diff --git a/content/article/blench.md b/content/article/blench.md index db4607f..d306fe5 100644 --- a/content/article/blench.md +++ b/content/article/blench.md @@ -9,7 +9,7 @@ keywords: "East Sudanic, Nilo-Saharan, comparative linguistics" The East (formerly “Eastern”) Sudanic languages, spread between Chad and Northern Tanzania, constitute a branch of Nilo-Saharan with a proposed membership of nine families, including Nilotic, the largest and most complex group. We owe the original concept of East Sudanic to Greenberg who attributed seven branches to it,[^1] shown in **Table 1**, together with their modern names. Families unknown to Greenberg are added in the “Current” column. -[^1]: Greenberg (1950) +[^1]: Greenberg, "Studies in African Linguistic Classification: V. The Eastern Sudanic Family." | Greenberg (1950) | Current | | :--- | :--- | diff --git a/content/article/jakobi.md b/content/article/jakobi.md index d9cb7a1..aee7db4 100644 --- a/content/article/jakobi.md +++ b/content/article/jakobi.md @@ -1,6 +1,246 @@ --- -title: "Reconstructing Proto-Nubian Derivational Morphemes" +title: "Nubian Verb Extensions and Some Nyimang Correspondences" author: "Angelika Jakobi" -abstract: "" -keywords: "" +abstract: "Having a historical-comparative approach this paper is concerned with the reconstruction of some Proto-Nubian derivational morphemes comprising two causatives, two applicatives, and two suffixes deriving verbal plural stems, as well as a now defunct causative prefix. When discussing applicatives in the Nile Nubian languages, it is argued that they involve converbs, i.e., dependent verbs, which in Old Nubian and Nobiin are marked by the suffix *-a.* This verbal suffix is considered to be distinct from the homophonous predicate marker *-a* which occurs as a clitic on various other hosts. The paper also points out that some of the Nubian verb extensions correspond to Nyimang (mostly Ama) extensions, thus providing strong evidence of the genetic relationship between Nubian and Nyimang. Perhaps the most striking evidence of Nubian–Ama relations and the coherence of the Nilo-Saharan phylum as a whole is provided by the archaic Nilo-Saharan **ɪ-.* The reflexes of this prefix in Nubian and Ama, along with the archaic Nubian prefix **m-,* which serves as verbal negation marker, supports Dimmendaal’s hypothesis that these languages have undergone a restructuring process from originally prefixing to predominantly suffixing languages." +keywords: "Nubian, comparative linguistics, Nyimang, North Eastern Sudanic" --- + +# Introduction {#1} + +Since Greenberg’s classification of the African languages there is agreement that the Nubian languages belong to East Sudanic, the largest subgroup of the Nilo-Saharan phylum.[^1] According to Bender, Dimmendaal, and Blench, East Sudanic (also known as Eastern Sudanic) is divided into a northern and a southern branch.[^2] The northern branch comprises Nubian as well as the Taman languages of Darfur and Wadai, Nyimang[^5] of the Nuba Mountains, and Nara on the Sudan–Eritrean border. Rilly, in his historical-comparative study, argues that the extinct language of the Meroitic Empire is also part of the northern branch.[^6] The southern branch consists of Berta, Jebel, Daju, Temeinian, Surmic, and Nilotic.[^7] This subclassification is, however, disputed. Ehret and Starostin, for instance, suggest that Ama (referred to by the term Nyimang) is genetically closer to Temeinian and hence part of the southern – rather than the northern – branch of East Sudanic.[^8] + +[^1]: This paper is partly based on data drawn from published sources, partly collected in collaboration with mother tongue speakers. I am deeply indebted to the unflagging commitment of El-Shafie El-Guzuuli who contributed examples of Andaandi, to Ali Ibrahim of Tagle, Ahmed Hamdan of Karko, and Ishaag Hassan of Midob. Isaameddiin Hasan provided advice on Nobiin. +[^2]: Bender, The Nilo-Saharan Languages: A Comparative Essay; Bender, “Nilo-Saharan"; Dimmendaal, “Eastern Sudanic and the Wadi Howar and Wadi El Milk Diaspora”; ![Blench, this issue](article:blench.md). +[^5]: In the present paper I will use the term Nyimang to refer to the language group comprising Ama, Mandal, and Afitti. Afitti is also known as Dinik (Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik.”). +[^6]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique.* +[^7]: For a recent sub-classification of East Sudanic, see Dimmendaal et al., “Linguistic Features and Typologies in Languages Commonly Referred to as ‘Nilo-Saharan’.” +[^8]: Ehret, *A Historical-Comparative Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan,* p. 141; Starostin, “Lexicostatistical Studies in East Sudanic I.” Both Ehret and Starostin use Ama (but no Afitti) data. + +In contrast to Ehret’s and Starostin’s subgrouping, the present paper will provide evidence of some verb extensions shared by Nyimang and the Nubian languages. They demonstrate the genetic links between these languages and therefore support Bender’s and Dimmendaal’s classification of Nyimang as a member of the northern East Sudanic subgroup. Although Ehret, in his historical-comparative study of Nilo-Saharan languages tries to identify verb extensions, too, his claimed reconstructions lack corroborating evidence because he does not provide contrastive examples of extended and unextended verb stems.[^11] + +[^11]: Ehret, *A Historical-Comparative Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan,* chap. 5. + +According to Rilly, the Nubian language family has two main branches, Nile Nubian, and western Nubian.[^12] Nile Nubian comprises the medieval Old Nubian language as well as Nobiin (also known by the alternative names Mahas and Fadicca), Mattokki (Kunuz, Kunuzi, Kenzi), and Andaandi (Dongolese, Dongolawi). The western branch comprises the cluster of Kordofan Nubian languages spoken in the northern Nuba Mountains, as well as the Nubian languages of Darfur, Midob, and the nearly extinct Birgid (**Fig. 1**). + +[^12]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique.* + +![Family tree model of the Nubian languages](../static/images/jakobi1.jpg "Family tree model of the Nubian languages") + +**Figure 1. Family tree model of the Nubian languages[^fig1]** + +[^fig1]: Adapted from Rilly 2008. [CHECK] + +**Map** below shows the northern Nuba Mountains and the geographic distribution of the Nyimang group languages, Ama, Mandal, and Afitti, and some neighboring Kordofan Nubian and non-Kordofan Nubian languages. Afitti is spoken on Jebel Dair in the northeastern Nuba Mountains. The Afitti area is adjacent to the area of Dair, a Kordofan Nubian language which occupies the southwestern part of Jebel Dair. By contrast, Ama and Mandal are spoken in the northwestern Nuba Mountains, close to the Kordofan Nubian languages Dilling, Karko, Wali, and Ghulfan. + +![The northern Nuba Mountains](../static/images/jakobi2.png "The northern Nuba Mountains") + +**Map. 1. The northern Nuba Mountains[^13]** + +[^13]: I would like to thank the cartographer at the Institute of African Studies and Egyptology, University of Cologne, Monika Feinen, for designing the map. + +Probably due to frequent contact between speakers of Nyimang and speakers of Kordofan Nubian languages, there is some lexical evidence of sound–meaning correspondences between these languages. Considering i) the close phonetic similarities between the Ama, Mandal, and Afitti items on the one hand and Kordofan Nubian items on the other; and ii) the less close resemblance between Ama, Mandal, and Afitti and the corresponding Nile Nubian (NN) items, Rottland and Jakobi have interpreted this constellation as evidence of lexical borrowing, with Kordofan Nubian as the source of the borrowings.[^14] **Table 1** and **Table 2** illustrate this point: **Table 1** shows that the phonetic similarities between the Ama and Mandal items and their Proto-Kordofan Nubian (PKN) counterparts are closer than those between Ama, Mandal, and the corresponding Nile Nubian items. + +[^14]: Rottland & Jakobi, “Loan Word Evidence from the Nuba Mountains.” + + +| Ama | Mandal | PKN | NN | Gloss | +| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | +| burgɔ̀l “thief” | borgòl “thief” | \*borg- | maag- (An), mark- (No) | steal | +| kwɔrʃè, kɔrʃè | kwarʃè | \*korʃu | gorij (An), gorjo (No) | six | +| ʈājò | ʈāj | \*ʈɛj(j)ɛ | dessi (An, No) | green, unripe | + + +**Table 1. Ama – Mandal – PKN correspondences[^16]** + +[^16]: For the purpose of clarity, the different spelling conventions adopted for writing the various modern Nubian languages in the Latin script have been unified in this paper. Thus, the following digraphs are replaced by single IPA symbols: *sh → ʃ, ch → c, ny → ɲ,* and *ng → ŋ.* The IPA symbol *ɟ,* however, is replaced by *j.* Long vowels are rendered by two identical vowel symbols, e.g., *ii,* rather than by a vowel plus colon (e.g., *i:*) or a vowel with a macron (e.g., *ī*). + +Examples of the close sound and meaning correspondences between Afitti and Proto-Kordofan Nubian are shown in **Table 2.** Even though a specific Kordofan Nubian variety cannot be identified as the donor language, the obvious phonetic resemblances suggest that the lexical items in Afitti originate from a Kordofan Nubian, rather than from a Nile Nubian language. + +| Afitti | PKN | NN | Gloss | +| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | +| ʈɔ̀rɛ | \*ʈoaɽa | norɛ (An), noree (No) | termite | +| fàrsɛˑn, fàrsɛ | \*farʃ- | barsi (An, No) | twin | +| t̪ɔnɖɔˑ | \*ʈonɖo | dungur (An), dungir (No) | blind | + +**Table 2. Afitti – PKN correspondences** + +The striking Ama and Afitti similarities with the corresponding Kordofan Nubian items also indicate that borrowing into the Nyimang languages has occurred rather recently, after Kordofan Nubian had split off from the other branches of the Nubian family. + +However, the correspondences between the verb extensions in Nubian and Ama (**Table 3**) which are the focus of this paper, suggest a different historical interpretation, namely as evidence of their remote genetic relationship. This assumption, which will be corroborated in detail below, is based on the correspondences between the Proto-Nubian causative *\*u- ~ o*-prefix, which is comparable to the Ama causative *a*-prefix, and the Proto-Nubian causative suffix *\*-g-ir,* corresponding to the Ama directional/causative suffix *-ɪg ~ -ɛg.* In addition, there are two pairs of phonetically and semantically very similar verb extensions, which have a limited distribution in the Nubian group. They comprise the Kordofan Nubian reciprocal *-in* vs. the Ama dual *-ɪn,* as well as Midob *-íd* vs. Ama *-ɪ́d̪.* Another set of corresponding extensions (not shown in Table 3) includes the Kordofan Nubian and Midob verbal plural *-er* as well as the Mattokki and Andaandi plural object suffix *-ir* or *-(i)r-ir* and the Nyimang distributional suffix *-r.* + +| Nubian | | Ama | | +| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | +| causative prefix | PN \*u- ~ o- | causative prefix | a- | +| causative | PN \*-g-ir | directional, causative | -ɪg, -ɛg | +| reciprocal | KN -in | dual | -ɪn | +| pluractional | Midob -íd | distributive, pluractional | -ɪ́d̪ | + +**Table 3. Comparable Nubian and Ama verb extensions** + +Presumably, the Ama inceptive *-ɪŋ*[^17] is cognate with the Nubian inchoative morphemes which comprise Old Nubian -ⲁⳟ,[^18] Nobiin *-aŋ,*[^19], Mattokki and Andaandi *-an,*[^20] as well as Dilling *-ŋ.*[^21] The inchoative *-an* of the Nilotic languages Bari and Lotuko is obviously related, as well.[^22] As these suffixes mainly derive verbs from qualifiers and nouns, rather than from verbal bases, they are excluded from further consideration in the present paper. + +[^17]: Tucker & Bryan, *Linguistic Analyses,* p. 245. +[^18]: Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* §14.1.3. +[^19]: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* pp. 204–205. +[^20]: Massenbach, “Wörterbuch des nubischen Kunûzi-Dialektes,” pp. 121–122, Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar,* §§3888–3889. +[^21]: According to Kauczor (*Die bergnubische Sprache,* §§445–448), the inchoative is realized by the complex singular suffix *-n-er* and the plural suffix *-ŋ.* It is the plural suffix which looks like a cognate of the corresponding Nile Nubian inchoative suffixes. +[^22]: Greenberg, *The Languages of Africa,* p. 93. + +Reconstructable lexical and grammatical items are indicators of a normal generational transmission.[^23] They are often conceived of indicators of a continuous divergent development from the assumed proto-language to its daughter languages, the gradual divergence being depicted with a family tree model. However, such tree diagrams can account neither for diffusion or convergence between genetically related languages, nor for language contact that may have induced changes such as borrowings and other instances of interference. Evidence of contact-induced changes calls for a historical interpretation and for the identification of the donor language,[^24] as illustrated by the Ama and Afitti lexical items adopted from Kordofan Nubian (**Table 1 and 2**). Another case in point is the so-called pre-Nile Nubian substrate. It comprises several basic lexical items in Old Nubian and Nobiin which do not have cognates in the other Nubian languages. Rilly supposes that they originate from other northern East Sudanic languages.[^25] + +[^23]: Noonan, “Genetic Classification and Language Contact.” +[^24]: Dimmendaal, “Comparative African Linguistics.” +[^25]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 285–288. + +Evidence of the genetic relationship among the Nubian languages has mostly been provided by comparing lexical data.[^26] In their historical-comparative studies, Zyhlarz, Bechhaus-Gerst, Jakobi, and Rilly have mainly focused on the reconstruction of Proto-Nubian lexical items and the phoneme system.[^27] So far, grammatical morphemes, particularly verb extensions, have not been considered in these studies, although such bound morphemes are generally assumed to be better indicators of genetic coherence. + +[^26]: Thelwall, “Lexicostatistical Relations Between Nubian, Daju and Dinka.” +[^27]: Zyhlarz, “Die Lautverschiebungen des Nubischen”; Bechhaus-Gerst, “Sprachliche und historische Rekonstruktionen im Bereich des Nubischen”; Bechhaus-Gerst, “‘Nile-Nubian’ Reconsidered”; Jakobi, “The Loss of Syllable-final Proto-Nubian Consonants”; Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique.* + +According to Dimmendaal, “[v]erbal derivation in the Nilo-Saharan languages commonly involves valency-changing operations such as causative, middle voice, antipassive, or pluractional and ventive marking.”[^31] However, the Nubian languages deviate from this pattern since dedicated markers for middle voice, antipassive, or ventive are unattested. + +[^31]: Dimmendaal, “Nilo-Saharan,” p. 52. + +The present paper will show in detail that Proto-Nubian had seven verbal derivational devices: two causative suffixes ([§2.1](#21) and [§2.2](#22)), two applicatives ([§3.3](#33) and [§3.4](#34)), two verbal number suffixes ([§4.1](#41) and [§4.2](#42)), and a causative prefix ([§5](#5)). The section on the applicatives ([§3](#3)) is rather extensive because I will argue that applicatives in the Nile Nubian languages are realized as converb constructions rather than as derivational suffixes, as attested in the western branch of the Nubian family. + +Apart from these derivational devices which are found in both branches of the Nubian family and therefore can be reconstructed for Proto-Nubian, there are further verb extensions with a more limited distribution. The Nile Nubian languages, for instance, have passive extensions ([§6.1](#61)); Mattokki and Andaandi exhibit a plural object extension ([§6.2](#62)); and a plural stem extension is attested in Kordofan Nubian and Midob ([§6.3](#63)). A reciprocal suffix ([§6.4](#64)) as well as some plural stem extensions occur in Kordofan Nubian ([§6.5](#65)). Kordofan Nubian and Midob, meanwhile, exhibit a valency-decreasing suffix ([§6.6](#66)). Moreover, in Midob a distinct pluractional extension is found ([§6.7](#67)). + +Ama, too, has a rather rich inventory of derivational extensions.[^32] It has suffixes for passive, ventive, directional/causative ([§5.2](#52)), mediocausative, reciprocal, distributive ([§6.3](#63)), pluractional, and dual ([§6.4](#64)). In addition, Ama has a causative prefix ([§5.2](#52)). The range of Afitti verb extensions, however, is still little known. + +[^32]: Stevenson, “A Survey of the Phonetics and Grammatical Structure of the Nuba Mountain Languages” and ![Norton, this issue](article:norton.md). + +The Nyimang data are drawn from Stevenson’s survey of the Nuba Mountain languages, Tucker & Bryan’s grammar sketch of the Nyimang group, which is based on Stevenson’s fieldwork data, and additional work by Rottland, Jakobi, Stevenson, and Norton.[^33] + +[^33]: Stevenson, “A Survey of the Phonetics and Grammatical Structure of the Nuba Mountain Languages"; Tucker & Bryan, *Linguistic Analyses,* pp. 243-252; Rottland & Jakobi, “Loan Word Evidence from the Nuba Mountains"; Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik”; ![Norton, this issue](article:norton.md). + +The Old Nubian data mostly come from the legend of Saint Mina but also from a few other sources quoted from Van Gerven Oei’s comprehensive Old Nubian grammar.[^38] + +[^38]: Browne, *The Old Nubian Miracle of Saint Menas*; Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian.* + +Due to their poor documentation, the nearly extinct Birgid language of Darfur and the extinct Nubian language of Jebel Haraza are not considered in the present contribution. + +# The Causative {#2} + +A causative extension is a valency-increasing morphological device adding an argument with the role of causer to an intransitive or transitive clause. When the causative extension is suffixed to an intransitive verb base, it derives a transitive stem, the former intransitive subject being assigned the role of causer. When the causative suffix is attached to a transitive base, it derives a ditransitive verb. While the former transitive subject is assigned the role of causee, the former transitive object retains the role of patient. In the Nubian languages, the causative extension on a transitive verb base allows two accusative-marked object arguments, as shown in (7), (46), and (50). + +## The Causative *\*-(i)r* Extension + +The *\*-(i)r*-extension has reflexes in all Nubian languages considered in this study. However, there is ample evidence that, due to semantic bleaching, the assumed original causative function has faded away, so that reflexes of the *\*-(i)r*-extension have become redundant or lexicalized features of many verbs. In the Kordofan Nubian languages, by contrast, the *\*-(i)r*-extension has gained new functions, as it serves as intransitivizer and even as singular stem marker. + +The initial segment of the *\*-(i)r*-extension is an epenthetic vowel, which is required to prevent unadmitted consonant sequences when *\*-(i)r* is attached to a consonant-final root. + +| PN | ON | No | Ma | An | Dil | Ta | Ka | Mi | +| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | +| \*-(i)r | -(ⲁ)ⲣ, -ⲣ̄, -(ⲟⲩ)ⲣ | -ir | -ir, -ur | -ir, -ur | -ir | -ir | -(V)r | -(i)r | + +**Table 4. The causative extension *\*-(i)r*** + +The Old Nubian *-(i)r*-extension has two variants, *-ar* and *-ur,* which are often conditioned by anticipatory assimilation to the quality of the preceding vowel(s) of the root. The extension can attach to nouns and verbs. In combination with a noun the extension derives transitive verbs.[^40] + +[^40]: The examples are drawn from Browne, *Old Nubian Dictionary.* + +(1) + +(2) + +(3) + +Although Van Gerven Oei conceives *-(i)r* as a “transitive” suffix which is used “to make an intransitive verb transitive,”[^41] *-(i)r* can be shown to add an argument with the role of causer to the base verb. Moreover, it is not restricted to intransitive verbs but also found on transitive bases such as ⲟⲟⲕ and ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗ deriving ditransitive stems. For this reason, *-(i)r* behaves like a typical causative extension and should be referred to by the term causative. + +[^41]: Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* §13.2.1. + +(4) + +(5) + +(6) + +The ditransitive construction derived by the causative *-(i)r*-extension on the verb ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗ “learn” can be illustrated by the following example. Assigning the role of causer to the addressee of the request, the causative of the transitive verb allows two accusative-marked arguments, the first being assigned the role of causee and the second the role of patient. + +(7) + +Browne points out that the “causative element may be weakened and become apparently redundant,”[^43] that is, some verbs can occur with or without the *-(i)r*-suffix without a change in their meaning. + +[^43]: Browne, *Old Nubian Grammar,* p. 47. + +The Nobiin *-(i)r*-extension can derive transitive and ditransitive stems when it attaches to intransitive and transitive bases, respectively.[^44] + +[^44]: Lepsius, *Nubische Grammatik,* p. 152. + +(8) + +(9) + +(10) + +Werner does not comment on Lepsius’s data, nor does he provide evidence in his Nobiin grammar of such derived transitive and ditransitive verbs. However, his verb paradigms indicate that – unlike transitive verbs – intransitive verbs never take the *-(i)r*-extension in their unmarked 2sg imperative forms.[^45] The absence of *-(i)r* is, no doubt, due to the original restriction of *-(i)r* to transitive and ditransitive verbs. + +[^45]: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* pp. 220-273. + +(11) + +(12) + +(13) + +(14) + +(15) + +2sg imperative forms of transitive verbs, by contrast, can be assigned to two groups, a group characterized by the *-(i)r*-extension and another group which does not exhibit this extension. + +(16) + +(17) + +(18) + +(19) + +(20) + +(21) + +(22) + +(23) + +Apparently, having ceased to be a productive derivational morpheme, Nobiin *-(i)r* has become a morphological residue of the originally causative *\*-(i)r*-extension. This process in which “a morpheme loses its grammatical-semantic contribution to a word but retains some remnant of its original form and thus becomes an indistinguishable part of a word’s phonological construction” can be described by Hopper’s term “demorphologization.”[^46] + +[^46]: Hopper, “Where Do Words Come From?” p. 154. + +Unlike the Old Nubian and Nobiin *-(i)r*-extension, which can be attached to intransitive and transitive bases, the cognate Mattokki *-(i)r* is restricted to intransitive verb bases from which it derives transitive stems.[^47] The allomorph *-ur* of *-(i)r* is conditioned by lag assimilation triggered by the root vowel. + +[^47]: Examples drawn from Massenbach, “Wörterbuch des nubischen Kunûzi-Dialektes,” pp. 132–133, 215. + +(24) + +(25) + +(26) + +Abdel-Hafiz claims that Mattokki *-(i)r* is a “transitivizing suffix.”[^48] However, he overlooks the fact that it also occurs on some intransitive verbs such as “move down” and “fall,”[^49] without, however, turning them into transitive verbs. These examples suggest that the functional weight of the *-(i)r*-extension is low. + +[^48]: Abdel-Hafiz, *A Reference Grammar of Kunuz Nubian,* pp. 105–106. +[^49]: Massenbach, “Wörterbuch des nubischen Kunûzi-Dialektes,” pp. 157, 214. + +(27) + +(28) + +It is conceivable that the loss of morphological meaning observed with *-(i)r* has triggered the emergence of a reduplicated causative extension which exhibits more phonological material and more functional weight than *-(i)r.* The resulting (unattested) *-ir-ir*-suffix has presumbably undergone a phonotactic change affecting the second component of this suffix. After the metathesis of the last two segments, the resulting suffix *-ir-ri* (allomorph *-ur-ri*) has come to be realized as [iddi] or [uddi]. Massenbach accounts for this reduplicated causative suffix in her Mattokki study, as seen in the following examples,[^50] but in Abdel-Hafiz’s grammar it is not mentioned. + +[^50]: Massenbach, “Wörterbuch des nubischen Kunûzi-Dialektes,” p. 132. + +(29) + +(30) + + + + + + +# Abbreviations + +1, 2, 3 – 1st, 2nd, 3rd person; acc – accusative; An – Andaandi; appl – applicative; caus – causative; cnv – converb; com – comitative; comm – command; cont – continuous; det – determiner; Dil – Dilling; dim – diminutive; distr – distributive; ditr – ditransitive; gen – genitive; excl – exclusive; imp – imperative; in – inclusive; incl – inclusive; ind – indicative; inten – intentional; ins – instrumental; itr – intransitive; jus – jussive; Ka – Karko; Ma – Mattokki, lk – linker; loc – locative; Mi – Midob; neg – negation; neut – neutral; NN – Nile Nubian; No – Nobiin; oj – object; ON – Old Nubian; pass – passive; pcnv – purposive converb; pl – plural of nominal; plact – pluractional; plr – plural verb stem; PN – Proto-Nubian; PKN – Proto-Kordofan Nubian; ploj – plural object; pred – predicative; prf – perfect; prog – progressive; pfv – perfective; prs – present tense; pst – past; pt – preterite; ptc – participle; prog – progressive; proh – prohibitive; q – question; refl – reflexive; rcp – reciprocal; sj – subject; sg – singular of nominal; sgt – singulative; sng – singular verb stem; stat – stative; sub – subessive; supe – superessive; TA – Tagle; th – theme; top – topic; tr – transitive, ver – veridical; vet – vetitive. diff --git a/content/article/vangervenoei.md b/content/article/vangervenoei.md index 54c34cd..a669435 100644 --- a/content/article/vangervenoei.md +++ b/content/article/vangervenoei.md @@ -1,10 +1,12 @@ --- -title: "An Introduction to Northern East Sudanic Linguistics" +title: "A Brief History of Northern East Sudanic Linguistics" author: "Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei" abstract: "" keywords: "" --- +# The First Hints + # An Orphaned Family Nilo-Saharan first proposed in Greenberg 1963: 130–148 @@ -24,6 +26,8 @@ Rilly 2010, 274–278 and Starostin 2017, 2020, this issue ## The Inclusion of Meroitic +History of discussion on Meroitic language family pertinence + ## The Inclusion of Nyima Ehret 2001, 88 excludes Nyima from "Astaboran"