diff --git a/content/article/blench.md b/content/article/blench.md index 8e40e98..1570f46 100644 --- a/content/article/blench.md +++ b/content/article/blench.md @@ -23,7 +23,7 @@ The East (formerly “Eastern”) Sudanic languages, spread between Chad and Nor | | Nyima | | | Temein | -**Table 1. Greenberg's original concept of East Sudanic** +**~~Table 1. Greenberg's original concept of East Sudanic~~** Greenberg was not aware of Nyimang and Temein, and these were added later in Greenberg together with Kuliak,[^2] now considered by Bender to be a separate branch of Nilo-Saharan.[^3] Greenberg claimed East Sudanic was part of “Chari-Nile,” a group which included Central Sudanic, Kunama, and Bertha.[^4] Chari-Nile is also now not thought to be valid.[^5] Somewhat confusingly, Tucker had earlier published a book entitled *The Eastern Sudanic Languages* but it is largely about Central Sudanic, Ubangian, and Nilotic languages.[^6] Prior to Greenberg, many individual languages or small groups had been described in Tucker & Bryan, but they were not combined into a larger unit.[^7] Greenberg makes a large number of proposals for grammatical and lexical isomorphs, which more recent scholars have not followed up in detail.[^8] @@ -73,7 +73,7 @@ Claims for the reality of East Sudanic are largely based on lexical evidence. Be | E7 | Taman | E8 | Daju | | | | E9 | Nilotic | -**Table 2. Bender’s subclassification of East Sudanic** +**~~Table 2. Bender’s subclassification of East Sudanic~~** The first person singular subject pronoun in East Sudanic, first set out by Greenberg and later supplemented by Bender, forms a distinctive set (**Table 3**): @@ -92,7 +92,7 @@ The first person singular subject pronoun in East Sudanic, first set out by Gree | East Nilotic | Masai, Turkana, Nandi, Teso | nanu | | South Nilotic | Pokot | anii | -**Table 3. First person singular subject pronoun in East Sudani[^103]** +**~~Table 3. First person singular subject pronoun in East Sudani[^103]~~** [^103]: Data Bender, “The Genetic Position of Nilotic *i*" and Bender, *The East Sudanic Languages,* supplemented with more recent sources. @@ -112,7 +112,7 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and | Nyima | Ama | lì | | Taman | Proto-Taman | \*li(y)- | -**Table 4. Ek lexical isogloss, “drink,” *\*dii*[^t4]** +**~~Table 4. Ek lexical isogloss, “drink,” *\*dii*[^t4]~~** [^t4]: Nara and Ama data from Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique*; Dilling, Midob, and proto-Taman data from Starostin, "Lexicostatistical Studies in East Sudanic I." @@ -126,7 +126,7 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and | Nyima | Ama | wel | | Taman | Tama | wal | -**Table 5. Ek lexical isogloss, “house,” *\*kəl*[^t5]** +**~~Table 5. Ek lexical isogloss, “house,” *\*kəl*[^t5]~~** [^t5]: Midob data from Werner, *Tìdn-áal*; Nyala data from Thelwall, “Birgid Vocabulary List and Its Links with Daju”; Nara data from Hayward, “Observations on Tone in the Higir Dialect of Nara”; Ama data from Bender, “Roland Stevenson’s Nyimang and Dinik Lexicon”; Tama data from Edgar, “First Steps toward Proto-Tama.” @@ -140,7 +140,7 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and | Taman | Abu Sharib | awl | | E Jebel | Gaahmg | ag | -**Table 6. Ek lexical isogloss, “mouth,” *\*aŋəl*[^t6]** +**~~Table 6. Ek lexical isogloss, “mouth,” *\*aŋəl*[^t6]~~** [^t6]: Andaandi, Nara, and Abu Sharib data from Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique*; Ama data from Bender, “Roland Stevenson’s Nyimang and Dinik Lexicon”; Gaahmg data from Stirtz, *A Grammar of Gaahmg*. @@ -155,7 +155,7 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and | Nyima | Proto-Nyima | \*arm- | | Taman | Proto-Taman | \*wari | -**Table 7. Ek lexical isogloss, “two,” *\*wari(m)*[^t7]** +**~~Table 7. Ek lexical isogloss, “two,” *\*wari(m)*[^t7]~~** [^t7]: Haraza data from Bell, "Documentary Evidence on the Ḥarāza Nubian,"" 84; Old Nubian data from Browne, *Old Nubian Dictionary,* 138; Karko data from Jakobi & Hamdan, "Number Marking on Karko Nouns"; Nara data from Hayward, “Observations on Tone in the Higir Dialect of Nara”; Proto-Nyima data from Bender, “Roland Stevenson’s Nyimang and Dinik Lexicon”; Proto-Taman data from Edgar, “First Steps toward Proto-Tama.” @@ -172,7 +172,7 @@ Though the En languages share overlapping isoglosses, they do not share enough c | E Nilotic | Lopit | a.**bob**.io | | E Nilotic | Maa | a.**bob**.oki | -**Table 8. En lexical isogloss, “bark n.,” *\*-bob-*** +**~~Table 8. En lexical isogloss, “bark n.,” *\*-bob-*~~** # Morphological Evidence @@ -212,7 +212,7 @@ Nubian demonstrates strong evidence for tripartite number marking in nouns. Jako | tooth | jíl-ɖ | jīīl | | breast | ə̄l-ɖ | ɔ̄ɔ̄l | -**Table 9. Karko singulatives[^401]** +**~~Table 9. Karko singulatives[^401]~~** [^401]: Data from Jakobi & Hamdan, "Number Marking on Karko Nouns." @@ -235,7 +235,7 @@ However, the majority of suffixes denote plurals (**Table 10**). The majority se | shield | kə̀r | kə̀r-ə̀ŋ | | ostrich | ʈùlɖ | ʈùlɖ-ùŋ | -**Table 10. Karko plural marking[^401a]** +**~~Table 10. Karko plural marking[^401a]~~** [^401a]: Data from Jakobi & Hamdan, "Number Marking on Karko Nouns." @@ -249,7 +249,7 @@ Proto-Nubian may have had a fully functional tripartite system, which has now er | woman | íddí | ìddédí | | cow | tə̀ə | tə̀yítì | -**Table 11. Midob nominal plurals[^402]** +**~~Table 11. Midob nominal plurals[^402]~~** [^402]: Data from Werner, *Tìdn-áal*. @@ -260,7 +260,7 @@ The restricted corpus for Meroitic and the absence of reliable grammatical infor | sister | *kdise, kdite* | kaɖiɕ, kaɖit | | life | *pwrite* | bawarit | -**Table 12. Meroitic glosses showing singulative marking[^403]** +**~~Table 12. Meroitic glosses showing singulative marking[^403]~~** [^403]: Data from Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique* @@ -285,7 +285,7 @@ Nominal plurals in Nara are created through suffixing and sporadic gemination of The plurals in last three classes which involve consonant doubling and change the final vowel to *-a* may simply be allomorphs of an underlying *-a* suffix. These may derive from a single rule and thus not exemplify the characteristic East Sudanic suffixes. -**Table 13. Nara number marking in nouns[^404]** +**~~Table 13. Nara number marking in nouns[^404]~~** [^404]: Data from Dawd & Hayward, "Nara." @@ -298,7 +298,7 @@ Nyima covers two related languages, Nyimang and Afitti, now usually known as Ama | person, pl. people | wodáŋ | wàá | | child | wodéŋ | ɖúriŋ | -**Table 14. Suppletive plural forms in Ama** +**~~Table 14. Suppletive plural forms in Ama~~** Reduplication can be used to express collectives, e.g., *ɖàmì* "egg"; *ɖàɖàmì* "all the eggs." @@ -316,7 +316,7 @@ Otherwise the loss of most plural marking is very marked in comparison with rela | salt | ɔrdik | | spear | mətsək | -**Table 15. The fossil affix -Vk in Dinik[^405]** +**~~Table 15. The fossil affix -Vk in Dinik[^405]~~** [^405]: Data from Bender, “Roland Stevenson’s Nyimang and Dinik Lexicon.” @@ -331,7 +331,7 @@ Despite their lexical affinity to the Ek branch, Nyima languages have all but lo | chop | tàiɔ̀ | kaì | | dig | tìwò | kìù | -**Table 16. T/K marking on Ama verb stems[^t16]** +**~~Table 16. T/K marking on Ama verb stems[^t16]~~** [^t16]: Data from ![Norton, this issue](article:norton.md) @@ -358,7 +358,7 @@ Descriptions of the morphology of Taman languages are very limited. Kellermann p | -X | iɲ-o | -(V)ɲ | iɲ-iɲ | pot | | -∅ | áwór | -(V)ŋ | áwór-oŋ | knee | -**Table 17. Tama nominal number-marking[^407]** +**~~Table 17. Tama nominal number-marking[^407]~~** [^407]: Data from Kellermann, *Eine grammatische Skizze des Tama auf der Basis der Daten von R.C. Stevenson.* @@ -373,7 +373,7 @@ Surmic displays abundant evidence for three-term number marking. **Table 18** sh | gazelle | boronit | boron- | boronua | | nail | gurmaloʧ | gurmal- | gurmaleeta | -**Table 18. Tripartite number marking in Laarim[^t18]** +**~~Table 18. Tripartite number marking in Laarim[^t18]~~** [^t18]: Data from Joseph et al., *Laarim Grammar Book.* @@ -392,7 +392,7 @@ Yigezu & Dimmendaal focus on Baale and **Table 19** shows its number marking sys | rope | -S | mɔssájí | -N | mɔɔssɛ́n | -**Table 19. Baale number marking and affixes[^t19]** +**~~Table 19. Baale number marking and affixes[^t19]~~** [^t19]: Data from Yigezu & Dimmendaal, “Notes on Baale.” @@ -417,7 +417,7 @@ To judge by the data in Bender,[^410] Aka has a richer system of number marking | horn | -K | kɔsʊl.ge | -V | kɔsʊʊl.i | | cloud | -V | aabuga | -T | aabug.adi | -**Table 20. Examples of Aka number marking on nouns[^t20]** +**~~Table 20. Examples of Aka number marking on nouns[^t20]~~** [^t20]: Data from Bender, “Proto-Koman Phonology and Lexicon.” @@ -437,7 +437,7 @@ Keiga Jirru | meat | bɪlanḑàk (one piece) | ɪnɖàk Keiga Jirru | medicine | móreḑàk | | komórò (roots) | These | fat (n.) | nányɛ́ɖə̀k | nányàʔ | kɪnányàʔ | -**Table 21. Tripartite number marking in the Temein cluster** +**~~Table 21. Tripartite number marking in the Temein cluster~~** Number marking in Temein displays typical Nilo-Saharan characteristics, although these are combined in ways that are difficult to predict for individual nouns. The most common elements are: @@ -460,7 +460,7 @@ In the Temein cluster *k-* is strongly associated with plurals and can occur bef | hill, stone | kúrɛʈ | kukúrɛʈ | | shield | wór | kwòráʔ | -**Table 22. Temein *-Vk, kV-* nominal affixes** +**~~Table 22. Temein *-Vk, kV-* nominal affixes~~** This affix has an allomorph *–Vk* that can mark singulative as in These (**Table 23**): @@ -471,7 +471,7 @@ This affix has an allomorph *–Vk* that can mark singulative as in These (**Tab | eye | náánɪk | kɛnyɪŋ | | fish | kɛlɛɖak | káála | -**Table 23. These *-Vk* singulative affix** +**~~Table 23. These *-Vk* singulative affix~~** In the case of the singulative for “fish,” it appears that it has already been marked once as a singulative with *–ʈ* and the *–Vk* has been subsequently affixed. @@ -485,7 +485,7 @@ Less common is *–NI* or *-IN* in final position. Temein examples are shown in | hanging frame | sɛsɪlàŋ | sɛsɪlàŋì | | moon | kóù | kikówɪn | -**Table 24. Temein -IN, -NI plural affix** +**~~Table 24. Temein -IN, -NI plural affix~~** The following affixes can thus be attributed to Temein, *-T, -K, -N, -S, -V.* Temein shows no evidence for consonant gemination. @@ -526,7 +526,7 @@ Shatt and Laggori at least have considerable diversity of surface affixes markin | | -c | | | | -sɨnic/-zɨnɨc | | -**Table 26. Number-marking suffixes in Shatt Damman[^t26]** +**~~Table 26. Number-marking suffixes in Shatt Damman[^t26]~~** [^t26]: Data from Boyeldieu, *La qualification dans les langues africaines.* @@ -541,7 +541,7 @@ The alternating nominal suffixes of Dar Daju described by Aviles present a far s | 3 | mouth | uk-e | | 4 | car | watiɾ-i | -**Table 27. Singulative suffixes in Dar Daju[^t27]** +**~~Table 27. Singulative suffixes in Dar Daju[^t27]~~** [^t27]: Data from Aviles, *The Phonology and Morphology of the Dar Daju Daju Language.* @@ -564,7 +564,7 @@ The principal overview of noun morphology in West Nilotic is presented by Storch | -it̪ | -t̪ǎn | | -t̪ | -t̪ | -t, -Cè | -rí, -te | -Vdi | -t̪ | -d̪i | | \*-ti, -(t)àʔ | -(C)áʔ | unspecified | | -ḓín | | | | | | | | | | | | | abstract | -**Table 28. Number marking affixes in West Nilotic[^418]** +**~~Table 28. Number marking affixes in West Nilotic[^418]~~** If we presume the same processes of allomorphy as elsewhere in East Sudanic, the number marking affixes of Proto-West Nilotic can be summarized more briefly: @@ -592,7 +592,7 @@ The only survey of East Nilotic lexicon reamins Vossen's,[^419] and this can pro | hedgehog | -∅ | leɲɨpúɗut | -T + -M | leɲɨpúɗu(t)lɨ́n| | knife | -∅ | wálɪ́ | -V | wálɪ́.a | -**Table 29. Kuku singulatives and plural markers[^420]** +**~~Table 29. Kuku singulatives and plural markers[^420]~~** [^420]: Data from Cohen, *Aspects of the Grammar of Kukú.* @@ -613,7 +613,7 @@ There are two published reconstructions of South Nilotic.[^421] Rottland include | the lover | -VN + -Tv | cä̀míín.téè | -V | cä̀m.í | | the barred door | -V | mä̀rä̀n.èéʔ | -kV | mä̀rä̂n.kä̂ | -**Table 30. Examples of Pokot number marking[^422]** +**~~Table 30. Examples of Pokot number marking[^422]~~** [^422]: Data from Tucker & Bryan, *Noun Classification in Kalenjin: Päkot*; Tucker & Bryan, *Noun Classification in Kalenjin: Nandi-Kipsigis.* @@ -632,7 +632,7 @@ The number system of Endo, another language of the Markweeta (Marakwet) group, i | European | -Vn | chūmp.īīn | chumpa | | shoe | -V | kwēēr.ā | kwēēr | -**Table 31. Endo singulative suffixes[^t30]** +**~~Table 31. Endo singulative suffixes[^t30]~~** [^t30]: Data adapted from Zwarts, “Number in Endo-Marakwet.” @@ -651,7 +651,7 @@ A feature of East Sudanic, and indeed Nilo-Saharan more generally, is extensive | -V | non-central vowels | /i/, /u/ | | -A | central vowels | /a/ | -**Table 32: Allomorphs of East Sudanic nominal affixes** +**~~Table 32: Allomorphs of East Sudanic nominal affixes~~** **Table 33** shows the presence or absence of individual affixes in individual branches, together with affix-stacking and gemination, as well as the table which supports this analysis. @@ -670,7 +670,7 @@ A feature of East Sudanic, and indeed Nilo-Saharan more generally, is extensive | S Nilotic | + | + | + | + | – | + | – | Table 30, 31 | -**Table 33. East Sudanic nominal affixes and associated** +**~~Table 33. East Sudanic nominal affixes and associated~~** The resultant pattern is not perfect but still indicative for the structure of East Sudanic. The number-marking suffixes form complete sets in En languages, with -S attested only in Nara. This implies that all five affixes were present in proto-East Sudanic but were preferentially lost in the Ek languages. Affix-stacking, though present in Nubian, is otherwise absent in Ek languages but is likely to be a retention from proto-East Sudanic. Gemination is too sparsely distributed to draw any conclusions, but is plausibly an independent development of no classificatory significance. diff --git a/content/article/jakobi.md b/content/article/jakobi.md index 5dad002..e4460e9 100644 --- a/content/article/jakobi.md +++ b/content/article/jakobi.md @@ -49,7 +49,7 @@ Probably due to frequent contact between speakers of Nyima and speakers of Kordo | kwɔrʃè, kɔrʃè | kwarʃè | \*korʃu | gorij (An), gorjo (No) | six | | tājò | tāj | \*tɛj(j)ɛ | dessi (An, No) | green, unripe | -**Table 1. Ama – Mandal – PKN correspondences[^16]** +**~~Table 1. Ama – Mandal – PKN correspondences[^16]~~** [^16]: For the purpose of clarity, the different spelling conventions adopted for writing the various modern Nubian languages in the Latin script have been unified in this paper. Thus, the following digraphs are replaced by single IPA symbols: *sh → ʃ*; *ch → c*; *ny → ɲ*; and *ng → ŋ.* Consonantal characters with diacritics are replaced as follows, *š → ʃ*; *ğ, ǵ → j*; *ń, ñ → ɲ*; *ṅ > ŋ.* The IPA symbol *ɟ,* however, is replaced by *j.* Long vowels are rendered by two identical vowel symbols, e.g., *ii,* rather than by a vowel plus colon (e.g., *i:*) or a vowel with a macron (e.g., *ī*). To facilitate the comparison of the language data from different sources, alveolar stops are rendered by *t* and *d*; the corresponding dentals being represented by *t̪* and *d̪*. @@ -61,7 +61,7 @@ Examples of the close sound and meaning correspondences between Afitti and Proto | fàrsɛˑn, fàrsɛ | \*farʃ- | barsi (An, No) | twin | | t̪ɔndɔˑ | \*tondo | dungur (An), dungir (No) | blind | -**Table 2. Afitti – PKN correspondences** +**~~Table 2. Afitti – PKN correspondences~~** The striking Ama and Afitti similarities with the corresponding Kordofan Nubian items also indicate that borrowing into the Nyima languages has occurred rather recently, after Kordofan Nubian had split off from the other branches of the Nubian family. @@ -74,7 +74,7 @@ However, the correspondences between the verb extensions in Nubian and Ama (**Ta | reciprocal | KN -in | dual | -ɪn | | pluractional | Midob -íd | distributive, pluractional | -ɪ́d̪ | -**Table 3. Comparable Nubian and Ama verb extensions** +**~~Table 3. Comparable Nubian and Ama verb extensions~~** Presumably, the Ama inceptive *-ɪŋ*[^17] is cognate with the Nubian inchoative morphemes which comprise Old Nubian -ⲁⳟ,[^18] Nobiin *-aŋ,*[^19], Mattokki and Andaandi *-an,*[^20] as well as Dilling *-ŋ.*[^21] The inchoative *-an* of the Nilotic languages Bari and Lotuko is obviously related, as well.[^22] As these suffixes mainly derive verbs from qualifiers and nouns, rather than from verbal bases, they are excluded from further consideration in the present paper. @@ -132,7 +132,7 @@ The initial segment of the *\*-(i)r*-extension is an epenthetic vowel, which is | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | \*-(i)r | -(ⲁ)ⲣ, -ⲣ̄, -(ⲟⲩ)ⲣ | -ir | -ir, -ur | -ir, -ur | -ir | -ir | -(V)r | -(i)r | -**Table 4. The causative extension *\*-(i)r*** +**~~Table 4. The causative extension *\*-(i)r*~~** The Old Nubian *-(i)r*-extension has two variants, *-ar* and *-ur,* which are often conditioned by anticipatory assimilation to the quality of the preceding vowel(s) of the root. The extension can attach to nouns and verbs. In combination with a noun the extension derives transitive verbs.[^40] @@ -592,7 +592,7 @@ In **Table 6,** the lexical items which are not regarded as reflexes of Proto-Nu | *tir | ⲧⲣ, ⲧⲣ̄ |tìr | tir | tir | (tir)? | (tí) | (tìì) | tìr | | *deen | ⲇⲉⲛ, ⲇⲓⲛ | dèen |deen | deen | tin | (tí) | tèn | téen | -**Table 6. The two verbs for "give"** +**~~Table 6. The two verbs for "give"~~** The Old Nubian reflexes of *\*tir* and *\*deen* are ⲧⲣ̄ (*tir*) and ⲇⲉⲛ (*den*), also spelled as ⲇⲓⲛ (*din*). As Proto-Nubian *\*deen* is reflected by *deen* in Nobiin, Mattokki, and Andaandi, one would expect the ⲉ in Old Nubian ⲇⲉⲛ to represent a long vowel as well. However, as Old Nubian does not have a standardized orthography, long vowels are sometimes spelled by doubling the corresponding vowel character but often they are just written with a single vowel in the Old Nubian texts.[^95] @@ -936,7 +936,7 @@ Nile Nubian applicatives are encoded by bipartite converb constructions, includi | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | *tir | ⲧⲣ, ⲧⲣ̄ | tìr |tir |tir | - | - | - | -(i)n-tir | -**Table 7. Applicative marker *\*tir*** +**~~Table 7. Applicative marker *\*tir*~~** In the bipartite Old Nubian applicative construction, the stem of the lexical verb V1 is marked for its status as dependent verb by the converb suffix ‑ⲁ. It is followed by V2, the finite donative verb serving as valency-increasing grammatical device. @@ -1024,7 +1024,7 @@ Unlike the Nile Nubian applicatives where a donative verb operates in an asymmet | :--- | :--- | :--- | | -n-di ← -n-ti | -n-dì ← -n-tì | -n-dìì ← -n-tìì | -**Table 8. The applicative extension in the Kordofan Nubian languages** +**~~Table 8. The applicative extension in the Kordofan Nubian languages~~** Dilling *ti* is referred to by Kauczor as “verbum dativum.”[^163] When attaching to the lexical verb stem by the linker *‑(i)n,* the resulting morpheme sequence is realized as *‑(i)n-di.* It is assumed to originate in the innovative *t*-initial donative verb which is employed in Tagle and Karko. The utterance verb in (137) assigns the role of addressee to the unexpressed 3rd person object pronoun. In (138) the verb “hit” assigns to the 1st person object clitic the role of a “maleficiary,” rather than beneficiary.[^164] @@ -1087,7 +1087,7 @@ Reflexes of *\*deen* “give to 1st person” are attested in all Nile Nubian ap |:--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | *deen | ⲇⲉⲛ | dèen | deen | deen | -**Table 9. Nile Nubian applicative marker *\*deen*** +**~~Table 9. Nile Nubian applicative marker *\*deen*~~** When Old Nubian ⲇⲉⲛ “give to 1st person” is employed as a valence operator, the resulting applicative is a bipartite construction composed of V1 – a lexical verb stem marked by the converb marker ‑ⲁ – plus the finite ⲇⲉⲛ as V2. The plural number of a 1st person beneficiary is reflected by the pluractional extension ‑ⳝ (see [4.1](#41)). Example (141) also shows that the values of the inflectional suffixes on the main verb – with ‑ⲉ-ⲥⲟ marking the imperative form in a command – have scope over the preceding converb, which means that it is also conceived as an imperative form, even though it does not show the corresponding inflectional suffixes.[^170] @@ -1146,7 +1146,7 @@ As for Kordofan Nubian, only Dilling and Karko have retained reflexes of *\*deen | :--- | :--- | :--- | | -nin ← -(i)n-tin [imp]({sc}) | – | -nVn ← n-tèn [imp]({sc}) | -**Table 10. Kordofan Nubian applicative markers in imperatives based on *\*deen*** +**~~Table 10. Kordofan Nubian applicative markers in imperatives based on *\*deen*~~** The Dilling applicative extension *-nin* is assumed to originate from the fusion of the linker *-(i)n* plus the regular reflex of *\*deen* “give to 1st person,” *-tin.* In the imperative forms *‑nin* stands in paradigmatic contrasts with *-(i)n-di* stemming from the linker *-(i)n* plus the irregular donative verb *ti* referring to a 3rd person beneficiary. @@ -1205,7 +1205,7 @@ While the western Nubian languages reflect the *\*‑(i)j*-extension by *-j, -c, | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | |*‑(i)j | -(ⲓ)ⳝ | -(i)j | -(i)j | -(i)j | -j ~ ‑c | -c | -ɕ ~ ‑j | -j ~ -c | -**Table 11. The pluractional extension *\*‑(i)j*** +**~~Table 11. The pluractional extension *\*‑(i)j*~~** Browne points out that Old Nubian ‑ⳝ “refers to a plural object (either direct or indirect) and occasionally to a plural subject […] it may also refer to a plural object not specifically identified in the text.”[^179] The first example illustrates how -(ⲓ)ⳝ interacts with a transitive plural object, the second shows the interaction of -(ⲓ)ⳝ with an intransitive plural subject. @@ -1398,7 +1398,7 @@ Probably because the *\*‑(i)k* extension is mainly attested on ideophonic verb | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | \*‑(i)k | – | -k | -k | -k | -k | -(i)k | -(V)k | – | -**Table 12. The plural stem extension *\*‑(i)k*** +**~~Table 12. The plural stem extension *\*‑(i)k*~~** As Armbruster was the first to provide evidence of the *‑(i)k*-extension, this section considers Andaandi data first.[^196] Listing a few pairs of verbs Armbruster identifies *‑k* as a suffix with “perhaps intensive or factitive” meaning. While it is obvious that the geminate velar stop *kk* results from the regressive assimilation of the root-final consonant to the following *‑k,* it is not clear why the long root vowel is shortened in case of (186) *jak-k-i* and (187) *jok-k-i* but unchanged in the case of (188) *uuk-k-i.* @@ -1495,7 +1495,7 @@ A closer look at the examples below reveals that when the causative prefix is at | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | \*u- ~ o- |ⲟⲩ- |u- |u- |u- |u-, o- |u-, e- |ə-, ɔ-, u- |u- | -**Table 13. The archaic causative prefix *\*u- ~ o-*** +**~~Table 13. The archaic causative prefix *\*u- ~ o-*~~** In Old Nubian,[^205] for instance, there is evidence of an ⲟⲩ-prefix on transitive verb stems, whereas this prefix is absent on the cognate intransitive stems. diff --git a/content/article/norton.md b/content/article/norton.md index a26357d..3dfc67d 100644 --- a/content/article/norton.md +++ b/content/article/norton.md @@ -22,7 +22,7 @@ Ama examples unless otherwise stated are from the author’s fieldwork verified | kɛ̄r | "crane" (bird sp.) | nɪ̄ | "kill" [prog 3]({sc}) | ɕɪ̄ɛ̄ | "say" | | kɛ̀r | "around" | nɪ̀ | "kill" [prog 1/2]({sc}) | ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "do" [itr]({sc})| -**Table 1: Level tone contrasts in Ama** +**~~Table 1: Level tone contrasts in Ama~~** A brief overview of Ama morphosyntax can be gained by locating it in the typology of Heine and Vossen,[^4] which assesses African languages on the presence of nominal classification, nominal case, and verbal derivation. In Ama, the role of nominal classification is limited due to a remarkable lack of nominal number affixes, although there is some differentiated grammatical behavior of rational nominals.[^5] However, case is extensive in Ama,[^6] as is typical of Nilo-Saharan verb-final languages,[^7] and likewise verbal derivation is extensive. @@ -38,7 +38,7 @@ A brief overview of Ama morphosyntax can be gained by locating it in the typolog | 2. | Nominal case | extensive | accusative, dative, genitive, ablative, locatives | | 3. | Verbal derivation | extensive | causative, applicative, reciprocal, directional | -**Table 2. Ama morphosyntax** +**~~Table 2. Ama morphosyntax~~** # The Syntax of Ama Verbs {#syntax} @@ -60,7 +60,7 @@ Ama verbs follow a syntax that is partly familiar from other Nilo-Saharan langua | | | rɛ̄kb-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "ride" (SA *rikib*) | | | | mɪ̄skɪ̄l-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "give someone a missed call" (SA *miskil*) | -**Table 3. Ama coverbs** +**~~Table 3. Ama coverbs~~** [^11]: Jakobi, *Kordofan Nubian,* p. 159. Her data from Kordofan Nubian varieties shows high tone. @@ -135,7 +135,7 @@ The aspectual functions of the two stems were described by Stevenson as definite | [fact]({sc}) | t̪àl “ate” (past perf.) | t̪ʊ̄-máɪ́ “know” (pres. cont.) | | [prog]({sc}) | tām “is eating” | ?máɪ́ “is knowing” | -**Table 4. Verb stems of active and stative verbs** +**~~Table 4. Verb stems of active and stative verbs~~** ## Stem Formation and the Verb Root @@ -155,7 +155,7 @@ Although factative aspect is broader in meaning and more heavily used in text, t | t̪ɪ́-ɡɛ̄l-ɛ̄ | á-ɡɛ̄l | wash | causative-factative *t̪V́-* ~ causative *á-* | | ɕɪ̀-ɛ̄ | á-ɕɪ̄ | do (intr.) | causative *á-* | -**Table 5. Examples of verb stems** +**~~Table 5. Examples of verb stems~~** The CVC shape of verb roots is characteristic across Eastern Sudanic languages. In Gaahmg, for example, at least 90% of verb roots are CVC, whereas nouns are much more varied in shape.[^18] CVC is also the predominant shape in the following comparative data for verbs across Northern branches of Eastern Sudanic.[^19] @@ -180,7 +180,7 @@ The CVC shape of verb roots is characteristic across Eastern Sudanic languages. | take, gather | \*dumm | nem | - (Tama tɔ-mɔɽ) | - (Ama dum-) | *dɔm | | take, raise | \*eɲ | hind | *eɲ | - (Ama ɲɔn "carry") | \*meɲ ~ \*ɲeɲ | -**Table 6. Verbs across Northern East Sudanic (NES)** +**~~Table 6. Verbs across Northern East Sudanic (NES)~~** ## T/K Morphology for Factative/Progressive {#tk} @@ -192,7 +192,7 @@ An alternation between *t̪-* and *k-* cuts into the characteristic CVC shape in | t̪-īw-ò | k-íw | dig | | t̪-ūɕ-ē | k-úɕ-ín | light (fire) | -**Table 7. T/K marking on Ama verbs** +**~~Table 7. T/K marking on Ama verbs~~** A longer list of examples of this alternation shown in table 8 was documented by Stevenson, Rottland, and Jakobi, albeit with a different standard of transcription; they also detected the alternation in Afitti (*tosù/kosìl* “suckle,” *tòsù/kosìl* “light fire”).[^20] @@ -217,7 +217,7 @@ A longer list of examples of this alternation shown in table 8 was documented by | tɛ̀nɛ̀ | kɛndìr | climb | | tɛnìɡ | kɛndɛ̀ɡ | mount | -**Table 8. More verbs with T/K marking** +**~~Table 8. More verbs with T/K marking~~** T and K are well-known markers of singular and plural in Nilo-Saharan languages,[^21] but in Ama and Afitti where there is no T/K morphology on the noun, essentially the same alternation (*\*t* becomes dental in the Nyima branch)[^22] is found on the verb. It also cuts into the characteristic CVC verb root shape, implying that it is an innovation on the verb. I therefore propose that this class of verbs attests the Nyima cognate of the wider Nilo-Saharan T/K alternation. This entails a chain of events in which the T/K alternation first moved from the noun (singular/plural) to the verb (singulactional/pluractional), and then shifted in meaning from verbal number to verbal aspect (factative/progressive). @@ -308,14 +308,14 @@ Some verbal affixes are selected depending on factative or progressive aspect in | **[fact]({sc})** | t̪àl | t̪àl-ʊ̀n | | **[prog]({sc})** | tām | tām-áʊ́ | -**Table 9a. Affix selection according to aspect: "eat"** +**~~Table 9a. Affix selection according to aspect: "eat"~~** | | stem | [dir]({sc}) | | --- | --- | --- | | **[fact]({sc})** | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄ | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄-ɡ | | **[prog]({sc})** | dɪ̄ɟ-ɪ̄ | dīɟ-ír | -**Table 9b. Affix selection according to aspect: "throw"** +**~~Table 9b. Affix selection according to aspect: "throw"~~** The same is true of passive and ventive suffixes, but in factative aspect the suffixes replace the theme vowel, so that the affixes are the sole exponent of aspect in many verbs: @@ -324,14 +324,14 @@ The same is true of passive and ventive suffixes, but in factative aspect the su | **[fact]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āy-ɛ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-áɪ́ | | **[prog]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āɪ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-àɡ | -**Table 10a. Affix selection as sole exponent of aspect: "paint"** +**~~Table 10a. Affix selection as sole exponent of aspect: "paint"~~** | | stem | [ven]({sc}) | | --- | --- | --- | | **[fact]({sc})** | ɪ̄r-ɛ̄ | ɪ̄r-ɪ́ɪ̄ɡ | | **[prog]({sc})** | ɪ̄r | ɪ̄r-ɪ́d̪ɛ̄ɛ̀ɡ | -**Table 10b. Affix selection as sole exponent of aspect: "send"** +**~~Table 10b. Affix selection as sole exponent of aspect: "send"~~** In passive and in past, affix order also varies according to aspect with respect to the dual suffix *-ɛ̄n*: @@ -340,14 +340,14 @@ In passive and in past, affix order also varies according to aspect with respect | **[fact]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āy-ɛ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-áy-ɛ̄n | | **[prog]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āɪ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-ɛ̄n-àɡ | -**Table 11a. Affix order variation according to aspect: "paint"** +**~~Table 11a. Affix order variation according to aspect: "paint"~~** | | stem | [du pst]({sc}) | | --- | --- | --- | | **[fact]({sc})** | sāŋ-ɔ̄ | sāŋ-ɛ̄n-ʊ̀n | | **[prog]({sc})** | sāŋ | sāŋ-áw-ɛ̄n | -**Table 11b. Affix order variation according to aspect: "search"** +**~~Table 11b. Affix order variation according to aspect: "search"~~** The origin of this affix order variation is revealed by further evidence. Passive marking comes after dual in progressive aspect, whereas past marking comes after dual in factative aspect, but the common feature of both suffixes *-àɡ, -ʊ̀n* placed after the dual is that they both bear low tone. Two more suffixes with low tone, directional *-ɛ̀ɡ ~ -ɡ* (the second allomorph is toneless) and mediocausative *-àw ~ -ɔ̀* (the second allomorph is used word-finally) appear after the dual, but if another low-tone suffix is added after the dual, they appear before the dual instead. Hence, there is only one more affix slot in Ama after the penultimate dual suffix. @@ -361,7 +361,7 @@ The origin of this affix order variation is revealed by further evidence. Passiv | **[fact pst]({sc})** | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̀ɡ-ɔ̄-ɔ̀n | dɪ̀ɟ-ɪ́-ɡ-ɛ̄n-ʊ̀n | kɪ́l-àw-ɛ̄n-ʊ̀n | | | throw-dir-th-pst | throw-ven-dir-du-pst | hear-medcaus-du-pst | -**Table 12. Inward displacement of suffixes by an imperative or past suffix** +**~~Table 12. Inward displacement of suffixes by an imperative or past suffix~~** Both types of affix alternation in tables 11 and 12 involve low-tone suffixes in the final slot. Therefore, the development of all affix order alternations can be attributed to a single historical shift of all low-tone suffixes to the final slot. However, this shift is not realized in verbs containing two low-tone suffixes, because only one of them can go in the final slot. The only final-slot suffix that does not alternate is the imperative *-ɪ̀,* which leaves imperative as original to the final slot. Other suffixes originate from more internal slots to the left of the dual. @@ -402,7 +402,7 @@ Distributive pluractionals are characterized by optionality with a plural partic | kó-ɡaɲal | we (du.) milk | ó-ɡaɲál | you (du.) milk | ɡaɲál-i | they (du.) milk | | kó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | we (pl.) milk | ó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | you (pl.) milk | ɡaɲá-tər-i | they (pl.) milk | -**Table 13. Afitti pluractional *-t(ə)r* not used with dual subjects** +**~~Table 13. Afitti pluractional *-t(ə)r* not used with dual subjects~~** Beyond the Nyima branch, the Temein “plural action” suffix *-(ɨ)t̪* shares the first property of optionality as it “is by no means always added with plural objects.”[^48] It actually marks a distributive effect of the verb on the object (*ŋɔŋɔt-ɨt̪-ɛ dʉk* "I break the stick into pieces"), as also found with the Kunuz Nubian distributive suffix *-ij* (*duɡuːɡ ɡull-ij-ossu* ‘She threw the money here and there’).[^49] Information on non-occurrence with dual subjects is not reported in these languages, but it appears that this is because non-duality is a feature of incremental-distributive marking as found in Nyima, and not distributive-effect marking as found in Temein and Kunuz which can even occur with a singular object, as in the Temein example. @@ -432,7 +432,7 @@ The Ama suffix *-ar* can be added to a progressive verb as a mirative that marks | fá túŋ-ār | à-fá túŋ-ɛ̄n | à-fá túŋ-ɪ́d̪-ār | don’t be sleeping! | | fá tām-ār | à-fá tām-ɛ̄n | à-fá tām-ɪ́d̪-ār | don’t be eatingǃ | -**Table 14. Ama negative imperative paradigms** +**~~Table 14. Ama negative imperative paradigms~~** Another trilled suffix *-ir* marks motion in progress.[^55] It can be added to a progressive verb (*dɪ̄ɟɪ̄* “is throwing” → *dīɟ-ír* “is throwing (motion in progress)”), but on several motion verbs it is documented as part of the progressive stem, as in the examples in **table 15** below from Stevenson, Rottland, and Jakobi.[^56] The motion meaning of *-ir* simply agrees with the semantics of the roots, all of which define motion along some schematic scale, so that the aspectual meaning of *-ir* assumes greater significance. Hence, *-ir* approximates a progressive stem formative for this class of verbs. The final example in **table 15**, due to Kingston,[^57] shows still another trilled suffix *-or* in the progressive stem of a caused motion verb. @@ -448,7 +448,7 @@ Another trilled suffix *-ir* marks motion in progress.[^55] It can be added to a | tɪjɛ | jeìr | shoot | | ánasa | ánasor | take down | -**Table 15. Progressive stems ending in a trill** +**~~Table 15. Progressive stems ending in a trill~~** The trill thus fuses with certain vowels that behave like theme vowels for creating extended progressive stems. As a progressive element, the trill most probably derives from the shift of pluractional → progressive, identifying it as the missing extension of the second Nyima pluractional. We then have an Ama distributive pluractional suffix *-ɪ́d̪* that resembles the Nubian distributive pluractional *\*-[i]ɟ,* and Ama “pseudo-pluractional” progressive suffixes of the shape *-Vr* that resemble the Nubian plural-object pluractional *\*-er*. diff --git a/content/article/rilly.md b/content/article/rilly.md index fc05c8a..08e1a33 100644 --- a/content/article/rilly.md +++ b/content/article/rilly.md @@ -400,7 +400,7 @@ The Meroitic plural suffix *-bx(e)* shares three significant features with the v | kindle | ʃíl-ɛ̀ɛ́r | ʃìl-ìk | | wake up | fɛ́ʃ-ɛ̀ɛ́r | fɛ̀j-ɛ̀k | -**Table 1. Transitive verbs in Karko, singular stems marked by *-ɛɛr,* plural stems either unmarked or extended by *-Vk.*[^35]** +**~~Table 1. Transitive verbs in Karko, singular stems marked by *-ɛɛr,* plural stems either unmarked or extended by *-Vk.*[^35]~~** [^35]: Data from Jakobi, “Verbal Number and Transitivity in Karko," p. 126, t. 6. Only three of these verbs have specific markers both in singular and plural (“hang up,” “kindle,” “wake up”). In Karko, most of the verbs operate according to a pattern “unmarked singular/marked plural.” As in many languages where verbal number is present, the plural form can be a different verb (ibid., pp. 128-129). Several cases of replacive verbal forms for plural object marking are attested in Ama, see Norton, “Number in Ama Verbs,” p. 77. @@ -645,7 +645,7 @@ Note that only the passages where at least the verb *ked* is present are taken i | REM 0094 | 11 | | kede-bxe | | | | 20–21 | | kede-bx | kb-b-te | -**Table 2. Forms of the verbs "kill" and "seize" (*vel. sim*) in REM 1044, 0092, 1003, 1333, and 0094.** +**~~Table 2. Forms of the verbs "kill" and "seize" (*vel. sim*) in REM 1044, 0092, 1003, 1333, and 0094.~~** The verbal forms listed above show a great diversity of suffixes. The plural verbal marker *-bx(e)* in REM 1333, variant *-b* in REM 1044/149-150 and 0094, and the pluractional suffix *-k* in REM 1044/5 and 1003, which were studied both in [3.3.6](#ii36), are irrelevant in the quest for personal markers. The suffixes *-td* (only in REM 1044), *-to* in REM 1044 and 0092, *-te* in REM 0094 are probably tense or aspect markers, which are in final position in all the other NES languages.[^61] The morpheme *-i* in REM 1003 is obviously optional, as it can be present or absent in identical sequences such as *abr-se-l: ye-ked-i* “I killed each man” in l. 4 vs. *abr-se-l ye-ked* in l. 11.[^62] The vocalic sign *-e* appended to the stem in *(e)-kede-to* (REM 1044 and 0092) is probably an epenthetic vowel inserted before the suffix *-to.* In the other verbal forms ending with this suffix that occur in the same texts, the vowel *-e* is generally absent, but no obvious rule, as for now, can predict its appearance. Finally, the forms ending with *-l-o* in REM 1333 are very probably periphrastic, as they include participles followed by the article *-l* and the copula *-o.* The multiplicity of tense or aspect markers that occur in these narrative texts is by no means unexpected or dubious, but is a further aspect of the *varietas* that is so peculiar to the Meroitic texts, when compared with their formulaic Egyptian counterparts.[^63] A similar variety in narrative tenses can be found in many languages. In French, for example, historical records can of course use simple past and imperfect, but present is possible (*présent de narration*) and even future, in this case referring to past events (*futur historique*). @@ -814,7 +814,7 @@ The final prayers of the funerary texts, which Griffith termed “benedictions, | C | x(re) | mlo | -l | (pVsV-/yi-) | hol/tx | -x(e), pl. -bx(e) | -k(e) | -te | May you (pl.) present her/him/them (or have her/him/them presented) with a good meal | | D | x(re) | lh | -l | (pVsV-/yi-) | hol/tx | -x(e), pl. -bx(e) | -k(e) | -te | May you (pl.) present her/him/them (or have her/him/them presented) with a large meal | -**Table 3. The general scheme for benedictions A–D.** +**~~Table 3. The general scheme for benedictions A–D.~~** The prefixed elements *pVsV-* or *yi-,* which obviously have a causative value but are not yet fully understood, have been studied above in [4.3](#iii3). The element *-x(e)* in the singular, *-bx(e)* in the plural, is a verbal number marker that has been analysed in section [3.3](#ii3). As the funerary benedictions are basically prayers to the gods, imperative or optative in the 2nd person plural are expected. The verbal TAM ending here is *-k-te* or *-ke-te* with a plural suffix *-k(e).* The singular TAM ending is *-te,* as seen in examples (19), (29)-(31), each of which contains a prayer to a single god. Cross-linguistically, the singular imperative is generally a simple verbal stem, e.g. English *see!,* Latin *vide!,* and Middle Egyptian *m3!* This is also true for the living NES languages: Nobiin *nàl!,* Midob *kóod!,* etc.[^84] For this reason, the verbal form with ending *-te,* which is used in the royal blessings and funerary benedictions, must be regarded as an optative rather than an imperative. However, an optional particle *-se,* which is added to the verbal compound in several funerary inscriptions,[^85] has an Old Nubian parallel in the command marker -ⲥⲟ or -ⲥⲱ.[^x35] Be it related or borrowed, this particle shows the semantic proximity of the Meroitic optative with the Old Nubian imperative. @@ -880,7 +880,7 @@ From the above, it appears that the markers of the Meroitic imperative and optat | Imperative | -∅ | -k(e) | (-se) | | Optative | -∅-te/-to | -k(e)-te | (-se) | -**Table 4. Meroitic imperative and optative suffixes.** +**~~Table 4. Meroitic imperative and optative suffixes.~~** The use of the suffix *-k/-g* to express the plurality of actors in the imperative (and in other moods) is widespread in Nilo-Saharan languages and particularly frequent in the NES family. Although it may have the same origin as the verbal plural marker, it must not be confused with it. The exception here is Ama, where the same morpheme *-(ì)d̪ì* is used both verbal plural marker ([3.3.2](#ii32)) and marker of the plural imperative: *kílí* “hear!,” pl. *kíld̪ì* “hear ye!”[^90] In Nara, the plural imperative is marked with a suffix *-aga.* This morpheme is attested in the two major dialects, namely in Higir *ay* “make!,” pl. *ay-aga* “make ye!”[^x40] and in Mogoreeb, *aw* “make!,” pl. *aw-aga* “make ye!”[^x41] In Mararit (Taman group), the plural imperative is marked with a morpheme *-k-,* which can be prefixed or suffixed according to the verb classes: *sîn* “eat!,” pl. *kí-síŋ-gì* “eat ye!” (prefixed); *kɛ̀dɛ̀k* “cut!,” pl. *kɛ̀d-k-ɛ̀k* “cut ye!” (suffixed).[^91] In the Nubian group, the suffix *\*-k/-g* is perhaps preserved in Midob in a palatalized form *-ic*: *kóod* “see!,” pl. *kóod-íc* “see ye!,”[^x42] but the difference with the plural verbal marker, as in Ama, is not clear. The other branches of Nubian seem to have innovated separately. In Andaandi, the 2pl imperative is marked with a suffix *-we*[^x38] and with a suffix *-an* in Old Nubian and Nobiin.[^x39] However, Old Nubian has a morpheme *-ke* “you,” which Van Gerven Oei analyzes as a subject clitic.[^92] It is not used for the “positive” imperative like in Meroitic, but is part of the jussive -ⲛⲕⲉ, vetitive -ⲧⲁⲛⲕⲉ(ⲥⲟ), and affirmative -ⲗⲕⲉ/-ⲥⲕⲉ. This morpheme is probably related to the Meroitic suffix *-k(e)* used in the plural imperative. @@ -992,7 +992,7 @@ On the other hand, Nubian languages have a propensity for intervocalic /r/ to sh | sword[^96] | | ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡ | fáráɲ | (ʃíbídí) | | white | \*arr-e | ⲁ̄ⲇⲱ | KD aro[^97] | éelé (M. áddè)[^98] | -**Table 5. Alternation between intervocalic /r/ and /d/ in Nubian.** +**~~Table 5. Alternation between intervocalic /r/ and /d/ in Nubian.~~** [^96]: The Old Nubian and Nobiin forms are reflexes of Proto-NES *\*mbar-e* “spear.” The Birgid word is borrowed from Old Dongolawi *\*sibit,* ultimately from Egyptian *šf.t* “knife,” probably through a still unattested Meroitic word. [^97]: "White" is in Old Nubian ⳟⲟⲩⲗⲟⲩ, Nobiin *nùlù.* The adjective ⲁ̄ⲇⲱ is an Old Dongolawi word used in an Old Nubian letter. The modern form which is given here, *aro,* is Mattokki–Andaandi. @@ -1094,14 +1094,14 @@ In conclusion, a general table of the personal markers that have been identified | **Imperative Person Marker** | – | -∅ | – | – | -k(e) | – | | **Optative Person Marker*** | ? | -∅-te | ? | ? | -k(e)-te | ? | -**Table 6. Meroitic Person Markers** +**~~Table 6. Meroitic Person Markers~~** | | Sg. | Pl. | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | **Subject** | -∅ | -b | | **Object** | -x(e) | -bx(e) | -**Table 7. Meroitic Verbal Number Markers** +**~~Table 7. Meroitic Verbal Number Markers~~** # Abbreviations diff --git a/content/article/starostin.md b/content/article/starostin.md index be53f5a..97821ff 100644 --- a/content/article/starostin.md +++ b/content/article/starostin.md @@ -31,7 +31,7 @@ More recently, however, an important and challenging hypothesis on a re-classifi | **K/D** | 54% | 48% | 58% | 57% | 58% | | | **Nobiin** | 40% | 37% | 43% | 41% | 43% | 70% | -**Table 1. Part of the lexicostatistical matrix for Nubian[^t1]** +**~~Table 1. Part of the lexicostatistical matrix for Nubian[^t1]~~** [^t1]: Bechhaus-Gerst, *Sprachwandel durch Sprachkontakt am Beispiel des Nubischen im Niltal,* p. 88. @@ -57,14 +57,14 @@ Let us look again more closely (table 2) at the lexicostatistical evidence, redu | **K/D** | 70% | 54% | | **Nobiin** | | 40% | -**Table 2a. Lexicostatistical relations between Nile-Nubian and Midob \(Bechhaus-Gerst\)[^t2a]** +**~~Table 2a. Lexicostatistical relations between Nile-Nubian and Midob \(Bechhaus-Gerst\)[^t2a]~~** | | Nobiin | Midob | | --- | :--- | :--- | | **K/D** | 66% | 57% | | **Nobiin** | | 51% | -**Table 2b. Lexicostatistical relations between Nile-Nubian and Midob \(Starostin\)[^t2b]** +**~~Table 2b. Lexicostatistical relations between Nile-Nubian and Midob \(Starostin\)[^t2b]~~** [^t2a]: Bechhaus-Gerst, “Nile-Nubian Reconsidered” [^t2b]: Storostin, *Jazyki Afriki*.