, ritual practices, and the collective effort of the +community to socialize the space and localize the people.[^54] In the +case of Abu Hor, villagers turned to traditional practices in addition +to building of a shrine and a community guesthouse in the new village, +which illustrates this process of (re)construction not only of Abu Hor +but also of the bond between the people and their new locality. Indeed, this research does not aim to romanticize nor to underestimate the precarious circumstances of Nubian displacement. Instead, the -intention of this research is to acknowledge the significance of -Nubians' contributions to produce alternative meanings within the -modularization of their new top - built environment. Rather than +intention of this research is to acknowledge the significance of the +contributions by Nubians to produce alternative meanings despite the +modularization of their new top -- built environment. Rather than associating the Nubian displacement merely with loss and passivity, this research discussed the resiliency and the spatial practices through which Nubians could contribute to processes of homemaking and -(re)territorialisation on different spatial scales. +(re)territorialization on different spatial scales. -**Bibliography** +# Bibliography -Appadurai, Arjun. "The Production of Locality." In *Counterwork: +Appadurai, Arjun. "The Production of Locality." In *Counterworks: Managing the Diversity of Knowledge*, edited by Richard Fardon, pp. -107-16. London: Routledge, 1995. +208--28. London: Routledge, 1995. + +Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. *Home*. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: +Routledge, 2006. Brah, Avtar. *Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities*. London: Routledge, 1996. -Bourdieu, Pierre and Sayad, Abdelmalek. *Le déracinement. La Crise de -l'agriculture traditionelle en Algérie*. Paris: Minuit, 1964. +Boccagni, Paolo, Luis Eduardo Pérez Murcia, and Milena Belloni. +*Thinking Home on the Move:* *A Conversation across Disciplines.* Leeds: +Emerald Publishing Limited, 2020. DOI: [https://doi.org/10.1108/9781839097225](https://doi.org/10.1108/9781839097225) + +Bognar, Botond. "A Phenomenological Approach to Architecture and Its +Teaching in the Design Studio." In *Dwelling, Place and Environment*, +edited by David Seamon and Robert Mugerauer, pp. 183--97. Dordrecht: +Springer, 1985. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-9251-7_11](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-9251-7_11) + +Chatty, Dawn. "Watfa' Speaks." In *Migration, Culture and Identity: +Making Home Away, Politics of Citizenship and Migration* *series,* +edited by Yasmine Shamma, Suzan Ilcan, Vicki Squire, and Helen +Underhill, pp. 11--29. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12085-5_2](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12085-5_2) + +Chawla, Devika, and Stacy Holman Jones. "Introduction." In *Stories of +Home: Place, Identity, Exile*, edited by Devika Chawla and Stacy Holman +Jones, pp. xi--xx. Maryland: Lexington Books, 2015. + +Dossa, Parin, and Jelena Golubovic. "Reimagining Home in the Wake of +Displacement." *Studies in Social Justice* 13/1 (2019): pp. 171--86. + +Dovey, Kim. "Home and Homelessness." In *Home Environments. Human +Behavior and Environment: Advances in Theory and Research, volume 8*, +edited by Irwin Altman and Carol M. Werner, pp. 33--64. 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Khartoum: The Nubian Studies and Documentation +Center, 2000. + +Hopkins, Nicholas S., and Sohair R. Mehanna. "The Nubian Ethnological +Survey: History and Methods." In *Nubian Encounters: The Story of the +Nubian Ethnological Survey 1961-1964*, edited by Nicholas Hopkins and +Sohair Mehanna, pp. 3--17. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, +2010. + +Ilcan, Suzan, and Vicki Squire. "Syrian Experiences of Remaking Home: +Migratory Journeys, State Refugee Policies, and Negotiated Belonging." +In *Migration, Culture and Identity. Politics of +Citizenship and Migration*, edited by Yasmine Shamma, Suzan +Ilcan, Vicki Squire, and Helen Underhill, pp. 123--46. Cham: Palgrave +Macmillan, 2022. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12085-5_7](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12085-5_7) Jaritz, Horst. "Notes on Nubian Architecture." In *Nubians in Egypt: Peaceful People*, edited by Robert A. Fernea. 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Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2019. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118568446.eurs0551](https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118568446.eurs0551) + +Lawrence, Roderick J. "A More Humane History of Homes." In *Home +Environments*. Human Behavior and Environment (volume 8), edited by Irwin Altman and Carol M. Werner, pp. +113--32. Boston, MA: Springer, 1985. DOI: + + Leach, Neil. "Belonging: Towards a Theory of Identification with Space." -In *Habitus: A Sense of Place,* edited by Jean Hillier and Emma Rooksby, -pp. 297-313. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2016. +In *Habitus: A Sense of Place*, edited by Jean Hillier and Emma Rooksby, +pp. 297--313. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2016. -Lofland, Lyn H. *The Public Realm: Exploring the City's Quintessential -Social Territory. Communication and Social Order*. Hawthorne and New -York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1998. +Lenhard, Johannes, and Farhan Samanani. "Introduction: Ethnography, +Dwelling and Home-Making." In *Home: Ethnographic Encounters*, edited by +Johannes Lenhard and Farhan Samanani, pp. 1--29. London: Bloomsbury +Academic, 2020. -Obeid, Michelle. "Home-Making in the Diaspora Bringing Palestine to -London." In *Diaspora and Transnational Studies Companion*, edited by -Ato Quayson, and Girish Daswani, pp. 366-80. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & -Sons, 2013. +Long, Joanna C. "Diasporic Dwelling: the Poetics of Domestic Space." +*Gender, Place & Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography* 20/3 (2013): +pp. 329--45. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1080/0966369X.2012.674932](https://doi.org/10.1080/0966369X.2012.674932) + +Mallett, Shelley. "Understanding Home: A Critical Review of the +Literature." *The Sociological Review*, 52/1 (2004): pp. 62--89. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2004.00442.x](https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954X.2004.00442.x) Perez Murcia, Luis Eduardo. "Remaking a Place Called Home Following -Displacement." 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DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1177/1466138104048828](https://doi.org/10.1177/1466138104048828) + +Schultze, Henrik. "The Symbolic Construction of Community through +Place." In *The Routledge Handbook of Place*, edited by Tim +Edensor, Ares Kalandides, and Uma Kothari, pp. 285--93. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020. +Scudder, Thayer. *Aswan High Dam Resettlement of Egyptian Nubians*. +Singapore: Springer, 2016. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1935-7](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1935-7) + Smith, Stuart T. "Colonial Entanglements: Imperial Dictates and -Intercultural Interaction in Nubia." In *Archaeologies* *of Empire: -Local Participants and Imperial Trajectories,* edited by Anna L. Boozer, -B.S. Düring, and B.J. Parker, pp. 21-56. Santa Fe, NM: SAR & UNM Press, +Intercultural Interaction in Nubia." In *Archaeologies of Empire: +Local Participants and Imperial Trajectories*, edited by Anna L. Boozer, +B.S. Düring, and B.J. Parker, pp. 21--56. Santa Fe, NM: SAR & UNM Press, 2020. -United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935. - +Somerville, Peter. "The Social Construction of Home." *Journal of +Architectural and Planning Research* 14/3 (1997): pp. 226--45. -Hassan Fathy, +Waterson, Roxana. "Enduring Landscape, Changing Habitus: The Sa'dan +Toraja of Sulawesi, Indonesia." In *Habitus: A Sense of Place,* edited +by Jean Hillier and Emma Rooksby, pp. 334--54. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, +NY: Routledge, 2016. -[^1]: Smith, \"Colonial Entanglements.\" +Werner, Carol M., Irwin Altman, and Diana Oxley. "Temporal Aspects of +Homes: A Transactional Perspective." In *Home Environments*. Human +Behavior and Environment* (volume 8), +edited by Irwin Altman and Carol M. Werner, pp. 1--32. Boston, MA: +Springer, 1985. DOI: +[https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2266-3_1](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2266-3_1) -[^2]: Brah, *Cartographies of Diaspora*. +[^1]: Scudder, *Aswan High Dam Resettlement of Egyptian Nubians*. -[^3]: Riad and Abd el-Rasoul, *A Journey in the Time of Nubia*. +[^2]: Smith, "Colonial Entanglements." -[^4]: Khor: an Arabic word stands for a natural swale +[^3]: Hopkins and Mehanna, "The Nubian Ethnological + Survey"; Fernea and Rouchdy, "Nubian Culture + and Ethnicity." + +[^4]: Hopkins and Mehanna, "The Nubian Ethnological + Survey: History and Methods"; Scudder, *Aswan High Dam Resettlement + of Egyptian Nubians*. + +[^5]: As quoted in Mallett, "Understanding Home," p. 79. + +[^6]: Boccagni, Pérez Murcia, and Belloni, *Thinking Home + on the Move*; Werner, Altman, and Oxley, "Temporal Aspects of + Homes." + +[^7]: Blunt and Dowling, *Home*. + +[^8]: Dossa and Golubovic, "Reimagining Home in the Wake + of Displacement"; Ilcan and Squire, "Syrian Experiences of Remaking + Home"; Boccagni, Pérez Murcia, and Belloni, *Thinking Home on the + Move*. + +[^9]: Guetemme, "Collecting: The Migrant's Method for + Home-Making;" Boccagni, Pérez Murcia, and Belloni, *Thinking Home on + the Move.* + +[^10]: Blunt and Dowling, *Home;* Kusenbach and Paulsen, + "Home/House"; Mallett, "Understanding Home." + +[^11]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home Following + Displacement." + +[^12]: Riad and Abd el-Rasoul. *Rihla fi Zaman al-Nuba,* + p. 68. + +[^13]: Riad and Abd el-Rasoul. *Rihla fi Zaman al-Nuba,* + p. 132. + +[^14]: *Khor*: an Arabic word stands for a natural swale cutting through the desert plateau at right angles to the Nile. -[^5]: Shaʼreya: a vermicelli-like food with milk and sugar which was +[^15]: *Shaʼreya*: a vermicelli-like food with milk and sugar which was served as breakfast to the guests and to the bride and groom after the wedding. -[^6]: Karej: Nubian traditional plates weaved of brightly +[^16]: *Karej*: Nubian traditional plates weaved of brightly colored palm fiber strips. -[^7]: Arras: a young boy relative of the groom who accompanied him +[^17]: *Arras*: a young boy relative of the groom who accompanied him everywhere for the whole week prior to the wedding. His role was to serve the groom and "guard" him from his friends\' pranks. -[^8]: Bourdieu and Sayad, *Le déracinement*, p. 26. +[^18]: *Sandouq jally*: A wooden box where the bride can + store her clothes and perfumes. Its cover has a mirror on the + inside, and bright-colored engravings of the groom's name, the date + of the wedding, and Qur'anic verses are drawn on the box. -[^9]: Hage's, 1997: 102. +[^19]: *Kojara*: A traditional Nubian curtain was hung + across the room. -[^10]: Dovey, *Becoming Places*, p. 18. +[^20]: *Zikr*: The recitation of specific supplications to + God and praises of the Prophet Muhammad. -[^11]: Leach, "Belonging," p. 299. +[^21]: *Kaff*: A traditional Nubian dance + performed by men to the rhythm of *tar* and *noggar*, traditional + Nubian drums, and the strong clapping of the dancers. -[^12]: Korac, *Remaking Home*, p. 42. +[^22]: Chawla and Jones, "Introduction," p. xiii. -[^13]: Schultze, *The Symbolic Construction of Community Through Place*, - p. 291. +[^23]: Long, "Diasporic Dwelling," p. 335. -[^14]: Lofland, *The Public Realm*, p. 65. +[^24]: Bognar, "A Phenomenological Approach to + Architecture"; Dovey, "Home as Paradox." -[^15]: Obeid, *Home-Making in the Diaspora*, p. 374. +[^25]: Long, "Diasporic Dwelling," p. 333. -[^16]: Habib, \"The Search for Home." +[^26]: Bognar, "A Phenomenological Approach to + Architecture"; Dovey, "Home and Homelessness." -[^17]: Appadurai, \"The Production of Locality." +[^27]: Kusenbach and Paulsen, "Home/House." + +[^28]: Lenhard and Samanani, "Introduction," p. 4. + +[^29]: Waterson, "Enduring Landscape, Changing Habitus," + p.334. + +[^30]: Fernea, "The Blessed Land," p. 69. + +[^31]: Fernea and Kennedy, "Initial Adaptations to a New + Life for Egyptian Nubians"; Fernea, "The Blessed Land." + +[^32]: As quoted in Silverstein, "Of Rooting and + Uprooting," p. 562. + +[^33]: Kothari, "Introduction." + +[^34]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home + Following Displacement." + +[^35]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home + Following Displacement." + +[^36]: Somerville, "The Social Construction of Home"; + Kusenbach and Paulsen, "Home/House." + +[^37]: Korosec-Serfaty, "Experience and Use of the + Dwelling." + +[^38]: Lawrence, "A More Humane History of Homes." + +[^39]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home + Following Displacement." + +[^40]: Somerville, "The Social Construction of Home." + +[^41]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home + Following Displacement." + +[^42]: Dovey, *Becoming Places,* p. 18. + +[^43]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home + Following Displacement." + +[^44]: Leach, "Belonging," p. 299. + +[^45]: Korac, *Remaking Home*, p. 42. + +[^46]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home + Following Displacement," p. 470. + +[^47]: Schultze, "The Symbolic Construction of Community + through Place," p. 291. + +[^48]: As quoted in Schultze, "The Symbolic Construction + of Community through Place," p. 291 + +[^49]: As quoted in Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called + Home Following Displacement," p.473. + +[^50]: Korac, *Remaking Home.* + +[^51]: Korac, *Remaking Home;* Leach, "Belonging"; Dovey, + *Becoming Places.* + +[^52]: As quoted in Korac, *Remaking Home*, p. 26. + +[^53]: Leach, "Belonging." + +[^54]: Appadurai, "The Production of Locality." diff --git a/content/article/twonubias.md b/content/article/twonubias.md deleted file mode 100644 index c9faac9..0000000 --- a/content/article/twonubias.md +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1009 +0,0 @@ ---- -title: "A Tale of Two *Nubias*" -authors: ["abdelsadeq.md"] -abstract: For centuries, the Nubians lived between the First and Fourth Cataracts of the Nile as an ethno-linguistic group united by their language, customs and distinctive architecture. However, the construction of the High Dam in 1964 led to the displacement of Nubian villages from their historical sites to another location completely different to the environment in which the Nubian culture arose and developed. In this research I examine the daily life in Abu Hor, a Nubian village in both Old and New Nubia as a case study to explore how the Nubians could remake their homes and homeland in the aftermath of their displacement. I use auto-ethnographic tools to understand the material and social techniques they had developed to create a sense of home in New Nubia. The research demonstrates how the displacement of Nubians and the changing spatial context have deeply affected their culture, and how the Nubians could create new images of home and new cultural practices for belonging through sixty years. -keywords: ["Old Nubia", "New Nubia", "home-making", "homing", "displacement", "homeland"] ---- - -# Introduction - -For more than fifteen centuries, Nubians lived in the Nile Valley -between the First Cataract at Aswan in southern Egypt and the Fourth -Cataract upstream from Dongola in Sudan. The cataract at Aswan, and the -barren deserts on either side of the valley isolated Nubians from other -neighboring groups, enabling them to retain their cohesiveness as an -ethno-linguistic group with distinguishing cultural traditions. Much of -the Nubian region consisted of rocky shoreline. The arable lands were -restricted to a narrow fringe of alluvial deposits, which was not enough -encouraging for permanent colonization by the empires of ancient and -medieval times (ancient Egyptian, Roman, Islamic, and so on). However, -Nubia was perceived as "The Corridor to Africa" by these same empires. -This unique situation permitted the partial independence of Nubia while -under the political influence of these empires,[^1] enabling the Nubians -to creatively adopt the belief systems of neighboring empires. These -systems became entangled with long-standing Nubian traditions.[^2] - -After the construction of the Aswan dam in 1902, and its subsequent -heightening in 1912 and 1933, Northern Nubian (Arabic: *Kenuz*) -villages, were submerged under the Nile waters. This submersion forced -the Kenuz Nubians to rebuild their houses at higher levels each time. -Also, most of the agricultural land in Kenuz villages became inundated -for most of the year. Cultivation was only possible along a narrow strip -of the plain for two months during the summer. This impoverishment -forced Nubian men to migrate to Egyptian cities in search for work, -while women and children were left behind in Nubia. In Egypt, Nubian men -learned to speak Arabic and were partially acculturated by the Egyptian -culture. Thus, the isolation of Nubians that had lasted for centuries -gradually changed.[^3] - -Despite the heightening of the Aswan dam, the effects of the Nile -flooding were devastating along the Valley and the Delta villages -causing much loss in life and property. Therefore, the new Egyptian -regime in 1954 decided to build the High Dam, a new dam in Aswan higher -than the already existing one. This meant that the entirety of Nubia was -to be submerged under the lake created behind the new dam. So, it was -decided to relocate the Nubians to the Kom Ombo area, 50 km north of -Aswan City. This resettlement plan compacted Egyptian Nubia from 39 -villages along 320 kilometers of the Nile into 33 villages occupying a -60-kilometer-long crescent away from the Nile in the desert.[^4] Several -studies discussed the challenges of the Nubian resettlement after -displacement. These studies focused, however, on "home-building" issues -and the wide dissatisfaction among the Nubians towards their new houses -and resettlements, but they say very little on "home-making" practices -and efforts undertaken by the Nubians in the aftermath of their -displacement. - -The experience of forced displacement deeply unsettles the -taken-for-granted sense of home. When the displaced person lives in a -new place, he/she does not feel like at home automatically. Home is much -more than a house or a shelter, rather it is a complex and multi-layered -concept. Some of these layers are existential; the "immersion of a self -in a locality."[^5] Home is a physical place that embodies the state of -being-at-home with its particular emotions; privacy, familiarity, -safety, comfort, control, and the expression of personal identity and -the social norms of the community.[^6] Thus, home does not simply exist, -but is made and lived.[^7] The term home-making or homing implies an -ongoing process that turns a meaningless space into a home.[^8] Material -and social practices of home-making are undertaken to overcome the -displacement gap by reflecting one's expectations not only in his/her -new house, but also the larger public environment in the neighborhood -and the city.[^9] While *home* is materially made by building -structures, placing furniture and decorating the house, it is socially -made through both routinized activities and seasonal social practices -including domestic chores, caring of the household members, relaxation, -celebrating birthdays and religious rituals, communicating with -neighbors, and so on.[^10] - -In this research, I explore how the people of Abu Hor, a Kenuz Nubian -village, could remake their homes and homeland in the aftermath of their -displacement in December 1964. I am drawing on the scholarship on -home-making practices in diverse contexts of displacement, as well as -auto-ethnographic research based on narratives from elderly people with -whom I talked in order to understand the techniques they had developed -to deal with the new home life in resettlement, a life that was far from -the life they had already experienced. The research begins with an -explanation of the built environment of old Abu Hor and the -socio-cultural values that created and ordered this environment. Then, -the research focuses on the different material and social practices that -they used to create a sense of home in new Abu Hor. Finally, the -research ends with an analysis of the home-making process based on the -framework of Perez Murcia,[^11] who proposed that home can be remade in -terms of four aspects: material place, familiar landscape, social world, -and emotional space. The conclusion of the research underscores the main -outcomes of the home-making process with its challenges, resolutions, as -well as cultural continuity and change. - -# Before displacement - -My family originated from a small Kenuz Nubian village called Abu Hor. -The old Abu Hor was located about sixty kilometers south of the city of -Aswan, near Kalabsha village and its famous temple. The post steamboat -was the only means of transportation linking Nubian villages to Egypt, -starting from the village of Al-Shalal in Aswan to Wadi Halfa on the -Egyptian Sudanese border, passing through all the Egyptian Nubian -villages. This steamboat used to pass by our village on Wednesdays -coming from Aswan and on Mondays returning from Wadi Halfa. It carried -passengers, goods, letters, and money orders from migrating men to their -families in the village. - -The topography of the old Abu Hor was rough; the Nile banks comprised of -high rock plateaus overlooking the river, leaving small plain pockets on -few locations. Kawthar Abd El-Rasoul and Mohamed Riad visited the -village in 1962 and described it. Their description is worth quoting at -length: - -> This was the first time we saw Abu Hor on a summer morning, and the -> view was beautiful, (...) , the Nile had dropped below its winter -> level by about twenty meters or a little less, and we were (...) -> raising our eyes to a rock wall more than fifty meters high, and at -> the foot of the rock wall, there was a green strip no more than fifty -> meters wide, and on top of the rocks were scattered high houses, and -> due to the height, we could only see the edges of their decorated -> walls for long distances..... -> -> After about half an hour, the rock wall of Abu Hor retreated in a -> large arc, and opened up into a small agricultural basin whose depth -> did not exceed one hundred and fifty meters inward. The cultivated -> areas in this small plain did not exceed several narrow strips, while -> green grass covered the remaining areas. Numbers of camels, perhaps -> more than twenty-five camels, and numbers of goats and sheep spread -> throughout the area......[^12] -> -> A little before four o\'clock we reached the hamlets of Abu Hor. The -> Nile is much narrower, the eastern plateau is high and continuous for -> kilometers, the western bank is less high and continuous and consists -> of groups of unconnected hills.[^13] - -![Photograph of old Abu Hor in 1962. Photo from Riad and Abd el-Rasoul (2014: p. 293/b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig1.jpg "Photograph of old Abu Hor in 1962. Photo from Riad and Abd el-Rasoul (2014: p. 293/b).") - -**~~Figure 1. Photograph of old Abu Hor in 1962. Photo from Riad and Abd el-Rasoul (2014: p. 293/b).~~** - - -Abu Hor extended for ten kilometers and included 23 hamlets built on the -rugged lands at the eastern and western fringes of the valley, leaving -the narrow plain for agriculture. These hamlets extended thinly along -the Nile and were separated from each other by topographic features like -khor[^14] and steep hills. During the summer, as the water level of the -Nile used to recede, khor lands became visible and people often moved -between the hamlets by donkey or on foot. In winter, the water of the -Aswan reservoir filled the valley and backed up into the khors, making -hamlets' sites like peninsulas, so small felucca sailboats ferried the -people across the hamlets. - -Since most social relations were associated with hamlets, the village -lacked the real structure of a social unit. Even so, the village had a -role of cohesiveness. It served as an administrative unit under the -supervision of a governmentally appointed mayor (Arabic: *omda*) whose -guesthouse was the place where the people of Abu Hor gathered to make -crucial decisions that concerned the entire village. The old village had -three primary schools, a telegraph office, and a health center. These -facilities were distributed among the different hamlets, and served not -only the people of *Abu Hor*, but also the adjacent villages. - -![Map of the hamlets of old *Abu Hor* in 1937. Source: .](../static/images/sadeq/fig2.jpg "Map of the hamlets of old *Abu Hor* in 1937. Source: .") - -**~~Figure 2. Map of the hamlets of old *Abu Hor* in 1937. Source: .~~** - - -The people of Abu Hor belonged to seven tribes, or maximal lineages, -which were divided among major lineages distributed over hamlets. Each -hamlet (Arabic: *nag'*) consisted of minor lineages forming a -patrilineal descent group that had lived in the hamlet for generations -and shared kinship ties. The nag' created a sense of belonging, as -people used to refer to themselves by their hamlet and particular -descent group, which were believed to express pride and distinctive -personalities. - -The nag' served as the main social unit that formed the Nubian society. -It was the actual unit of community life that was organized through -propinquity and kinship bonds and carried important social obligations, -such as endogamous marriage, purchase on credit, mutual aid in times of -need, and taking care for the families of migrating men. The nag' served -as the appropriate domain for women to participate in social life. While -men were more concerned with village affairs and could move freely -between hamlets and villages, women were restricted to their nag' where -they practiced social and economic activities, ranging from subsistence -farming and raising livestock to participating in nag' events such as -weddings, funerals, and religious festivals. - -The nag' offered the pattern of co-residence that maintained the -isolated and conservative life of the Nubians so that the foreigner -could be identified easily. Although there was no structural plan, the -nag' was a planned settlement, designed by its occupants according to -their needs and culture. The placement of dwellings was based on family -ties and the natural environment as well. It was customary for -individuals to build their houses on any even tract of land adjacent to -their relatives in order to have help nearby in case of need. The -dwellings that made up the nag' followed the natural contours of the -rocky fringes of the valley. The houses that overlooked the Nile were -detached, or semi--detached, forming clustered terraces, while the -houses that extended inland were freestanding and grouped together -around an open area. Usually there were three or four houses in each of -these arrangements. In the center of the nag', there was a large open -space where the mosque and few shops were located. The communal -guesthouse (Arabic: *sabeel*) which was used for the nag' men -gatherings, entertaining and housing male guests was also placed in the -central open space. Each nag' also maintained a cemetery and a shrine -for the local saint in its hinterland. - -![Houses in old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 169/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig3.jpg "Houses in old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 169/a).") - -**~~Figure 3. Houses in old Abu Hor overlooking the Nile. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 169/a).~~** - -![A nag' in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 171/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig4.jpg "A nag' in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 171/a).") - -**~~Figure 4. A nag' in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 171/a).~~** - - -The traditional house in Old Nubia was not only a shelter, but it was -also the center of most Nubian rites. The design of the house had a -strong connection to the natural environment, especially to the -topography and the climate. It also reflected Nubian social norms and -the economic condition of the proprietor. A typical house in old Abu Hor -was built of fieldstone and plastered with mud and composed of a big -walled courtyard with vaulted rooms built at the northern part of the -courtyard, while the main entrance and the loggia were often located in -the southern part and were open to the north in order to allow the best -possible access to north wind. Livestock enclosures were built in the -eastern or southern part of the courtyard, but with a separate entrance. -Guest rooms were not common in Abu Hor houses. However, the entrance -hall and the bench (Arabic: *mastaba*) built near the entrance gate -served the purpose of the guest room. The entrance hall was a -transitional zone between the semi-public, male domain outside, and the -private, female domain inside the house. The courtyard was a vital part -of the traditional Nubian house. It was not just an empty space; rather, -it was the hub for all female activity such as grinding cereals, baking -*doka* bread, and raising livestock. The courtyard also served as a -guest area for women to meet, especially on the occasion of weddings, -funerals, and other events. - -![Plan of a house in old Abu Hor in 1964. Graphic from Jaritz (1973: Fig. 21 B5b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig5.jpg "Plan of a house in old Abu Hor in 1964. Graphic from Jaritz (1973: Fig. 21 B5b).") - -**~~Figure 5. Plan of a house in old Abu Hor in 1964. Graphic from Jaritz (1973: Fig. 21 B5b).~~** - -![Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1962. Graphic by Amany Abdelsadeq from Hassan Fathy drawing (1962). Source: .](../static/images/sadeq/fig6.jpg "Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1962. Graphic by Amany Abdelsadeq from Hassan Fathy drawing (1962). Source: .") - -**~~Figure 6. Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1962. Graphic by Amany Abdelsadeq from Hassan Fathy drawing (1962). Source: .~~** - -![A traditional house in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p.168/b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig7.jpg "A traditional house in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p.168/b).") - -**~~Figure 7. A traditional house in old Abu Hor. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p.168/b).~~** - - -Nubian ceremonies have always been the most noticeable and distinct -feature of Nubian culture reflecting its rich and intermingled history -through the ages. The ceremonies were of great symbolic importance in -the social life of Nubians. They were not just diversion from the -routines of everyday life but also had the function of uniting the nag', -reinforcing ties within community, and maintaining its solidarity, as -the ceremonies were occasions for reuniting migrants in different -Egyptian cities with their relatives in the village. - -As Muslims, the Nubians celebrated the famous Islamic feasts, *Eid -al-Fitr* and *Eid al-Adha*. In these occasions, the hamlet (nag') was -the ritual unit where all rites were performed. After the Eid prayer, -the men used to make a procession to each house in their own hamlet to -congratulate their relatives for the feast. However, the Nubians had two -ceremonies that can be considered as distinctively Nubian: the wedding -ceremonies, and the local Islamic celebrations *moulid*. - -Wedding rituals varied between seven and fourteen days in length. The -rituals used to start right after a new marriage was arranged and -announced. All the women and young females living in the nag' were -expected to assemble in the house of the bride\'s family to assist in -grinding the wheat to make *shaʼreya*,[^15] while the men would visit -the groom to congratulate him. Before marriage, the bride, dressed in -her bridal gown and accompanied by an elderly female relative, had to -visit all the houses around the nag' to announce the day for starting -the wedding ceremonies. In turn, the women offered gifts of *karej*[^16] -or a china plate. Then the bride would continue to visit all the major -saints\' shrines in the village and to *Abu Asha* shrine in the adjacent -village, *Murwaw*. The groom, dressed in his bridal attire, carrying a -whip, riding a camel and accompanied by the *arras*,[^17] had to visit -all the guesthouses in the village to invite the men of other hamlets to -his wedding. - -Wedding ceremonies were occasions for three days and nights of communal -feasting and dancing in both the bride\'s and the groom\'s houses. On -the morning of the wedding day (the third day of wedding ceremonies), -the relatives and friends of the groom would bring his *sandouq* -*jally*[^18] and hung the *kojara*[^19] in the bride\'s house. After the -guests had eaten the *fatta* lunch at the groom\'s house, they would -form a procession with the groom\'s family to the local shrine before -going to the bride\'s house, passing in front of the *nag'* houses while -sessions of singing and dancing were carried on accompanied by gunshots -and joyful ululations of the women. - -![A traditional wedding ceremony in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 158/b).](../static/images/sadeq/fig8.jpg "A traditional wedding ceremony in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 158/b).") - -**~~Figure 8. A traditional wedding ceremony in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 158/b).~~** - -![A picture of sandouq jally. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 39/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig9.jpg "A picture of sandouq jally. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 39/a).") - -**~~Figure 9. A picture of sandouq jally. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 39/a).~~** - -The local Saints (Arabic: *sheikh*) have an important ritual ceremony -called moulid, a festival day designated as the sheikh's birthday, -usually on the fifteenth of the Islamic month of *Shaʼbān*. The moulid -was both a religious and social occasion that was celebrated by men, -women and children. The whole nag' used to combine their financial -resources in order to host the ceremonies, demonstrating their -generosity and prestige among other hamlets. From the early morning of -the moulid day, boatloads of people from neighboring villages along with -the village residents used to make long processions to the square of the -saint\'s shrine, where the men were chanting *zikr*[^20] and dancing the -*kaff* dance,[^21] the women were offering sacrificial sheep to be -slaughtered, cooked and eaten in the communal feast afterwards, and the -children were enjoying the joyful atmosphere and buying sweets and toys -from travelling vendors. The people of Abu Hor celebrated eight moulids -in different hamlets in the village, and five other moulids in the -adjacent villages. - -![*Moulid* celebration in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 157/a).](../static/images/sadeq/fig10.jpg "*Moulid* celebration in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 157/a).") - -**~~Figure 10. *Moulid* celebration in old *Abu* *Hor*. Photo from Hassan and Hassan (2000: p. 157/a).~~** - -# After displacement - -On the 27th of December 1963, the displacement of the people of Abu -Hor began to their village in New Nubia. There, the new Abu Hor is one -of the five villages that are under the administrative local council of -Kalabsha, a main village which provides the neighboring villages with -social, educational and administrative services. - -The new Abu Hor was planned according to a grid pattern; the main -streets were oriented north-south and secondary streets crossed at right -angles. In the first phase of resettlement, the houses were -significantly smaller than in Old Nubia and were arranged back-to-back -in long rows based on four prototypes of houses that ranged from one to -four bedrooms. These houses were distributed according to family size; -however, this arrangement ignored the socio-spatial structure -characteristic of the Nubian villages before displacement. Relatives and -the elderly who had lived nearby in old Nubia were allocated houses far -from each other. And women, who were confined to their hamlet, found -themselves surrounded by strange neighbors from other hamlets. For -instance, my paternal grandfather (Sayed) was assigned a -three-bedroom-house away from the house of his grandfather (Ali). Thus, -the new settings in resettlement disturbed the established social fabric -of the village. - -Moreover, many families didn't even receive a house in the first phase -of resettlement, so they had to live with relatives in their new small -houses. This situation was further exacerbated after the 1967 war, when -the migrant families who were living in Suez, Ismailia, and Port Said -had to evacuate these cities and moved back to new Abu Hor to live with -their relatives. This crowding had even worsened the living conditions -in the new village. - -In 1970, my mother\'s family received their house (Faris' house in -Figure 11) as one of the second phase typical houses; a -thirteen-by-twenty-meter house that consisted of a courtyard, two small -bedrooms, a kitchen, and a bathroom. The walls were made of limestone -cut from nearby quarries, with 0.40m thickness and 3-meter height, while -the flat roof was made of reinforced concrete to allow the building of a -second storey using the bearing walls technique. However, this house -form disregarded the climatic and social considerations characteristic -of the traditional Nubian house. The kitchen was so small that there was -no space to store food and supplies. The rooms were also much smaller -than their house in old Abu Hor. The placement of the rooms along the -southern side of the house allowed the heat to penetrate into them, in -addition to the heat that came in from the uninsulated roof. Surrounded -by other houses on three sides, the northern winds could not reach the -house, making the living conditions intolerable during the summer -months. - -![Layout of new Abu Hor. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.](../static/images/sadeq/fig11.jpg "Layout of new Abu Hor. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.") - -**~~Figure 11. Layout of new Abu Hor. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.~~** - -![Governmental houses and the communal tap of *Kalabsha* and *Abu Hor* in New Nubia, as well as a new shrine built by the people of *Kalabsha*. Photo by Ralph Crane (1964). Courtesy of the LIFE Picture Collection.](../static/images/sadeq/fig12.jpg "Governmental houses and the communal tap of *Kalabsha* and *Abu Hor* in New Nubia, as well as a new shrine built by the people of *Kalabsha*. Photo by Ralph Crane (1964). Courtesy of the LIFE Picture Collection.") - -**~~Figure 12. Governmental houses and the communal tap of *Kalabsha* and *Abu Hor* in New Nubia, as well as a new shrine built by the people of *Kalabsha*. Photo by Ralph Crane (1964). Courtesy of the LIFE Picture Collection.~~** - - -They had to make alterations in the house in order to suit their way of -life. A larger kitchen was built to be spacious enough for cooking and -storing dried food and supplies, while the former kitchen had become a -bedroom, in addition to building a new room for the children. As in Old -Nubia, the façade was plastered with mud and whitewashed, and the low -clay bench *mastaba* was built in front of the house, adding more space -for hospitality and neighbors\' gatherings. Occasionally, they were -spending their afternoons on their orchard, where they planted palm -trees and a Roselle shrub. - -![My grandparents\' house before and after alterations. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.](../static/images/sadeq/fig13.jpg "My grandparents\' house before and after alterations. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.") - -**~~Figure 13. My grandparents\' house before and after alterations. Graphic: Amany Abdelsadeq.~~** - - -The people of *Abu-Hor* tried to recreate the sense of community in -their new village through undertaking several cooperative projects. -Every row of houses cooperated in cleaning the street and planting -trees. The whole village collected money to build a communal guesthouse -(*sabeel*) not only for accommodating visitors, but also as a gathering -place where men can meet in the evening, hold public meetings, and -gather in communal feasts in weddings and Eid al-Adha. Moreover, an -elderly woman, who was a custodian of a saint's shrine in old Abu Hor, -built a shrine in the new village. - -Nubian ceremonies maintained their importance in the social life of the -Nubians after displacement, but they have been adjusted to conform to -the new place. For instance, the people of Abu Hor used to celebrate -eight *moulids* in different hamlets in the old village, and the other -five *moulids* in the adjacent villages. After displacement, they -celebrated only one, the "Five Domes" *moulid* in *Murwaw* village, -which was celebrated on the fifteen of *Shaaban* by tens of *Kenuz* men, -women, and children by chanting *zikr*, dancing *kaff*, and communal -feast as in Old Nubia. Rather than *moulids*, the famous Islamic feasts; -*Eid al-Fitr* and *Eid al-Adha* gained a growing importance in Nubian -social life after displacement. In these occasions, the men make a -procession to each house in the village to congratulate for the feast. -Also, wedding customs were adapted for increased participation by the -whole village residents, friends from nearby villages, and migrant -relatives in Egyptian cities. While the bride celebrates in her family's -house with her friends and the women of the village, the groom holds a -wedding party for the men in the open space in front of the guesthouse -(*sabeel*). - -# Discussion - -*Home*, as the French philosopher Gaston Bachelard described it, is "our -corner of the world,"[^22] a "binding principle of human life .... -Without it, man would be a dispersed being."[^23] Home is the -ontological human urge to feel inside a place capable of providing -"dwelling" biologically, emotionally and socially. Dwelling, here, means -how people affirm their own existence and express their personal and -cultural identities,[^24] as Heidegger explains, "The way in which we -are and I am, the manner in which we are humans on earth, is -dwelling."[^25] Home also entails an important aspect supplied by the -environmental context and the special character of the place itself. It -is the spirit of place, or what the Romans called the *genius loci*, -which arises from the complex interplay of the significant aspects of -the place, including buildings, topographical features, climatic -conditions, in addition to people and human activities.[^26] The concept -of home also indicates a social place in which one feels belonging to a -community or a group of people, who share common experiences and -cultural practices.[^27] We can summarize the concept of home as -"wherever, or however, we feel at home."[^28] - -Over centuries, Nubians lived in their hamlets and villages, enjoying -their beautiful Nubia, being interrelated by their distinctive culture -which grew out of time and place. They shaped their local environment -around them by interacting with the landscape and leaving traces in it, -so, over time, Nubians became "implicated in the landscape."[^29] Even -after building the Aswan Dam in 1902 and the migration of Nubian men to -work in Egyptian cities, they insisted to rebuild their villages at -higher levels in the same locations. They considered Old Nubia their -blessed land, where the land and water were superior to anywhere else, -and where peacefulness and honesty prevailed. Being stigmatized in -Egypt, Nubia was for the Nubians "the true home among one\'s own -people,"[^30] where they felt a sense of personal worth and importance -in their own communities. Despite being vacant most of the year, their -houses had great symbolic importance; reflecting the prosperity of its -owners, a source of their pride and self-esteem, and providing a place -for relatives' gatherings at weddings, deaths or religious -festivals.[^31] - -The Nubian house was rooted in the natural landscape on which it was -built. It embodied the social world of Nubian society with its basic -values and hierarchies. The house was spatially organized to invert the -fundamental oppositions within Nubia: North/South, Nile/mountain, -public/private, male/female, human/animal. Moreover, the domestic -spatial divisions enabled inhabitants to practice traditional Nubian -rituals, especially for women. In wedding ceremonies, for instance, the -women of the nag' gathered in the courtyard of the bride's house to -participate in a seven-day ritual period of cooking, singing and -dancing. Thus, the courtyard had to be wide enough to accommodate the -guests attending these ceremonies. Similarly, other Nubian rituals were -practiced by women domestically. The Nubian house functioned as a -generative mechanism for the Nubian culture, reproducing its elements -for the inhabitants. As Bourdieu and Sayad stated, "the structure of -habitat is the symbolic projection of the most fundamental structures of -a culture."[^32] - -The Nubian house served as the centerpiece of all Nubian social -organization. The spatial configurations separated the house from the -patrilineal agglomeration (nag') and the nag' from other agglomerations. -These divisions reflected the Nubian social hierarchy in a unitary -symbolic order. Therefore, the traditional Nubian house and village were -the reflection of the Nubian culture, where all life functions occur in -harmony. - -However, the Nubian social life with its infinite rhythm faced a sudden -and dramatic transformation after the construction of the High Dam in -1964. The resettlement policies that relocated the Nubians placed them -in a very different natural and physical environment: planned villages -in the desert removed from the Nile. Displacement, as experienced by -Nubians driven from their homes and from their homeland, overturned the -Nubian social organization. Such transformations in domestic space had -an indelible effect on their culture. - -Following displacement, as people are forced to leave their homelands, a -place where they felt socially, culturally and emotionally embedded, -they are likely to experience a sense of loss of belonging. Therefore, -emplacement is not simply re-placing people in a new place, but it is a -continuous process of making one's place in the world. Emplacement -implies the social processes, relations and encounters through which -displaced people engage with the new environment and therefore transform -the new place into a personalized and socialized one. Emplacement -emphasizes the concept of place as a process of embeddedness and -socio-affective attachment and also emphasizes the role of displaced -people in place-making processes.[^33] - -The loss of a home due to displacement is such a socially disorienting, -disempowering and disruptive process that remaking one involves a -lengthy effort with no obvious start or end point. The process of -remaking a home entails more than building a physical place of shelter -and finding a source of livelihood. It requires inhabitants to establish -a feeling of being at home. This process of feeling at home involves -four dimensions: a material place, a familiar landscape, a social world, -and an emotional and existential place.[^34] - -The home is not only a place where individuals can satisfy their basic -needs and protect themselves from harm threatening otherness (weather -conditions, animals, or people).[^35] It is also a place where dwellers -can take control of their own boundaries and express their personal and -social identities within them. Living in a place in which individuals -have no control over or ability to express themselves within; where they -cannot change the furnishings or the decorations, can be a deeply -frustrating. It compromises their ability to feel at home.[^36] Houses -are seldom built by their inhabitants. Thus, it is the identification, -ornamentation, and personalization processes that people enact to -transform a house into a home.[^37] According to Bourdieu, domestic -space is appropriated by the resident according to a system of customs -that are generated by past residential experience which he called -\"habitus.\" Thus, the acts of appropriation from past experience, like -building a mastaba and whitewashing the house, not only connect the -inhabitants spatially with the places in which they dwell but also -connect them with the past and the future.[^38] - -Regaining the sense of being at home was also achieved through -familiarization with the new milieu, including its natural and physical -features.[^39] This is a process whereby strange places and people -become familiar.[^40] This process involved different scales of place, -from the specific home to the whole village. The meaningless house is -transformed into a home through daily practices and repetitive behavior -in everyday life events. The actions create familiarity and therefore a -sense of home,[^41] as Kim Dovey describes: - -> Becoming at home is linked to the 'refrain', a form of expression with -> a different meaning every time it is repeated, as a song ventures -> forward with each verse before returning to the refrain.[^42] - -Not only the house, but the streets, the mosque, the communal taps, the -orchards all take on a sense of familiarity that makes one feel at home. -Familiarity was created when people possessed a maximal spatial -knowledge of the new village and its features became familiar through -daily movement along the same paths,[^43] which Michel de Certeau called -"The opacity of the body." - -> In movement, gesticulating, walking, taking its pleasure, is what -> indefinitely organizes a here in relation to an abroad, a -> \"familiarity\" in relation to a \"foreignness\"[^44] - -As Korac stresses, "emplacement does not take place in a social vacuum; -rather it occurs within the context of intra -- and inter-group -relations."[^45] Creating a sense of home in new Abu Hor required -reconstructing a social world in the new village based on shared -traditions and values after centuries of belonging to nag' kin groups. -Reconstructing this social world aimed to regaining a sense of belonging -to a community, where "one recognizes people as 'one's own' and where -one feels recognized by them as such."[^46] - -Through everyday social practices, visiting and chatting with neighbors -on mastabas, the people of Abu Hor could create new social attachments -within the place of resettlement, thus, creating a sense of home. -Building the village guesthouse (Sabeel) was another way the people of -Abu-Hor could reconstruct their social world, by creating "new material -forms which symbolize a former community."[^47] The guesthouse could be -conceived as a "memorialized locale" which symbolizes the lifestyle of -the past culture.[^48] - -Displacement involved separating from a place that Nubians described as -"homely," a place where they had felt emotionally embedded. Displacement -was an experience full of emotional distress; whether grief for the -place left behind, the struggle of living in the present or worrying for -the future. This emotional distress of being displaced remained until -people were able to remake emotional attachments in the new village. -However, the reconstruction of the emotional feeling of being at home -did not happen automatically; for a long time, people continued to -reflect on differences between the old Abu Hor and the new village. - -The people of Abu Hor could reconstruct the emotional feeling of being -at home by replicating their social and cultural traditions of Old Nubia -in the new village, such as life-cycle rituals and celebrating religious -ceremonies. Although the new setting lacked the geographical features in -which these traditions were practiced -- the Nile, hills, old shrines, -and so on -- creativity and imagination helped them to reproduce -cultural traditions by evoking the landscape that they were forced to -abandon. As Obeid explains "what seems like a yearning for the past can -contribute very much to the creation of the present and the -future."[^49] - -# Conclusion - -For more than fifteen centuries, Egyptian Nubians had lived in isolated -villages on the banks of the Nile, surviving the harsh environment and -the competing empires, and had slowly developed a distinctive culture -that successfully responded to numerous crises. However, the building of -the Aswan High Dam and the subsequent resettlement of Nubians in a -desert habitat has been the greatest shock to their culture that has -been characterized by continuity and change. Yet, Nubian culture did not -collapse by the backwaters of the High Dam, the vitality and flexibility -of the Nubians helped them to adjust to the different natural and social -milieu while retaining a strong sense of their historical and cultural -identity. - -The idea that Nubia no longer exists made the (re)production of homeland -as a mythical place necessary for maintaining their identity.[^50] This -research illustrated the varied strategies undertaken by Nubians to -reconstruct homeland in new settlements. These strategies included house -alterations, symbolic recreation of places depicting places in Old Nubia -such as the shrine and the community guesthouse, practicing Nubian -rituals, and celebrating religious and social ceremonies. All these -strategies were significant in transforming the unfamiliar resettlement -place into a home. - -Now, after sixty years of displacement, many of the older generation -have died and much of the old Nubian culture will soon be gone. The -younger generations of Nubians in resettlement villages at New Nubia, -most of them born after displacement, speak Arabic, wear Egyptian -costumes, and live in multi-storey houses. Since displacement, many of -the customs associated with the Old Nubia had already gone, and -progressive reductions in all non-Islamic rituals have been going on for -years. One example is the fact that Abu Hor, which previously had eight -moulids, now has none. The famous Islamic feast Eid al-Adha gains more -importance as migrant Nubian families in Cairo, Alexandria, and other -Egyptian cities charter trains and buses every year to spend their -vacation in resettlement villages. Also, Nubian wedding ceremonies -became, except for the songs and dancing, like that of other Egyptians. -However, wedding ceremonies continue to be an important event in the -Nubians' social life. All that indicates that neither migration from -Nubia nor displacement have totally ended the continuity of the Nubian -culture. Although greatly acculturated, the Nubian society remains -distinctly unique, where Nubian traditions and values continue to be -determinants of behavior. - -Former narratives of Nubians' displacement were often colored by the -rosy view of Old Nubia, which became a mythical place to which Nubians -still long to return. Such narratives emanate from the static and fixed -Heideggerian ontology of being-in-the-world, which conceive of home and -homeland as a place of rootedness.[^51] However, the Nubian -displacement, and other experiences of displacement worldwide, challenge -this discourse. Even after displacement disrupted people's social worlds --- the individuals' sense of being at home and their social relations -- -the displaced are often able to recreate home, or what Naila Habib calls -"the evolving meaning of home ... as a dynamic and constantly changing -process."[^52] This dynamic notion of home denotes that belonging to a -place can be understood as fluid territorialization through giving -meaning to the place by individual and collective behavior,[^53] which -reminds us of Appadurai\'s thesis on the production of locality. -According to his thesis, a locality is not a given, but it is created by -social activities, ritual practices, and the collective effort of the -community to socialize the space and localize the people.[^54] In the -case of Abu Hor, villagers turned to traditional practices in addition -to building of a shrine and a community guesthouse in the new village, -which illustrates this process of (re)construction not only of Abu Hor -but also of the bond between the people and their new locality. - -Indeed, this research does not aim to romanticize nor to underestimate -the precarious circumstances of Nubian displacement. Instead, the -intention of this research is to acknowledge the significance of the -contributions by Nubians to produce alternative meanings despite the -modularization of their new top -- built environment. Rather than -associating the Nubian displacement merely with loss and passivity, this -research discussed the resiliency and the spatial practices through -which Nubians could contribute to processes of homemaking and -(re)territorialization on different spatial scales. - -# Bibliography - -Appadurai, Arjun. "The Production of Locality." In *Counterworks: -Managing the Diversity of Knowledge*, edited by Richard Fardon, pp. -208--28. London: Routledge, 1995. - -Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. *Home*. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: -Routledge, 2006. - -Brah, Avtar. *Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities*. 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"The Social Construction of Home." *Journal of -Architectural and Planning Research* 14/3 (1997): pp. 226--45. - -Waterson, Roxana. "Enduring Landscape, Changing Habitus: The Sa'dan -Toraja of Sulawesi, Indonesia." In *Habitus: A Sense of Place,* edited -by Jean Hillier and Emma Rooksby, pp. 334--54. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, -NY: Routledge, 2016. - -Werner, Carol M., Irwin Altman, and Diana Oxley. "Temporal Aspects of -Homes: A Transactional Perspective." In *Home Environments*. Human -Behavior and Environment* (volume 8), -edited by Irwin Altman and Carol M. Werner, pp. 1--32. Boston, MA: -Springer, 1985. DOI: -[https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2266-3_1](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2266-3_1) - -[^1]: Scudder, *Aswan High Dam Resettlement of Egyptian Nubians*. - -[^2]: Smith, "Colonial Entanglements." - -[^3]: Hopkins and Mehanna, "The Nubian Ethnological - Survey"; Fernea and Rouchdy, "Nubian Culture - and Ethnicity." - -[^4]: Hopkins and Mehanna, "The Nubian Ethnological - Survey: History and Methods"; Scudder, *Aswan High Dam Resettlement - of Egyptian Nubians*. - -[^5]: As quoted in Mallett, "Understanding Home," p. 79. - -[^6]: Boccagni, Pérez Murcia, and Belloni, *Thinking Home - on the Move*; Werner, Altman, and Oxley, "Temporal Aspects of - Homes." - -[^7]: Blunt and Dowling, *Home*. - -[^8]: Dossa and Golubovic, "Reimagining Home in the Wake - of Displacement"; Ilcan and Squire, "Syrian Experiences of Remaking - Home"; Boccagni, Pérez Murcia, and Belloni, *Thinking Home on the - Move*. - -[^9]: Guetemme, "Collecting: The Migrant's Method for - Home-Making;" Boccagni, Pérez Murcia, and Belloni, *Thinking Home on - the Move.* - -[^10]: Blunt and Dowling, *Home;* Kusenbach and Paulsen, - "Home/House"; Mallett, "Understanding Home." - -[^11]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home Following - Displacement." - -[^12]: Riad and Abd el-Rasoul. *Rihla fi Zaman al-Nuba,* - p. 68. - -[^13]: Riad and Abd el-Rasoul. *Rihla fi Zaman al-Nuba,* - p. 132. - -[^14]: *Khor*: an Arabic word stands for a natural swale - cutting through the desert plateau at right angles to the Nile. - -[^15]: *Shaʼreya*: a vermicelli-like food with milk and sugar which was - served as breakfast to the guests and to the bride and groom after - the wedding. - -[^16]: *Karej*: Nubian traditional plates weaved of brightly - colored palm fiber strips. - -[^17]: *Arras*: a young boy relative of the groom who accompanied him - everywhere for the whole week prior to the wedding. His role was to - serve the groom and "guard" him from his friends\' pranks. - -[^18]: *Sandouq jally*: A wooden box where the bride can - store her clothes and perfumes. Its cover has a mirror on the - inside, and bright-colored engravings of the groom's name, the date - of the wedding, and Qur'anic verses are drawn on the box. - -[^19]: *Kojara*: A traditional Nubian curtain was hung - across the room. - -[^20]: *Zikr*: The recitation of specific supplications to - God and praises of the Prophet Muhammad. - -[^21]: *Kaff*: A traditional Nubian dance - performed by men to the rhythm of *tar* and *noggar*, traditional - Nubian drums, and the strong clapping of the dancers. - -[^22]: Chawla and Jones, "Introduction," p. xiii. - -[^23]: Long, "Diasporic Dwelling," p. 335. - -[^24]: Bognar, "A Phenomenological Approach to - Architecture"; Dovey, "Home as Paradox." - -[^25]: Long, "Diasporic Dwelling," p. 333. - -[^26]: Bognar, "A Phenomenological Approach to - Architecture"; Dovey, "Home and Homelessness." - -[^27]: Kusenbach and Paulsen, "Home/House." - -[^28]: Lenhard and Samanani, "Introduction," p. 4. - -[^29]: Waterson, "Enduring Landscape, Changing Habitus," - p.334. - -[^30]: Fernea, "The Blessed Land," p. 69. - -[^31]: Fernea and Kennedy, "Initial Adaptations to a New - Life for Egyptian Nubians"; Fernea, "The Blessed Land." - -[^32]: As quoted in Silverstein, "Of Rooting and - Uprooting," p. 562. - -[^33]: Kothari, "Introduction." - -[^34]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home - Following Displacement." - -[^35]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home - Following Displacement." - -[^36]: Somerville, "The Social Construction of Home"; - Kusenbach and Paulsen, "Home/House." - -[^37]: Korosec-Serfaty, "Experience and Use of the - Dwelling." - -[^38]: Lawrence, "A More Humane History of Homes." - -[^39]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home - Following Displacement." - -[^40]: Somerville, "The Social Construction of Home." - -[^41]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home - Following Displacement." - -[^42]: Dovey, *Becoming Places,* p. 18. - -[^43]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home - Following Displacement." - -[^44]: Leach, "Belonging," p. 299. - -[^45]: Korac, *Remaking Home*, p. 42. - -[^46]: Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called Home - Following Displacement," p. 470. - -[^47]: Schultze, "The Symbolic Construction of Community - through Place," p. 291. - -[^48]: As quoted in Schultze, "The Symbolic Construction - of Community through Place," p. 291 - -[^49]: As quoted in Perez Murcia, "Remaking a Place Called - Home Following Displacement," p.473. - -[^50]: Korac, *Remaking Home.* - -[^51]: Korac, *Remaking Home;* Leach, "Belonging"; Dovey, - *Becoming Places.* - -[^52]: As quoted in Korac, *Remaking Home*, p. 26. - -[^53]: Leach, "Belonging." - -[^54]: Appadurai, "The Production of Locality."