diff --git a/content/.DS_Store b/content/.DS_Store index 5bbb848..de0ca4e 100644 Binary files a/content/.DS_Store and b/content/.DS_Store differ diff --git a/content/article/blench.md b/content/article/blench.md index 03c4eaa..6ba4f90 100644 --- a/content/article/blench.md +++ b/content/article/blench.md @@ -42,7 +42,7 @@ East Sudanic languages are by far the most well-known branch of Nilo-Saharan, wi ![The East Sudanic languages](../static/images/east-sudanic.jpg "The East Sudanic languages") -**Map 1. The East Sudanic languages** +**~~Map 1. The East Sudanic languages~~** The nine branches remain the accepted listing with some relatively minor reassignments. There have been few attempts to synthesise data on East Sudanic, the unpublished MSc thesis of Ross,[^12] who was a student of Bender, and Bender’s own studies and monograph.[^13] The study by Starostin of Nubian–Nara–Tama is part of a project to re-evaluate East Sudanic as a whole from the point of view of lexicostatistics.[^14] Bender gives basic phonologies representative of each branch, as well as an argument for the coherence of East Sudanic based principally on lexical evidence. This latter was locally printed in Carbondale and is best described as problematic to read for those who are not strongly motivated to penetrate its forest of acronyms and compressed citations. It has therefore had a very limited impact on Nilo-Saharan studies. However, it is full of interesting suggestions for isoglosses and presents an elaborate table of sound correspondences, so it undoubtedly merits close study. Unlike Bender’s Omotic compendium,[^15] it does not include original lexical forms systematically, and hence each entry needs to be rechecked against original and more current source data. It is safe to say Bender’s publications did not have a resounding impact on the scholarly community. @@ -204,7 +204,7 @@ The paper considers each branch of East Sudanic in turn, and briefly lays out th Nubian demonstrates strong evidence for tripartite number marking in nouns. Jakobi & Hamdan describe Karko, which has a restricted system of suffixed singulatives, where *-Vt* and *-ɖ* are allomorphs (**Table 9**). -| Gloss | Sg. | Pl. | +| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | sorghum | wèê-t | wèè | | hair | ʈēɽ-ét | tèèl | @@ -218,7 +218,7 @@ Nubian demonstrates strong evidence for tripartite number marking in nouns. Jako However, the majority of suffixes denote plurals (**Table 10**). The majority seem to be allomorphs of the singulative suffix, thus *ɖ ~ Vl ~ Vr,* with a distinct second set *Vɲ ~ Vŋ*. The suffix *-Vnd* may be a composite of the nasal and alveo-dental suffixes. -| Gloss | Sg. | Pl. | +| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | body | íìl | īl-ɖ | | heart | áàl | āl-ɖ | @@ -241,7 +241,7 @@ However, the majority of suffixes denote plurals (**Table 10**). The majority se Proto-Nubian may have had a fully functional tripartite system, which has now eroded leaving both singulatives and plurals, but not simultaneously. Once allomorphy is taken into account, the available affixes are very restricted. A language such as Midob has a still more reduced system, with only the alveo-dental *t ~ di* (**Table 11**). -| Gloss | Sg. | Pl. | +| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | thing | sáar | sàartì | | house | ə̀d | ə̀ttì | @@ -268,7 +268,7 @@ The restricted corpus for Meroitic and the absence of reliable grammatical infor Nominal plurals in Nara are created through suffixing and sporadic gemination of the final consonant. The six plural classes are shown in **Table 13**. There are weak correlations with semantics and these are given only as indicative: -| Suffix | | Gloss | Sg. | Pl. | Semantics | +| Suffix | | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | Semantics | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | -ka | -K | fox | kerfe | kerefka | animals | | | | animal | oof | oofka | | @@ -283,17 +283,17 @@ Nominal plurals in Nara are created through suffixing and sporadic gemination of | -ʤʤa | -S | gland | foʤi | foʤʤaa | internal secretions | | | | milk course | ngiʤi | ngiʤʤaa | | -The plurals in last three classes which involve consonant doubling and change the final vowel to *-a* may simply be allomorphs of an underlying *-a* suffix. These may derive from a single rule and thus not exemplify the characteristic East Sudanic suffixes. - **~~Table 13. Nara number marking in nouns[^404]~~** +The plurals in last three classes which involve consonant doubling and change the final vowel to *-a* may simply be allomorphs of an underlying *-a* suffix. These may derive from a single rule and thus not exemplify the characteristic East Sudanic suffixes. + [^404]: Data from Dawd & Hayward, "Nara." ## Nyima Nyima covers two related languages, Nyimang and Afitti, now usually known as Ama and Dinik respectively. Both languages have retained only traces of the complex noun morphology characteristic of other East Sudanic branches. Ama nouns have a single plural-marking suffix, *-ŋi* (or *-gi* after a liquid). Even this is dropped when number can be inferred from either a numeral or a quantifier. There are a small number of suppletives for persons: -| Gloss | Sg. | Pl. | +| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | person, pl. people | wodáŋ | wàá | | child | wodéŋ | ɖúriŋ | @@ -347,7 +347,7 @@ This shift from the nominal to the verbal system suggests that Nyima need no lon Descriptions of the morphology of Taman languages are very limited. Kellermann provides a summary of number marking in nouns, based on the manuscript material of Stevenson (**Table 17**): -| Affix | Sg. | Affix | Pl. | Gloss | +| Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) | Gloss | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | -t | mèya-t | -k | mèya-k | blacksmith | | -t | wɪ̀gɪ-t | -ɛ | wɪ̀gɪ-ɛ | bird | @@ -368,7 +368,7 @@ As with other East Sudanic languages, once allomorphy is taken into account, num Surmic displays abundant evidence for three-term number marking. **Table 18** shows its operation in Laarim: -| Gloss | Sg. | Generic | Pl. | +| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Generic | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | gazelle | boronit | boron- | boronua | | nail | gurmaloʧ | gurmal- | gurmaleeta | @@ -379,7 +379,7 @@ Surmic displays abundant evidence for three-term number marking. **Table 18** sh Yigezu & Dimmendaal focus on Baale and **Table 19** shows its number marking system and identifiable affixes. The variability in Baale is extremely high with many minor differences, so the analysis is not always certain. For example, "stomach” might represent an original *-NV* affix, eroded by the subsequent addition of the *-TV.* -| Gloss | Affix | Sg. | Affix | Pl. | +| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | arm, hand | -∅ | ayí | -NV | ayinná | | moon | -∅ | ɲʊlʊ́ | -KV | ɲɔlɔgɛ́ | @@ -404,7 +404,7 @@ To judge by the data in Bender,[^410] Aka has a richer system of number marking [^410]: Bender, “The Eastern Jebel Languages of Sudan I”; Bender,"The Eastern Jebel Languages of Sudan II." -| Gloss | Affix | Sg. | Affix | Pl. | +| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | tongue | -∅ | kala | -A, -T | kala.ati | | knee | -∅ | kʊsu | -N | kʊsuu.ŋi | @@ -430,7 +430,7 @@ Temein consists of three languages, Temein, Keiga Jirru, and These.[^412] Surfac [^412]: Blench, “Introduction to the Temein Languages.” [^413]: See, e.g., Dimmendaal, “Number Marking and Noun Categorization in Nilo-Saharan Languages," or Blench, “Introduction to the Temein Languages.” -Language | Gloss | Sg. | Unmarked | Pl. | +Language | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | Temein | dura | mórɪŋɪnʈɛʈ (one grain) | mórɪŋɪs (head of grain) | mórɪŋ (dura plant) | Keiga Jirru | meat | bɪlanḑàk (one piece) | ɪnɖàk | kɪnɖaɖɪ̀k | @@ -453,7 +453,7 @@ Number marking in Temein displays typical Nilo-Saharan characteristics, although In the Temein cluster *k-* is strongly associated with plurals and can occur before, after, and at both ends of a word. The underspecified vowel often results in a copy of the stem vowel, though not in every case. The vowel can disappear when the stem begins with an approximant. *Table 22* shows surface forms in Temein: -| Gloss | Unmarked | Pl. | +| Gloss | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | belly | óòm | kómɪk | | big | ḿbù | kɪmbɪk | @@ -464,7 +464,7 @@ In the Temein cluster *k-* is strongly associated with plurals and can occur bef This affix has an allomorph *–Vk* that can mark singulative as in These (**Table 23**): -| Gloss | Sg. | Unmarked | +| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | firewood | márɛnyɪk | márɛŋ | | ear | ŋwánɪk | kwɛɛŋ | @@ -479,7 +479,7 @@ In the case of the singulative for “fish,” it appears that it has already be Less common is *–NI* or *-IN* in final position. Temein examples are shown in **Table 24**: -| Gloss | Unmarked | Pl. | +| Gloss | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | friend | wórɪnyà | kórɪnyànɪ̀ | | hanging frame | sɛsɪlàŋ | sɛsɪlàŋì | @@ -499,7 +499,7 @@ Daju languages also show evidence for the characteristic three-way number-markin This is shown for two glosses in **Table 25**: -| Gloss | Sg. | Unmarked | Pl. (countable) | +| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) (countable) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | egg | gilis-ic | gilis | gilis-u | worm | ox-uic | ox | ox-uij-iny | @@ -508,20 +508,20 @@ Shatt and Laggori at least have considerable diversity of surface affixes markin [^415]: Boyeldieu, *La qualification dans les langues africaines*; Alamin Mubarak, “An Initial Description of Laggori Noun Morphology and Noun Phrase.” -| Category | Sg. | Pl. | +| Category | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | -| Sg./pl. alternation | -V | -u | +| [sg]({sc})/pl. alternation | -V | -u | | | -x | -ɲ | | | -c | -ɲ, or -ic / -iɲ, or -d(d)ic / -d(d)iɲ | | | -ic | -u | | | -(ɨ)c | -ta/-d(d)a | -| Pl. only | | -iɲ | +| [pl]({sc}) only | | -iɲ | | | | -u | | | | -ta/-d(d)a | | | | -ti/-d(d)i | | | | -tiɲ | | | | -dɨk | -| Sg. only | -ic | | +| [sg]({sc}) only | -ic | | | | -tic/-d(d)ic | | | | -c | | | | -sɨnic/-zɨnɨc | | @@ -534,7 +534,7 @@ Boyeldieu also lists a significant number of irregular forms. There are three cl The alternating nominal suffixes of Dar Daju described by Aviles present a far simpler set.[^417] Every noun has one of four singular suffixes. Aviles calls these “classificatory” although they have no obvious semantic association. These alternate with four plural suffixes, although these all appear to be allomorphs of *-ge* (**Table 27**). -| Class | Gloss | Sg. | +| Class | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | 1 | elder | ɉam-ne | | 2 | liver | cacaw-ce | @@ -579,7 +579,7 @@ The only survey of East Nilotic lexicon reamins Vossen's,[^419] and this can pro [^419]: Vossen, *The Eastern Nilotes.* -| Gloss | Affix | Sg. | Affix | Pl. | +| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | cattle tick | -T(T) | mɨ́sɨ́r.ɨtɨ́t | -∅ | másɛ̂r | | black ant | -T | múkúɲ.êt | -∅ | múkûn | @@ -604,7 +604,7 @@ There are two published reconstructions of South Nilotic.[^421] Rottland include [^421]: Ehret, *Southern Nilotic History*; Rottland, *Die südnilotischen Sprachen.* -| Gloss | Affix | Sg. | Affix | Pl. | +| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | the calf | -Tv | mɔ̀ɔ̀ɣ.tâ | -V | mòóɣ.eeʔ | | the duiker | -Tv | cèptǐrkìc.tä́ | -kV | cèptǐrkìc.kä̂ | @@ -621,7 +621,7 @@ Pokot shows evidence for an original singulative *-V(V)N,* which has been resuff The number system of Endo, another language of the Markweeta (Marakwet) group, is described by Zwarts. Endo has a wide range of singulative suffixes shown in **Table 31**, although once allomorphy is considered, they can probably be reduced to a rather simpler set. Zwarts argues that plurals constitute the unmarked set. -| Gloss | Affix | Sg. | Pl. | +| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | cloud | -tV | pool.ta | pool | | woman | -ka | kāār.kā | kāār | @@ -680,7 +680,7 @@ The evidence presented points to a common inheritance in East Sudanic number mar ![Proposed internal structure of East Sudanic](../static/images/classification2.png "Proposed internal structure of East Sudanic") -**Figure 1. Proposed internal structure of East Sudanic[^fig1]** +**~~Figure 1. Proposed internal structure of East Sudanic[^fig1]~~** [^fig1]: Cf. Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* 208. @@ -704,15 +704,17 @@ In conclusion, East Sudanic is characterized by a series of affixes, which have # Abbreviations -* A: any central vowel ±ATR -* C: any consonant -* I: any high front vowel ±ATR -* K: velar consonant -* N: any nasal consonant -* S: any fricative consonant -* T: any dental consonant -* V: any vowel -* X: any phoneme +* A: any central vowel ±ATR; +* C: any consonant; +* I: any high front vowel ±ATR; +* K: velar consonant; +* N: any nasal consonant; +* [pl]({sc}): plural; +* S: any fricative consonant; +* [sg]({sc}): singular; +* T: any dental consonant; +* V: any vowel; +* X: any phoneme. # Bibliography diff --git a/content/article/jakobi.md b/content/article/jakobi.md index 49d6f9c..c03001f 100644 --- a/content/article/jakobi.md +++ b/content/article/jakobi.md @@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ According to Rilly, the Nubian language family has two main branches, Nile Nubia ![Family tree model of the Nubian languages](../static/images/jakobi1.jpg "Family tree model of the Nubian languages") -**Figure 1. Family tree model of the Nubian languages[^fig1]** +**~~Figure 1. Family tree model of the Nubian languages[^fig1]~~** [^fig1]: Adapted from Rilly, “The Linguistic Position of Meroitic.” @@ -34,7 +34,7 @@ According to Rilly, the Nubian language family has two main branches, Nile Nubia ![The northern Nuba Mountains](../static/images/jakobi2.png "The northern Nuba Mountains") -**Map. 1. The northern Nuba Mountains[^13]** +**~~Map 1. The northern Nuba Mountains[^13]~~** [^13]: I would like to thank the cartographer at the Institute of African Studies and Egyptology, University of Cologne, Monika Feinen, for designing the map. @@ -72,7 +72,7 @@ However, the correspondences between the verb extensions in Nubian and Ama (**Ta | causative prefix | PN \*u- ~ o- | causative prefix | a- | | causative | PN \*-(i)g-ir | directional, causative | -ɪg, -ɛg | | reciprocal | KN -in | dual | -ɪn | -| pluractional | Midob -íd | distributive, pluractional | -ɪ́d̪ | +| pluractional | Mi -íd | distributive, pluractional | -ɪ́d̪ | **~~Table 3. Comparable Nubian and Ama verb extensions~~** @@ -161,7 +161,6 @@ The ditransitive construction derived by the causative *-(i)r*-extension on the [^ex7]: Example from Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* ex. ??? (gr 2.4). {{< gloss "(7)" >}} -{r} **Old Nubian** {r} ⲁⲓ̈ⲕⲟⲛⲱ ϣⲟⲕⲕⲁ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲗⲓⲣⲉⲥⲟ {g} *ai-k-onō*,[1sg-acc-refl]({sc})|*šok-ka*,book-[acc]({sc})|*koull-ir-e-so*,learn-[caus-imp.2/3sg.pred-comm]({sc})| {r} “Teach me the book” @@ -175,7 +174,7 @@ The Nobiin *-(i)r*-extension can derive transitive and ditransitive stems when i [^44]: Lepsius, *Nubische Grammatik,* p. 152. -| Nobiin | | | | | +| | Nobiin | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (8) | karj-e | “ripen” [itr]({sc}) | karj-ir-e | “cook” [tr]({sc}) | | (9) | naaf-e | “be hidden” [itr]({sc}) | naaf-ir-e | “hide” [tr]({sc}) | @@ -216,7 +215,7 @@ Unlike the Old Nubian and Nobiin *-(i)r*-extension, which can be attached to int [^47]: Examples drawn from Massenbach, “Wörterbuch des nubischen Kunûzi-Dialektes,” pp. 132–133, 215. -| Mattokki | | | | | +| | Mattokki | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (24) | arub | “be folded up” [itr]({sc}) | arb-ir | “fold up” [tr]({sc}) | | (25) | urub | “have a hole” [itr]({sc}) | urb-ur | “make a hole” [tr]({sc}) | @@ -238,7 +237,6 @@ It is conceivable that the loss of morphological meaning observed with *-(i)r* h [^50]: Examples from Massenbach, “Wörterbuch des nubischen Kunûzi-Dialektes,” p. 132. {{< gloss "(29)" >}} -{r} **Mattokki** {g} *essi*,water|*aa-was-in*,[prog]({sc})-boil-[neut.3sg]({sc})| {r} “the water is boiling” {{< /gloss >}} @@ -252,14 +250,13 @@ As in Mattokki, Andaandi *‑(i)r ~ ‑(u)r* is attached to intransitive verb ba [^52]: Examples from Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar,* §§3670–76 and §3722; Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian. A Lexicon,* p. 44. -| Andaandi | | | | | +| | Andaandi | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (31) | kuɲ | “sink, get buried” [itr]({sc}) | kuɲ-ur | “bury” [tr]({sc}) | | (32) | aag | “squat, sit” [itr]({sc}) | ag-iddi | “cause to sit, seat” [tr]({sc}) | | (33) | dab | “disappear” [itr]({sc}) | dab-ir | “cause to disappear” [tr]({sc})| {{< gloss "(34)" >}} -{r} **Andaandi** {g} *tɛn*,[3sg.gen]({sc})|*dungi*,money|*dab-os-ko-n*,disappear-[pfv-pt-3sg]({sc})| {r} “his/her money has disappeared” {{< /gloss >}} @@ -284,7 +281,7 @@ In Kordofan Nubian, the *‑(i)r*-extension has gained and lost functions. In Di [^58]: Examples drawn from Kauczor, *Die bergnubische Sprache,* §253. -| Dilling | | | | | +| | Dilling | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (38) | dwaj | “spoil something” [tr]({sc}) | dwej-ir | “spoil” [itr]({sc}) | | (39) | kuj | “hang” [itr]({sc}) | kuj-ir | “hang up” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | @@ -298,7 +295,7 @@ The corresponding Tagle extension is realized as [ir] after [+ATR] root vowel(s) [^60]: All Tagle examples are provided by Ali Ibrahim (p.c.). -| Tagle | | | +| | Tagle | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (40) | ʃɔ̀k-ɪ̀ ~ ʃɔ̀k-ɪ̀r-ɪ̀ | “rise!” | | (41) | dùʃ-ì ~ dùʃ-ìr-ì | “come out (of the ground)!” | @@ -332,7 +329,7 @@ The causative *\*‑(i)r* is reflected by the Midob *‑(i)r*-extension. Werner [^61]: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* p. 53. Werner translates (48) with English infinitives, “to get up” and “to get/wake (somebody) up.” He does not provide morpheme glossing. Due to the inflectional suffix -*(i)hem,* they can be identified as 1st person perfect indicative forms. -| Midob | | | | | +| | Midob | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (47) | tìmm-íhàm | “we gathered” [itr]({sc}) | tìmm-ír-hàm | “we gathered” [tr]({sc}) | | (48) | pècc-ìhêm | “I got up” [itr]({sc}) | pècc-ír-hèm | “I woke (somebody) up” [tr]({sc})| @@ -372,7 +369,7 @@ The following examples from Browne’s dictionary show that it derives transitiv [^66]: Browne, *Old Nubian Dictionary,* pp. 81, 124, 152. -| Old Nubian | | | | | +| | ON | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (51) | ⲟⲕ, ⲱⲕ, ⲟⲅ | “stand, be (over)” [itr]({sc}) |ⲟⲕ-ⲕⲁⲣ, ⲟⲕ-ⲕⲣ̄ | “place over, attend” [tr]({sc}) | | (52) | ⲡⲗ̄ⲗ | “shine” [itr]({sc}) | ⲡⲗ̄ⲗ-ⲓⲅⲣ̄ | “reveal, illumine” [tr]({sc}) | @@ -392,7 +389,7 @@ In Nobiin, particularly in the Fadicca dialect, *kir* “make” is still used a [^68]: Reinisch, *Die sprachliche Stellung des Nuba,* p. 37. [^69]: Ibid. -| Nobiin | | | | | +| | Nobiin | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (55) | kab | “eat” | kab-a kir | “feed” | | (56) | junti | “pregnant” | junt-a kir | “impregnate” | @@ -403,7 +400,6 @@ In the Nobiin variety documented by Werner, however, *kìr* is no longer part of [^71]: “Present tense” is a preliminary term for a category that is probably more adequately described as imperfective aspect. {{< gloss "(57)" >}} -{r} **Nobiin** {g} *ày*,[1sg]({sc})|*tàk=kà*,[3sg=acc]({sc})|*kàb-kèer*,eat-[caus.ind.prs.1sg]({sc})| {r} “I feed him,” lit. “I make him eat” {{< /gloss >}} @@ -423,7 +419,7 @@ In the following example the inflectional suffix *‑kiss* is due to anticipator The Mattokki causative extensions *‑(i)gir, ‑kir, ‑giddi* (← *‑gir-ri ← ‑gir-ir*), and *‑kiddi* (← *‑kir-ri ← ‑kir-ir*) derive transitive stems from intransitive bases and ditransitive stems from transitive bases. -| Mattokki | | | | | +| | Mattokki | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (59) | boor | “be destroyed” | boor-kiddi | “destroy” | | (60) | soll | “hang” | soll-igir | “hang up” | @@ -434,7 +430,6 @@ Here is a Mattokki example of *kuur* “learn” in a causative construction wit [^77]: Ibid. {{< gloss "(62)" >}} -{r} **Mattokki** {g} ter,[3sg]({sc})|ai=g,[1sg=acc]({sc})|aa-kuur-kiddi-mun-um,[prog]({sc})-learn-[caus-neg-ind.pt.3sg]({sc})| {r} “he did not teach [it] to me,” lit. “he did not make me learn [it]” {{< /gloss >}} @@ -449,7 +444,7 @@ The *‑(i)gir*-extension occurs on intransitive and transitive verb stems. It i [^79]: Borrowed Arabic verbs are integrated into the Andaandi verbal system by means of the clitic verb *ɛ* which is more frequently realized with a long vowel as *ɛɛ* “say,” cf. Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar,* §2879 and §§3602–3607. -| Andaandi | | | | | +| | Andaandi | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (63) | ɛɛʃ=ɛ[^80] | “belch” | ɛɛʃ=ɛ-gir |“cause or allow to belch, play with food and drink” | | (64) | ulli | “kindle” | ull-igir | “cause or allow to kindle” | @@ -472,7 +467,6 @@ In addition to the *‑(i)gir*-extension, Andaandi exhibits the complex causativ [^83]: Examples provided by E. El-Guzuuli, p.c. June 2019. {{< gloss "(69)" >}} -{r} **Andaandi** {g} *tokkon*,[proh]({sc})|*dab-iŋgir-men*,get.lost-[caus-neg]({sc})| {r} “don’t let it get lost!” {{< /gloss >}} @@ -486,7 +480,7 @@ The Kordofan Nubian language Dilling has two causative extensions, *‑iir* and [^84]: Examples from Kauczor, *Die bergnubische Sprache,* §269 and §270. -| Dilling | | | | | +| | Dilling | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (71) | ʃwak-ir | "rise" [itr]({sc}) | ʃwak-iir | “raise” | | (72) | duk-ir | "bow" [itr]({sc}) | duk-iir | “bend” [oj sg]({sc})| @@ -497,7 +491,7 @@ The Kordofan Nubian language Dilling has two causative extensions, *‑iir* and Similar to Dilling, Tagle uses the causative extensions *‑ɪg-ɪr* and *‑ɪg-ɛr,* when referring to a singular and a plural object, respectively. -| Tagle | | | +| | Tagle | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (75) | ɛ̀ʃ-ɪ̀ ~ ɛ̀ʃ-ɪ̀r-ɪ̀ | “wake up” [itr, imp 2sg]({sc}) | | (76) | ɛ́ʃ-ɪ́g-ɪ́r-ɪ̀ | “wake up” [tr, oj sg, imp 2sg]({sc}) | @@ -508,7 +502,6 @@ The causative function of Tagle *‑ɪ́g-ɪ́r* and *‑ɪ́g-ɛ́r* can be dem [^85]: In (78) *ʃɔ̀k-ɪ̀r-ɪ̀* can be replaced by *ʃɔ̀k-ɪ̀*. {{< gloss "(78)" >}} -{r} **Tagle** {g} *tɔ́ɔ́*,up|*ʃɔ̀k-ɪ̀r-ɪ̀*,rise-[sng-imp.2sg]({sc})| {r} “rise!” {{< /gloss >}} @@ -540,7 +533,7 @@ Midob, too, has – besides the *‑(i)r*-extension discussed in [2.1](#21) – [^86]: Examples from Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* pp. 54, 89. -| Midob | | | | | +| | Midob | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (83) | ètt-ìhèm | “I crossed” | ètt-èek-ìhèm | “I caused to cross” | | (84) | tèey-áhèm | “I carried” | tèey-éek-ìhêm | “I caused to carry” | @@ -585,6 +578,8 @@ This distinction is still reflected in Nile Nubian. In the languages of the west Proto-Nubian word-initial *\*t* (as, for instance, in *\*toor* “enter,” *\*tar* “he, she,” *\*tossi-gu* “three”[^94]) is regularly reflected by a dental *t̪* in the Kordofan Nubian languages. However, *\*tir* “give” is unexpectedly reflected by Karko *tìì,* i.e., with an initial alveolar, rather than with the expected dental stop *t̪.* On the other hand, the shift of initial *\*d* (as in *\*deen*) to the Kordofan Nubian alveolar *t* is quite regular. It is also attested in reflexes of *\*duŋ(-ur)* “blind,” *\*diji* “five,” and *\*dii* “die.” The fact that Karko *tìì* and *tèn* both exhibit an initial alveolar stop indicates the beginning of a morphological blending of the originally distinct donative verbs. This process of simplification is already completed in Tagle *tí,* suggesting the loss of the lexical and semantic contrast originally associated with the two verbs. As Tagle *tí* can neither be shown to be a reflex of *\*tir* nor of *\*deen,* it is considered to be the unpredictable outcome of that blending and simplification process. +[^94]: See the sets of cognates in the appendix of Rilly’s *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 518, no. 182. + In **Table 6,** the lexical items which are not regarded as reflexes of Proto-Nubian *\*tir* are put in parentheses. | PN | ON | No | Ma | An | Dil | Ta | Ka | Mi | @@ -698,7 +693,7 @@ In Midob, the original distinction between the two donative verbs is retained as [^101]: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* pp. 56, 130, 132. -| Midob | | | | | +| | Midob | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (101) | tìd | “give him!” | téèm | “give me!” | | (102) | tìr-èr | “give them!” [2sg]({sc}) | téén-àr | “give us!” | @@ -819,7 +814,7 @@ Andaandi, too, exhibits similar converb constructions expressing directed transf [^132]: Examples provided by El-Shafie El-Guzuuli, p.c. -| Andaandi | | | +| | Andaandi | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (111) | sukk undur | “insert it!, squeeze it in!,” lit. “insert it and enter it!” | | (112) | kall undur | “push it in!,” lit. “push it and enter it!” | @@ -1091,7 +1086,7 @@ Reflexes of *\*deen* “give to 1st person” are attested in all Nile Nubian ap When Old Nubian ⲇⲉⲛ “give to 1st person” is employed as a valence operator, the resulting applicative is a bipartite construction composed of V1 – a lexical verb stem marked by the converb marker ‑ⲁ – plus the finite ⲇⲉⲛ as V2. The plural number of a 1st person beneficiary is reflected by the pluractional extension ‑ⳝ (see [4.1](#41)). Example (141) also shows that the values of the inflectional suffixes on the main verb – with ‑ⲉ-ⲥⲟ marking the imperative form in a command – have scope over the preceding converb, which means that it is also conceived as an imperative form, even though it does not show the corresponding inflectional suffixes.[^170] -[^170] Example from Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* [CHECK]. Old Nubian ⲇⲉⲛ is here written with a final ⳡ rather than ⲛ, thus mirroring its realization as palatal [ɲ] when followed by the palatal stop [ɟ] (i.e., Old Nubian ⳝ). +[^170]: Example from Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* [CHECK]. Old Nubian ⲇⲉⲛ is here written with a final ⳡ rather than ⲛ, thus mirroring its realization as palatal [ɲ] when followed by the palatal stop [ɟ] (i.e., Old Nubian ⳝ). {{< gloss "(144)" >}} {r} **Old Nubian** @@ -1230,7 +1225,7 @@ While Lepsius refers to the -(i)j-extension in Nobiin as “verbum plurale,”[^ [^182]: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 173. [^183]: Examples from Werner, p.c., October 2020. -| Nobiin | | | | +| | Nobiin | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (156) | ày kàb-ìr | “I eat” [oj sg]({sc}) | ày kàb-j-ir | “I eat (a lot or several times)” [oj pl]({sc}) | (157) | ày nèer-ìr | “I sleep” | ày nèer-j-ìr | “I sleep (several times)” | @@ -1279,7 +1274,7 @@ As for the Andaandi suffix *‑(i)j,* Armbruster notes that it “usually has an [^187]: Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar,* §2881. Examples from ibid, §2883f. -| Andaandi | | | | | +| | Andaandi | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (163) | war | “jump” | war-ij | “jump continually” | | (164) | or | “tear” | or-ij | “tear to pieces” | @@ -1294,14 +1289,14 @@ The Dilling reflex of *\*‑(i)j* is *‑j.* Kauczor’s examples suggest that i [^189]: Kauczor, *Die bergnubische Sprache,* §262. -| Dilling | | | | | +| | Dilling | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (167) | mon | "dislike" | mon-j-i | “hate (intensely)” | | (168) | bel-er | "throw [oj sg]({sc}) to the ground (in wrestling)" | bel-j-i | “throw to the ground [oj pl]({sc}) or frequently” | The Tagle reflex of *\*‑(i)j* is realized as the voiced palatal stop [ɟ] or after /l/ as the voiceless palatal stop [c]. It expresses repetitive or multiple events. The examples are provided in the 2nd singular imperative form. -| Tagle | | | +| | Tagle | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (169) | áŋ-ɪ́r-ɪ̀ / áŋ-c-ɪ́ [áɲcɪ́] | “catch, seize!” [oj sg/rpt]({sc}) | | (170) | kɪ̀ŋ-ɪ́r-ɪ̀ / kɪ́ŋ-c-ɪ́ [kɪ́ɲcɪ́] | “repair!” [oj sg/rpt]({sc}) | @@ -1318,7 +1313,7 @@ The Tagle reflex of *\*‑(i)j* is realized as the voiced palatal stop [ɟ] or a In Karko, the *\*‑(i)j*-extension is realized as voiced palatal plosive [ɟ] after a vowel, and as *Vɟ* after a consonant (except for /n/ and /l/). Following these consonants, *\*‑(i)j* is realized as voiceless alveopalatal fricative [ɕ]. In this case, [ɕ] is difficult to identify as a suffix because the preceding /l/ and /n/ are deleted. The following (unmarked) imperative forms refer to a singular or plural object. -| Karko | | | | | +| | Karko | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (173) | ɕàn | “buy/sell!” [oj sg]({sc}) | ɕàɕ | “buy/sell!” [oj pl]({sc}) | | (174) | kìl | “jump over!” [oj sg]({sc}) | kìɕ | “jump over!” [oj pl]({sc}) | @@ -1404,7 +1399,7 @@ As Armbruster was the first to provide evidence of the *‑(i)k*-extension, this [^196]: Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar,* §§2852-2855. -| Andaandi | | | | | +| | Andaandi | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (186) | jaag | "knead" | jak-k-i | “compress” | | (187) | joog | "grind" | jok-k-i | "chew (food)" | @@ -1447,19 +1442,19 @@ As for Old Nubian, there is no evidence of the stem extension *‑k,* not even i The *‑k*-extension in the Nile Nubian languages is assumed to be cognate to *‑k* in Dilling, *‑(i)k* in Tagle and *‑(V)k* in Karko. As it is often combined with other plural stem extensions, it is also considered in [6.5](#65). Here a few examples may suffice. They suggest that *‑(V)k* is often associated with repetitive events but the examples also show that, due to semantic extension, *‑(V)k* can also reflect the number of participants in the action. Both properties are typical of verbal number markers. -| Dilling[^201] | | | | | +| | Dilling[^201] | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (193) | ir | “bear child” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | ir-k | id., [oj pl, rpt]({sc}) | | | be | “get lost” [itr, sj sg]({sc}) | be-k | id., [sj sg, rpt]({sc}) | [^201]: Examples from Kauczor, *Die bergnubische Sprache,* p. 128. -| Tagle | | | | | +| | Tagle | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (194) | ònd̪ | “sip, absorb” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | ónd̪-ík | id., [oj sg, rpt]({sc}) | | | d̪ád̪d̪ | “cross, pass" [itr, sj sg]({sc}) | d̪ád̪d̪-ík | id., [sj sg, rpt]({sc}) | -| Karko | | | | | +| | Karko | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (195) | kúʃ-ɛ́ɛ́r | “hang up” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | kùj-ùk | id., [oj pl]({sc}) | | | ʃíl-ɛ̀ɛ́r | “kindle" [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | ʃìl-ìk | id., [oj pl]({sc}) | @@ -1521,11 +1516,11 @@ The *u*-prefix attested in Old Nubian is also found on cognate verbs in the mode | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | -| (202) | An, Ma | too(r)[^209] | "enter" [itr]({sc}) | -| | No | toor-e | "enter" [itr]({sc}) | -| | No | u-dir-e | “take to, lay down, put into, insert” [tr]({sc}) | -| | Ma | u-ndur-e | “put in, name, dress” [tr]({sc}) | -| | An | u-ndur-e | “put in, introduce, insert” [tr]({sc}) | +| (202) | **An**, **Ma** | too(r)[^209] | "enter" [itr]({sc}) | +| | **No** | toor-e | "enter" [itr]({sc}) | +| | **No** | u-dir-e | “take to, lay down, put into, insert” [tr]({sc}) | +| | **Ma** | u-ndur-e | “put in, name, dress” [tr]({sc}) | +| | **An** | u-ndur-e | “put in, introduce, insert” [tr]({sc}) | [^209]: In Mattokki and Andaandi, some lexical items with a root-final *r* delete this *r* in the citation form. However, when followed by a suffix, the *r* shows up again, e.g., *toor-os-ko-r-an* “they have entered"; *toor-iid* “entrance.” @@ -1533,15 +1528,15 @@ The extension of the verb stem *u-sk* with the causative *‑ir* results from a | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | -| (203) | No | sukk-e | "descend" [itr]({sc}) | -| | No, Ma, An | u-sk-ir-e | “put down, lay down” [tr]({sc}) | -| | Ma, An | u-sk-ir-e | “give birth” [tr]({sc}) | +| (203) | **No** | sukk-e | "descend" [itr]({sc}) | +| | **No**, **Ma**, **An** | u-sk-ir-e | “put down, lay down” [tr]({sc}) | +| | **Ma**, **An** | u-sk-ir-e | “give birth” [tr]({sc}) | As for Kordofan Nubian, Kauczor was the first to recognize the extension of verb stems by means of prefixes (“Stammbildung durch Präfixe”).[^210] As they introduce a causer, the Dilling *u-* and *o-*prefixes are assumed to be reflexes of the archaic *\*i*-causative. [^210]: Kauczor, *Die bergnubische Sprache,* p. 137. -| Dilling | | | | | +| | Dilling | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (204) | jir | “lie down” [itr]({sc}) | u-jir | “lay down” [tr]({sc}) | | (205) | tor | “enter” [itr]({sc}) | o-tir | “insert, put into” [tr]({sc}) | @@ -1550,7 +1545,7 @@ These two verb pairs have cognates in Tagle. A native speaker, however, would no [^211]: Ali Ibrahim, a native speaker of Tagle, rejects the proposed analysis: “this is not the transitive verb opposite to ‘lie down,’ it just means to ‘put down.’ […] Also the two verbs, ‘enter’ and ‘insert,’ are different roots in Tagle.” -| Tagle | | | +| |Tagle | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (206) | jèr-í | “lie down!” [itr]({sc}) | | | ù-jír-ì | “put down, lay down!” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | @@ -1558,11 +1553,11 @@ These two verb pairs have cognates in Tagle. A native speaker, however, would no | (207) | t̪ʊ́r-ɪ́ | “enter, begin!” [itr]({sc}) | | | è-t̪ír-ì[^212] | “insert, put in, start!” [tr]({sc}) | -[^212] The initial /e/ vowel in Tagle *ètírì* regularly corresponds to /o/ in other Kordofan Nubian cognates (Ali Ibrahim, p.c.). +[^212]: The initial /e/ vowel in Tagle *ètírì* regularly corresponds to /o/ in other Kordofan Nubian cognates (Ali Ibrahim, p.c.). Cognates of the Tagle intransitive/transitive verb pairs “lie down”/“put down” and “enter”/“insert” exist in Karko awe well. The archaic Nilo-Saharan *\*i*-prefix is reflected by the initial vowel of the transitive items, which is associated with a particular form of vowel harmony in which the quality of the root vowel is adopted by the short suffix vowel due to lag assimilation: e.g., *òk-ót̪* “bean” [sg]({sc}); *ūk-ūnd̪* “fire” [pl]({sc}); *ɕə̀t-ə̀d* “closed” [ptc sg]({sc}). The imperative forms *ə̄-t̪ə́r, ɔ̄-t̪ɔ́r, ū-júr* suggest that the initial vowels of these verbs are re-analyzed as root vowels and that the verb-final *Vr* sequence is conceived of as a *‑Vr*-suffix (see [2.1](#21)). Karko imperatives are marked by a low tone when the verb stems are underived: e.g., *t̪òr* and *jɛ̀r*. The imperative forms of verbs derived by *‑Vr,* however, can have different tone patterns depending on the tone class to which the verbs belong. The contrast between singular and plural imperative forms is unmarked by dedicated suffixes but often expressed by vowel alternation, as (208) *ə̄-t̪ə́r* vs. *ɔ̄-t̪ɔ́r* illustrate. -| Karko | | | +| | Karko | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (208) | t̪òr | “enter!” [itr, imp 2sg]({sc}) | | | ə̄-t̪ə́r | “enter, insert, start, cause!” [tr, imp 2sg]({sc}) | @@ -1582,7 +1577,7 @@ Cognates of the Tagle intransitive/transitive verb pairs “lie down”/“put d Because of their phonological and semantic similarities, the Midob verb stems *súkk* “descend” and *ú-kk* “give birth” can be identified are cognates of Nile Nubian *sukk-* “descend” and *u-skir-* “put down, lay down, give birth;” see examples (201) and (203) above. -| Midob | | | +| | Midob | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (212) | súkk-ihèm | “I descended” | | | ú-kk-áhèm | “I gave birth” | @@ -1602,7 +1597,7 @@ As in the Nubian languages, verbal derivational extensions in Ama are usually su [^217]: Apart from Stevenson and Tucker & Bryan, the causative prefix is also identified by Norton (“Number in Ama Verbs,” p. 84), as suggested by his morpheme glossing of the verb form *á-cɪ̀-ɛ̄n* as [caus]({sc})-happen-[du]({sc}). Examples from Stevenson, “A Survey of the Phonetics and Grammatical Structure of the Nuba Mountain Languages,” 41: 179. -| Ama | | | | | +| | Ama | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (213) | a-t̪os/a-kwos | “suckle” | t̪os/kwos | “suck” | | (214) | a-mɔ | “raise” | mɔ | “rise” | @@ -1613,7 +1608,7 @@ Stevenson points out that the a-marked causative may “also be combined with th [^219]: Tucker & Bryan, *Linguistic Analyses,* p. 245. [^220]: ![Norton, this issue](article:norton.md). -| Ama | | | | | +| | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (215) | a-t̪al-ɪg | "feed" | t̪al | "eat" | | (216) | a-tam-ɪd-ɛg | "feed" | tam | "eat" | @@ -1622,15 +1617,15 @@ Interestingly, Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi have documented another form of the [^221]: Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 16. The corresponding Afitti stems *tòsù/kosìl* “suck” and “suckle” lack an overtly marked distinction between the transitive and the causative stems. -| Ama | | | | | +| | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (217) | t̪ɔʃ-ìg/kwɔʃ-ìg | “suckle” | t̪os-o/kwoʃ-ì | “suck” | Thus, in Ama there are three alternative patterns of causative marking: -* i) the causative stems are solely marked by the *a*-prefix, as attested by (213) *a-t̪os/a-kwos* and (214) *a-mɔ*; -* ii) the causative is simultaneously marked by the *a*-prefix and the *‑ɪg*- or *‑(ɪd-)ɛg*-suffix, as in (215) *a-t̪al-ɪg* and (216) *a-tam-ɪd-ɛg*; and -* iii) the causative is only marked by the *‑ìg*-suffix, as (217) *t̪ɔʃ-ìg/kwɔʃ-ìg* show. +* the causative stems are solely marked by the *a*-prefix, as attested by (213) *a-t̪os/a-kwos* and (214) *a-mɔ*; +* the causative is simultaneously marked by the *a*-prefix and the *‑ɪg*- or *‑(ɪd-)ɛg*-suffix, as in (215) *a-t̪al-ɪg* and (216) *a-tam-ɪd-ɛg*; and +* the causative is only marked by the *‑ìg*-suffix, as (217) *t̪ɔʃ-ìg/kwɔʃ-ìg* show. It is quite conceivable that the three patterns reflect three stages in the historical development from a prefixing pattern to a suffixing pattern. The coincidence of the causative being marked by both the *a*-prefix and the *‑ɪg*- or *‑ɛg*-suffix, as found in *a-t̪al-ɪg* and *a-tam-ɪd-ɛg,* represents an intermediate step in that restructuring process. @@ -1662,7 +1657,7 @@ Apart from *‑dakk ~ ‑takk,* Nobiin has another passive extension, *-daŋ,* w [^226]: Lepsius, *Nubische Grammatik,* p. 100f. [^227]: Reinisch, *Die sprachliche Stellung des Nuba,* p. 41, fn. 1. -| Nobiin | | | | | +| | Nobiin | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (219) | nuluu-aŋ | “become white” | nuluu-d-aŋ | “be whitened” | | (220) | nadiif-aŋ | “become clean” | nadiif-d-aŋ | “be cleaned” | @@ -1706,11 +1701,11 @@ Both Matokki *‑takk* and Andaandi *‑katt* are productive extensions, as show [^233]: Examples from Massenbach, “Wörterbuch des nubischen Kunûzi-Dialektes,” p. 122; Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar,* §4099. -| Mattokki | | | +| | Mattokki | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (225) | gaffir-takk | “be forgiven” | -| Andaandi | | | +| | Andaandi | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (226) | hamd=ee-katt[^234] | “be praised” | @@ -1870,7 +1865,7 @@ Depending on the semantics of the verb and the semantic properties of its argume Some transitive and intransitive verbs expressing inherently repetitive events are always marked by the *‑er*-extension, as shown by the following [2sg/2pl]({sc}) imperative forms of Tagle. On these verbs the *‑er*-extension has become lexicalized. -| Tagle | | | +| | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (241) | t̪ʊ́m-ɛ́r-ɪ́ [sg]({sc})/t̪ʊ́m-ɛ́r-ɛ́ [pl]({sc}) | “stutter!” | | (242) | bóg-ér-ì [sg]({sc})/bóg-ér-è [pl]({sc}) | “bark!” | @@ -1878,7 +1873,7 @@ Some transitive and intransitive verbs expressing inherently repetitive events a The morphologically unmarked imperative examples from Karko show that the *‑er*-extension is realized with an unspecified vowel which adopts the quality of the root vowel. Segmentally, it resembles the causative extension *‑Vr* (see [2.1](#21)). -| Karko | | | +| | Karko | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (244) | hə̄ɲ-ə́r | “greet!” | | (245) | ūl-úr | “breastfeed!” | @@ -1891,8 +1886,9 @@ The *‑er*-extension is often found combined with other verbal number marking d [^263]: Examples from Pointner, “Verbal Number in Tabaq,” p. 83. -| Tabaq | [sng]({sc}) | [plr]({sc}) | Gloss | +| | Tabaq | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | +| | **[sng]({sc})** | **[plr]({sc})** | **Gloss** | | (248) | dʊ́t̪-ʊ̀r | dʷát̪-ɛ̀r- | “cut across” | | (249) | ʃɔ́ɲk-ɪ́r | ʃʷáɲk-ɛ́r | “dry” | | (250) | kʷɔ́ɔ́k-ɪ́r ~ kʷɔɔk-ʊ́r | kʷáák-ɛ́r | “hide” | @@ -1902,7 +1898,7 @@ Midob *‑er* is obviously a cognate of the Kordofan Nubian *‑er*-extension. W [^265]: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* p. 52. [^266]: Werner’s grammar lacks explicit information on the marking of imperative forms. However, from the glossing of the examples ending in *-ec ~ -ic,* such as *òtt-éc* “enter!” [pl]({sc}) (ibid., p. 111) and *péesir-íc* “leave, go out!” [pl]({sc}) (p. 115), one can conclude that *-ec ~ -ic* is the [2pl]({sc}) imperative marker. It is assumed to be a reflex of the pluractional *\*‑(i)j*-extension (see [4.1](#41)). -| Midob | | | +| | Midob | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (251) | tèl-ér-hàm |“they sat down” (several people) | | (252) |tèkk-ér-íc | “stop!" [itr imp 2pl]({sc}) | @@ -1945,7 +1941,7 @@ The Kordofan Nubian reciprocal *‑in*-suffix looks strikingly similar to the Am The Kordofan Nubian languages are rich in verbal number marking devices. In addition to the reflexes of the productive pluractional *\*-(i)j* and plural stem marker *‑er* there are several further less productive extensions as well as alternations of the root vowel, tonal alternations, and reduplication of the root. Some verbs have a single marked plural stem which is sensitive both to repetitive events and plural objects, other verbs have two distinct plural stems, one interacting with event number, the other one interacting with the intransitive plural subject or transitive plural object. -| Dilling | | | | | +| | Dilling | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (258) | bur | “get solid” [itr, sj sg]({sc}) | bur-k-iɲ | id., [sj pl]({sc}) | | (259) | ʃoɲ | “get dry” [itr, sj sg ]({sc}) | ʃwaɲ-c-i | id., [sj pl]({sc}) | @@ -1953,7 +1949,7 @@ The Kordofan Nubian languages are rich in verbal number marking devices. In addi The stacking of plural stem extensions (i.e. the use of more than one suffix) is a common phenomenon in the Kordofan Nubian languages, as attested by Dilling (258) *bur-k-iɲ,* (259) *ʃwaɲ-c-iŋ,* and (260) *dil-t-ig,* as well as Tagle (261) *èl-t-ìg-ì,* (262) *ét̪-íŋ-k-í,* and (263) *dɛ́-k-ɛ́r-ɛ́*. While (261) and (262) display [2sg]({sc}) imperative forms marked by a final *‑i,* (263) and (264) illustrate the [2sg/2pl]({sc}) imperative forms, marked by *‑i/ ‑e ~ ‑ɛ*. -| Tagle | | | | | +| | Tagle | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (261) | él-ír-ì | “reach!” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | èl-t-ìg-ì | id., [oj sg, rpt]({sc}) | | (262) | èt̪-ír-ì | “enter!” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | ét̪-íŋ-k-í | id., [oj pl, rpt]({sc}) | @@ -1964,7 +1960,7 @@ Karko, too, uses various plural stem extensions, including *‑tVg, ‑kVn,* and [^272]: Dimmendaal, “Pluractionality and the Distribution of Number Marking across Categories,” p. 73. -| Karko | | | | | | | +| | Karko | | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (265) | kūg-úr | “fix, connect!” [tr, oj sg]({sc}) | kùg-t-ùg | id., [oj pl, rpt]({sc}) | | | | (266) | dìí-r | “sink!” [itr, sj sg]({sc}) | dìì-kìn | id., [sj pl]({sc}) | dīī-dìì-k | id., [rpt]({sc}) | @@ -2003,7 +1999,7 @@ The *‑ad̪*-extension is a portmanteau morpheme since it cumulatively expresse [^275]: Examples from Kauczor, *Die bergnubische Sprache,* §462f. -| Dilling | | | | | +| | Dilling | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (272) | bar/bar-k-iɲ | “be tired” | bar-k-ad/bar-k-e | “tired” | | (273) | beʃ-ir/bej | “damage” | beʃ-ig-ad/bej-ig-e | “damaged”| @@ -2034,7 +2030,7 @@ The Tagle participles are regularly associated with a low tone pattern. The sing Similar to Tagle, Karko participles are characterized by a low tone pattern. They are inflected for singular by *‑Vd̪* and for plural by *‑Vn,* the vowel *V* adopting the quality of the stem vowel. -| Karko | | | +| | Karko | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (277) | kàm-àd̪/kàm-àn | “eaten” | | (278) | t̪ɔ̀f-ɔ̀d̪/t̪ɔ̀f-ɔ̀n | “killed” | @@ -2045,7 +2041,7 @@ As for the Midob *‑át*-extension, we suggest an analysis different from Werne [^277]: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* p. 53. This suffix is *‑r-at,* rather than *-rati,* because the final *-i* is an epenthetic vowel which is part of the following morpheme. The vowel prevents the unadmitted consonant sequences of *‑h* preceded by a consonant. -| Midob | | | | | +| | Midob | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (279) | èeb-àh-êm | “I washed” [tr]({sc}) | èeb-árát-ìh-èm | “I washed myself” [refl]({sc}) | | (280) |tə̀g-ə̀n-dóo-h-èm | “I covered” [tr]({sc}) | tə̀g-rát-ìh-èm | “I covered myself” [refl]({sc}) | @@ -2055,7 +2051,7 @@ However, his Midob grammar also contains a few counter examples which do not exp [^278]: Ibid., pp. 110 and 136. -| Midob | | | | | +| | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (282) | òss-ír-hèm | “I soaked” [tr]({sc}) | òss-ìr-át-ùm | “it is soaking” | | (283) | tə̀g-ə̀r-hèm | “I closed, covered” [tr]({sc}) | tə̀g-r-át-òn-ûm |“it was covered”[^279] | @@ -2072,7 +2068,7 @@ Tucker & Bryan identify a *‑Vda*-suffix which expresses “plural action.”[^ [^280]: Tucker & Bryan, *Linguistic Analyses,* p. 317. -| Midob | | | | | +| | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (284) | ʊkk-a |“bear” | ʊkk-ʊda | “bear often” | | (285) | ökk-a | “bear twins” | ökk-ʊda | “bear twins often” | @@ -2083,7 +2079,7 @@ Werner, in turn, recognizes this suffix as *‑íd,* ending in an alveolar [d].[ [^281]: Thewall, “Midob Nubian,” p. 100, asserts that “t, d, n are alveolar.” [^282]: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* p. 52. -| Midob | | | | | +| | | | | | | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | (287) | úkk-ánònùm |“she has given birth” | ukk-íd-ánònùm | “she has given birth (to many children)” | diff --git a/content/article/norton.md b/content/article/norton.md index a6061af..e594685 100644 --- a/content/article/norton.md +++ b/content/article/norton.md @@ -12,7 +12,7 @@ Ama is a North Eastern Sudanic language spoken in villages to the west and north [^1]: Stevenson, *Grammar of the Nyimang Language* and “A survey of the phonetics and grammatical structure of the Nuba Mountain languages with particular reference to Otoro, Katcha and Nyimaŋ,” 40: p. 107. [^2]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* §4. -Ama examples unless otherwise stated are from the author’s fieldwork verified with leading Ama writers who oversee literacy in the language. For vowels, I distinguish five –ATR brassy vowels ɪɛaɔʊ and five +ATR breathy vowels *ieəou,* as represented fluently by Ama writers using five vowel letters {aeiou} and a saltillo {ꞌ} in breathy words. For tone, Ama’s nearest relative Afitti has been described as having two contrastive tone levels,[^3] but Ama has three levels, which play a role in the verb system as well as the wider lexicon as shown in **table 1**. +Ama examples unless otherwise stated are from the author’s fieldwork verified with leading Ama writers who oversee literacy in the language. For vowels, I distinguish five –ATR brassy vowels ɪɛaɔʊ and five +ATR breathy vowels *ieəou,* as represented fluently by Ama writers using five vowel letters {aeiou} and a saltillo {ꞌ} in breathy words. For tone, Ama’s nearest relative Afitti has been described as having two contrastive tone levels,[^3] but Ama has three levels, which play a role in the verb system as well as the wider lexicon as shown in **Table 1**. [^3]: de Voogt, “A Sketch of Afitti Phonology,” p. 47. @@ -194,7 +194,7 @@ An alternation between *t̪-* and *k-* cuts into the characteristic CVC shape in **~~Table 7. T/K marking on Ama verbs~~** -A longer list of examples of this alternation shown in table 8 was documented by Stevenson, Rottland, and Jakobi, albeit with a different standard of transcription; they also detected the alternation in Afitti (*tosù/kosìl* “suckle,” *tòsù/kosìl* “light fire”).[^20] +A longer list of examples of this alternation shown in **Table 8** was documented by Stevenson, Rottland, and Jakobi, albeit with a different standard of transcription; they also detected the alternation in Afitti (*tosù/kosìl* “suckle,” *tòsù/kosìl* “light fire”).[^20] [^20]: Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 16. By convention, *t* is dental and mid tone is left unmarked in their data. Pertinent to the present alternation, I question the phonemic status of the *w* in *t/kw* alternations before rounded vowels. @@ -224,11 +224,11 @@ T and K are well-known markers of singular and plural in Nilo-Saharan languages, [^21]: Greenberg, *The Languages of Africa,* pp. 115, 132; Bryan, “The T/K Languages"; Gilley, “Katcha Noun Morphology,” §2.5, §3, §4. [^22]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 299. -Both steps in this proposed chain are indeed plausible cross-linguistically. As to the first step, the possibility of nominal plural markers being extended to verbal pluractionals is familiar from Chadic languages, where the same formal strategies such as first-syllable reduplication or *a*-infixation may be found in plural nouns and pluractional verbs.[^23] In the Nyima languages, the productive innovation at this step appears to have been the extension of singulative T to a verbal singulactional marker. This is seen in the fact that *t̪-* alternates with other consonants as well as *k* in Ama (*t̪ān-ɛ̄/wɛ̄n* “talk,” *t̪ɛ̀l-ɛ̄/wɛ̄ɛ́n* “see,” *t̪àl/tām* “eat”), or is prefixed in front of the root (*t̪ʊ́-wár-ɔ̄/wār* “want,” *t̪ī-ŋīl-ē/ŋɪ̄l* “laugh,” *t̪ì-fìl-è/fɪ̄l* “dance,” *t̪ū-mūs-ò/mús-èɡ* “run,” *t̪ʊ̄-máɪ́/máɪ́* “know,” *t̪-īlm-ò/ɪ́lɪ́m* “milk”). There is also external evidence from Nubian and Nara cited in **table 6** above that *\*k* is the original initial consonant in *\*kal* “eat” replaced by *t̪-* in Ama and Afitti. +Both steps in this proposed chain are indeed plausible cross-linguistically. As to the first step, the possibility of nominal plural markers being extended to verbal pluractionals is familiar from Chadic languages, where the same formal strategies such as first-syllable reduplication or *a*-infixation may be found in plural nouns and pluractional verbs.[^23] In the Nyima languages, the productive innovation at this step appears to have been the extension of singulative T to a verbal singulactional marker. This is seen in the fact that *t̪-* alternates with other consonants as well as *k* in Ama (*t̪ān-ɛ̄/wɛ̄n* “talk,” *t̪ɛ̀l-ɛ̄/wɛ̄ɛ́n* “see,” *t̪àl/tām* “eat”), or is prefixed in front of the root (*t̪ʊ́-wár-ɔ̄/wār* “want,” *t̪ī-ŋīl-ē/ŋɪ̄l* “laugh,” *t̪ì-fìl-è/fɪ̄l* “dance,” *t̪ū-mūs-ò/mús-èɡ* “run,” *t̪ʊ̄-máɪ́/máɪ́* “know,” *t̪-īlm-ò/ɪ́lɪ́m* “milk”). There is also external evidence from Nubian and Nara cited in **Table 6** above that *\*k* is the original initial consonant in *\*kal* “eat” replaced by *t̪-* in Ama and Afitti. [^23]: Frajzyngier, “The Plural in Chadic"; Wolff, “Patterns in Chadic (and Afroasiatic?) Verb Base Formations.” -As to the second step, the prospect of verbal number shifting to verbal aspect is supported by semantic affinity between pluractional and progressive. Progressive aspect often entails that a process that is iterated ("is coughing," "is milking") over the interval concerned.[^24] In Leggbo,[^25] a Niger-Congo language, the progressive form can have a pluractional reading in some verbs, and conversely, verbs that fail to form the regular progressive *C# → CC-i* because they already end in *CCi* can use the pluractional suffix *-azi* instead to express progressive aspect. In Spanish,[^26] a Romance language, there is a periphrastic paradigm between progressive (*estar* “be” + gerund), frequentative pluractional (*andar* “walk” + gerund), and incremental pluractional (*ir* “go” + gerund). The two Spanish pluractionals have been called “pseudo-progressives,” but conversely one could think of progressive aspect as pseudo-pluractional. What is somewhat surprising in Ama is that progressive stems, being morphologically more basic (see **table 5**), lack any devoted progressive affixes that would have formerly served as pluractional markers.[^27] However, some progressive marking is found in irregular alternations that reveal former pluractional stems. +As to the second step, the prospect of verbal number shifting to verbal aspect is supported by semantic affinity between pluractional and progressive. Progressive aspect often entails that a process that is iterated ("is coughing," "is milking") over the interval concerned.[^24] In Leggbo,[^25] a Niger-Congo language, the progressive form can have a pluractional reading in some verbs, and conversely, verbs that fail to form the regular progressive *C# → CC-i* because they already end in *CCi* can use the pluractional suffix *-azi* instead to express progressive aspect. In Spanish,[^26] a Romance language, there is a periphrastic paradigm between progressive (*estar* “be” + gerund), frequentative pluractional (*andar* “walk” + gerund), and incremental pluractional (*ir* “go” + gerund). The two Spanish pluractionals have been called “pseudo-progressives,” but conversely one could think of progressive aspect as pseudo-pluractional. What is somewhat surprising in Ama is that progressive stems, being morphologically more basic (see **Table 5**), lack any devoted progressive affixes that would have formerly served as pluractional markers.[^27] However, some progressive marking is found in irregular alternations that reveal former pluractional stems. [^24]: Newman, “Pluractional Verbs” notes a separate affinity between pluractional and habitual aspect found in Niger-Congo and Chadic languages. Smits, *A Grammar of Lumun,* §13, identifies habitual pluractionals in a Niger-Congo language of the Nuba Mountains. [^25]: Hyman & Udoh, “Progressive Formation in Leggbo.” @@ -355,17 +355,17 @@ The origin of this affix order variation is revealed by further evidence. Passiv | --- | --- | --- | --- | | **gloss** | throw | throw to [du]({sc}) | elicit [du]({sc}) | | **[fact]({sc})** | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄-ɡ | dɪ̀ɟ-ɪ́-n-ɪ̄ɡ | kɪ́l-ɛ̄n-ɔ̀ | -| | throw-th-dir | throw-ven-du-dir | hear-du-medcaus | +| | throw-[th-dir]({sc} | throw-[ven-du-dir]({sc} | hear-[du-medcaus]({sc} | | **[fact imp]({sc})** | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̀ɡ-ɛ̄-ɪ̀ | dɪ̀ɟ-ɪ́-ɡ-ɛ̄n-ɪ̀ | kɪ́l-àw-ɛ̄n-ɪ̀ | -| | throw-dir-th-imp | throw-ven-dir-du-imp | hear-medcaus-du-imp | +| | throw-[dir-th-imp]({sc} | throw-[ven-dir-du-imp]({sc} | hear-[medcaus-du-imp]({sc} | | **[fact pst]({sc})** | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̀ɡ-ɔ̄-ɔ̀n | dɪ̀ɟ-ɪ́-ɡ-ɛ̄n-ʊ̀n | kɪ́l-àw-ɛ̄n-ʊ̀n | -| | throw-dir-th-pst | throw-ven-dir-du-pst | hear-medcaus-du-pst | +| | throw-[dir-th-pst]({sc} | throw-[ven-dir-du-pst]({sc} | hear-[medcaus-du-pst]({sc} | **~~Table 12. Inward displacement of suffixes by an imperative or past suffix~~** -Both types of affix alternation in tables 11 and 12 involve low-tone suffixes in the final slot. Therefore, the development of all affix order alternations can be attributed to a single historical shift of all low-tone suffixes to the final slot. However, this shift is not realized in verbs containing two low-tone suffixes, because only one of them can go in the final slot. The only final-slot suffix that does not alternate is the imperative *-ɪ̀,* which leaves imperative as original to the final slot. Other suffixes originate from more internal slots to the left of the dual. +Both types of affix alternation in **Tables 11 and 12** involve low-tone suffixes in the final slot. Therefore, the development of all affix order alternations can be attributed to a single historical shift of all low-tone suffixes to the final slot. However, this shift is not realized in verbs containing two low-tone suffixes, because only one of them can go in the final slot. The only final-slot suffix that does not alternate is the imperative *-ɪ̀,* which leaves imperative as original to the final slot. Other suffixes originate from more internal slots to the left of the dual. -As for the origin of affix selection according to aspect, this presumably arose as an extension of the systematic stem selection that occurs for every verb in Nyima languages. This question remains complex, however, because each of the categories affected (past, passive, directional, ventive) will have its own history as to how alternating affixes were acquired in these conditions. One modest proposal is that the NES plural copula *\*aɡ* shown earlier in **table 6** is the likely source of the progressive passive suffix *-àɡ* in Ama,[^33] via the shift from pluractional to progressive \([3.3](#tk)\), and by a plausible assumption of a transition in passive marking strategy from use of a copula to morphological marking on the verb. This sourcing does not extend to the other passive suffix in factative aspect *-áɪ́,* however, which does not resemble the singular copula *\*an*. Some similar proposals that other progressive suffixes have pluractional origins are made in the course of §4.2 below. +As for the origin of affix selection according to aspect, this presumably arose as an extension of the systematic stem selection that occurs for every verb in Nyima languages. This question remains complex, however, because each of the categories affected (past, passive, directional, ventive) will have its own history as to how alternating affixes were acquired in these conditions. One modest proposal is that the NES plural copula *\*aɡ* shown earlier in **Table 6** is the likely source of the progressive passive suffix *-àɡ* in Ama,[^33] via the shift from pluractional to progressive \([3.3](#tk)\), and by a plausible assumption of a transition in passive marking strategy from use of a copula to morphological marking on the verb. This sourcing does not extend to the other passive suffix in factative aspect *-áɪ́,* however, which does not resemble the singular copula *\*an*. Some similar proposals that other progressive suffixes have pluractional origins are made in the course of §4.2 below. [^33]: The Tama plural copula *àɡ* is likewise listed with low tone in Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 451. @@ -398,9 +398,9 @@ Distributive pluractionals are characterized by optionality with a plural partic | 1 | gloss | 2 | gloss | 3 | gloss | | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | -| ɡə́-ɡaɲal | I milk | é-ɡaɲal | you (sg.) milk | kaɲál | he/she milks | -| kó-ɡaɲal | we (du.) milk | ó-ɡaɲál | you (du.) milk | ɡaɲál-i | they (du.) milk | -| kó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | we (pl.) milk | ó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | you (pl.) milk | ɡaɲá-tər-i | they (pl.) milk | +| ɡə́-ɡaɲal | I milk | é-ɡaɲal | you [sg]({sc} milk | kaɲál | he/she milks | +| kó-ɡaɲal | we (du.) milk | ó-ɡaɲál | you [du]({sc} milk | ɡaɲál-i | they [du]({sc} milk | +| kó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | we (pl.) milk | ó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | you [pl]({sc} milk | ɡaɲá-tər-i | they [pl]({sc} milk | **~~Table 13. Afitti pluractional *-t(ə)r* not used with dual subjects~~** @@ -421,7 +421,7 @@ Ama’s second distributive suffix *-r* corresponds to the Nubian plural object [^52]: ![Jakobi, this issue](article:jakobi.md) [^53]: Comfort, “Verbal Number in the Uncu Language.” -The Ama suffix *-ar* can be added to a progressive verb as a mirative that marks unexpected events (*swāy-ɔ́* “was cultivating” → *swāy-ɔ̄r-ɔ́* “was unexpectedly cultivating”, where the vowel has harmonized to the following vowel). However, this suffix is also used to disambiguate progressive verb forms from otherwise indistinguishable factatives (*sāŋ-ɛ̄n/sāŋ-ɛ̄n, sāŋ-ār-ɛ̄n* “search (du.)”),[^54] providing what looks like an alternate progressive stem to take the dual suffix. Similarly, the negative imperative construction in Ama requires a progressive stem with *-ar* after the negative particle *fá* as shown in **table 14** below. Inflections occurring in this construction are a plural subject marker *à-* on the particle, and dual or distributive marking on the verb. Only the dual suffix can occur without *-ar*, where in my data the dual suffix adds to the longer stem with *-ar* unless the short stem is suppletive (*t̪ī-ə̀/túŋ* “sleep,” t̪àl/*tām* “eat”) and can take the dual suffix without ambiguity with factative aspect. +The Ama suffix *-ar* can be added to a progressive verb as a mirative that marks unexpected events (*swāy-ɔ́* “was cultivating” → *swāy-ɔ̄r-ɔ́* “was unexpectedly cultivating”, where the vowel has harmonized to the following vowel). However, this suffix is also used to disambiguate progressive verb forms from otherwise indistinguishable factatives (*sāŋ-ɛ̄n/sāŋ-ɛ̄n, sāŋ-ār-ɛ̄n* “search (du.)”),[^54] providing what looks like an alternate progressive stem to take the dual suffix. Similarly, the negative imperative construction in Ama requires a progressive stem with *-ar* after the negative particle *fá* as shown in **Table 14** below. Inflections occurring in this construction are a plural subject marker *à-* on the particle, and dual or distributive marking on the verb. Only the dual suffix can occur without *-ar*, where in my data the dual suffix adds to the longer stem with *-ar* unless the short stem is suppletive (*t̪ī-ə̀/túŋ* “sleep,” t̪àl/*tām* “eat”) and can take the dual suffix without ambiguity with factative aspect. [^54]: Norton, “Number in Ama Verbs,” p. 40. @@ -434,7 +434,7 @@ The Ama suffix *-ar* can be added to a progressive verb as a mirative that marks **~~Table 14. Ama negative imperative paradigms~~** -Another trilled suffix *-ir* marks motion in progress.[^55] It can be added to a progressive verb (*dɪ̄ɟɪ̄* “is throwing” → *dīɟ-ír* “is throwing (motion in progress)”), but on several motion verbs it is documented as part of the progressive stem, as in the examples in **table 15** below from Stevenson, Rottland, and Jakobi.[^56] The motion meaning of *-ir* simply agrees with the semantics of the roots, all of which define motion along some schematic scale, so that the aspectual meaning of *-ir* assumes greater significance. Hence, *-ir* approximates a progressive stem formative for this class of verbs. The final example in **table 15**, due to Kingston,[^57] shows still another trilled suffix *-or* in the progressive stem of a caused motion verb. +Another trilled suffix *-ir* marks motion in progress.[^55] It can be added to a progressive verb (*dɪ̄ɟɪ̄* “is throwing” → *dīɟ-ír* “is throwing (motion in progress)”), but on several motion verbs it is documented as part of the progressive stem, as in the examples in **Table 15** below from Stevenson, Rottland, and Jakobi.[^56] The motion meaning of *-ir* simply agrees with the semantics of the roots, all of which define motion along some schematic scale, so that the aspectual meaning of *-ir* assumes greater significance. Hence, *-ir* approximates a progressive stem formative for this class of verbs. The final example in **Table 15**, due to Kingston,[^57] shows still another trilled suffix *-or* in the progressive stem of a caused motion verb. [^55]: I defer description of tone on this affix to another time. [^56]: Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik.” @@ -454,7 +454,7 @@ The trill thus fuses with certain vowels that behave like theme vowels for creat ### Innovative Dual-Participant Pluractional -A late addition to Ama’s pluractional portfolio is its unique dual suffix *-ɛ̄n*.[^58] The older form of the Ama dual suffix is *-ɪn,*[^59] which has been noted to resemble reciprocal suffixes in other Eastern Sudanic languages, such as Kordofan Nubian *-in*, Daju *-din*, Temein *-ɛ*, and also Ik *-in* of the Kuliak group.[^60] In Ama, its function has evolved to dual reciprocal and other dual participant readings, so for example *wʊ̀s-ɛ̄n* “greet (du.)” can refer to when two people greeted each other, or someone greeted two people, or two people greeted someone.[^61] The dual suffix is regularly used in Ama folktales to link two primary characters.[^62] Although such dual participant marking is extremely rare globally, it becomes possible in Nyima languages in particular where the incremental-distributive pluractional leaves a paradigmatic gap for dual subjects, as still seen in Afitti in **table 13** above, which Ama has filled in. +A late addition to Ama’s pluractional portfolio is its unique dual suffix *-ɛ̄n*.[^58] The older form of the Ama dual suffix is *-ɪn,*[^59] which has been noted to resemble reciprocal suffixes in other Eastern Sudanic languages, such as Kordofan Nubian *-in*, Daju *-din*, Temein *-ɛ*, and also Ik *-in* of the Kuliak group.[^60] In Ama, its function has evolved to dual reciprocal and other dual participant readings, so for example *wʊ̀s-ɛ̄n* “greet (du.)” can refer to when two people greeted each other, or someone greeted two people, or two people greeted someone.[^61] The dual suffix is regularly used in Ama folktales to link two primary characters.[^62] Although such dual participant marking is extremely rare globally, it becomes possible in Nyima languages in particular where the incremental-distributive pluractional leaves a paradigmatic gap for dual subjects, as still seen in Afitti in **Table 13** above, which Ama has filled in. [^58]: Norton, “Number in Ama Verbs,” §3. [^59]: Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 28. @@ -482,7 +482,7 @@ Some time after the contact with Heiban, Rottland and Jakobi note the likelihood [^67]: Rottland & Jakobi, “Loan Word Evidence from the Nuba Mountains.” -This period nevertheless also reveals one significant example of simplification in Ama verbs that supports the idea that language contact occurred. Afitti has pronominal subject markers on the verb, seen earlier in **table 13**, which are absent in Ama. The pronominal prefixes are not the same in form as personal pronoun words in Afitti ([1sg]({sc}) *oi* but [1sg]({sc}) prefix *kə-*),[^68] therefore they are not incorporated versions of the current pronoun words, but rather predate them. Some of the Afitti pronoun words ([1sg]({sc}) *oi,* [2sg]({sc}) *i*)[^69] are similar to Ama ([1sg]({sc}) *àɪ̀,* [2sg]({sc}) *ī*) and must be retentions from proto-Nyima, hence the older pronominal prefixes must also be retentions in Afitti, but lost in Ama. Their loss in Ama is remarkable against the larger trend of growth in complexity of Ama verbs that we have examined in this paper. The predicted cause of this surprising reversal is pidginization under contact. That is, their loss is evidence that the Ama language was used for inter-group communication, presumably with the Kordofan Nubians, during which (and for which) Ama SOV sentences were simplified by dropping verbal subject marking. If Kordofan Nubians spoke Ama, then borrowing from Ama into Kordofan Nubian is also likely. In verbs, the obvious candidate for borrowing into Kordofan Nubian is the reciprocal suffix *-in*, as this is not attested elsewhere in Nubian.[^70] The following two-step scenario would then account for the facts: Ama was learned and used by Kordofan Nubians, during which Ama dropped verbal subject marking and its reciprocal suffix was borrowed into Kordofan Nubian; next, Ama returned to isolation in which the reciprocal suffix developed its dual function that is unique to Ama today. +This period nevertheless also reveals one significant example of simplification in Ama verbs that supports the idea that language contact occurred. Afitti has pronominal subject markers on the verb, seen earlier in **Table 13**, which are absent in Ama. The pronominal prefixes are not the same in form as personal pronoun words in Afitti ([1sg]({sc}) *oi* but [1sg]({sc}) prefix *kə-*),[^68] therefore they are not incorporated versions of the current pronoun words, but rather predate them. Some of the Afitti pronoun words ([1sg]({sc}) *oi,* [2sg]({sc}) *i*)[^69] are similar to Ama ([1sg]({sc}) *àɪ̀,* [2sg]({sc}) *ī*) and must be retentions from proto-Nyima, hence the older pronominal prefixes must also be retentions in Afitti, but lost in Ama. Their loss in Ama is remarkable against the larger trend of growth in complexity of Ama verbs that we have examined in this paper. The predicted cause of this surprising reversal is pidginization under contact. That is, their loss is evidence that the Ama language was used for inter-group communication, presumably with the Kordofan Nubians, during which (and for which) Ama SOV sentences were simplified by dropping verbal subject marking. If Kordofan Nubians spoke Ama, then borrowing from Ama into Kordofan Nubian is also likely. In verbs, the obvious candidate for borrowing into Kordofan Nubian is the reciprocal suffix *-in*, as this is not attested elsewhere in Nubian.[^70] The following two-step scenario would then account for the facts: Ama was learned and used by Kordofan Nubians, during which Ama dropped verbal subject marking and its reciprocal suffix was borrowed into Kordofan Nubian; next, Ama returned to isolation in which the reciprocal suffix developed its dual function that is unique to Ama today. [^68]: Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” pp. 34-38. [^69]: Stevenson, “A Survey of the Phonetics and Grammatical Structure of the Nuba Mountain Languages,” 41: p. 177. @@ -561,7 +561,7 @@ Nevins, Andrew, David Pesetsky & Cilene Rodrigues. “Pirahã Exceptionality: A Newman, Paul. “Pluractional Verbs: An Overview.” In *Verbal Plurality and Distributivity,* edited by Patricia Cabredo Hofherr and Brenda Laca. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012: pp. 185–209. -Norton, Russell. “Classifying the Non-Eastern-Sudanic Nuba Mountain Languages: Evidence from Pronoun Categories and Lexicostatistics.” In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies: New Insights,* edited by Gertrud Schneider-Blum, Birgit Hellwig and Gerrit Dimmendaal. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2019: pp. 417–446. +Norton, Russell. “Classifying the Non-Eastern-Sudanic Nuba Mountain Languages: Evidence from Pronoun Categories and Lexicostatistics.” In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies: New Insights,* edited by Gertrud Schneider-Blum, Birgit Hellwig and Gerrit Dimmendaal. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2019: pp. 417–446. Norton, Russell. “Number in Ama Verbs.” *Occasional Papers in the Study of Sudanese Languages* 10 (2012): 75-94. diff --git a/content/article/rilly.md b/content/article/rilly.md index c3c5190..e3a28b5 100644 --- a/content/article/rilly.md +++ b/content/article/rilly.md @@ -2,7 +2,7 @@ title: "Personal Markers in Meroitic" authors: ["clauderilly.md"] abstract: "please provide an abstract" -keywords: ["Meroitic", "Meroe", "Kush", Napata", "pronouns", "Egyptian", "decipherment", "verbal morphology", "pronominal morphology", "person", "comparative linguistics", "Old Nubian", "Nobiin", "Andaandi", "Ama", "Nara", "Taman", "Mattokki", "Karko"] +keywords: ["Meroitic", "Meroe", "Kush", "Napata", "pronouns", "Egyptian", "decipherment", "verbal morphology", "pronominal morphology", "person", "comparative linguistics", "Old Nubian", "Nobiin", "Andaandi", "Ama", "Nara", "Taman", "Mattokki", "Karko"] --- # Introduction {#intro} @@ -56,7 +56,7 @@ A last peculiarity, pertaining rather to phonetic changes than to spelling conve Among the possible markers of the third person, only pronouns are known so far, namely *qo/qe* and variants for singular and *qoleb* for plural. No verbal ending that could be connected with the third person, such as Latin *-t/-nt* or Egyptian *=f/=sn,* has been spotted in the texts. The case of the “verbal dative” will be later investigated, but this morpheme is probably to be classified as a clitic pronoun. -In the paradigm of personal pronouns, the 3rd person has a special place. Whereas the 1st and 2nd persons refer to the protagonists of the uttering situation (see n. 1 [CHECK]), the 3rd person refers to people and things that are outside this situation. According to the relevant categorization of Arab grammarians, the 3rd person is “the absentee."[^7] From this perspective, 3rd person pronouns are close to demonstratives. This is particularly obvious when it comes to morphology. In many languages, these pronouns are derived from demonstratives. In Romance languages for example, they stem from the Latin distal demonstrative *ille* “that”, for instance French *il* “he”, Spanish *él,* Romanian *el.* Some languages even use the same word for the demonstrative and the 3rd person pronoun.[^8] In Latin, the proximal demonstrative *is, ea, id* “this” was used as a 3rd person pronoun. In Turkish, a language that display a full range of typological similarities with Meroitic,[^9] the same demonstrative *o* is used as a demonstrative adjective, a demonstrative pronoun and a 3rd person pronoun (Creissels 2006: 91). This seems also to be the case in Meroitic, which has apparently the same word, *qo/qe,* for “this” (adjective), “this” (pronoun), and “he”, “she”, “it.”[^ex2] +In the paradigm of personal pronouns, the 3rd person has a special place. Whereas the 1st and 2nd persons refer to the protagonists of the uttering situation (see n. 1 [CHECK]), the 3rd person refers to people and things that are outside this situation. According to the relevant categorization of Arab grammarians, the 3rd person is “the absentee."[^7] From this perspective, 3rd person pronouns are close to demonstratives. This is particularly obvious when it comes to morphology. In many languages, these pronouns are derived from demonstratives. In Romance languages for example, they stem from the Latin distal demonstrative *ille* “that”, for instance French *il* “he”, Spanish *él,* Romanian *el.* Some languages even use the same word for the demonstrative and the 3rd person pronoun.[^8] In Latin, the proximal demonstrative *is, ea, id* “this” was used as a 3rd person pronoun. In Turkish, a language that displays a full range of typological similarities with Meroitic,[^9] the same demonstrative *o* is used as a demonstrative adjective, a demonstrative pronoun and a 3rd person pronoun (Creissels 2006: 91). This seems also to be the case in Meroitic, which has apparently the same word, *qo/qe,* for “this” (adjective), “this” (pronoun), and “he”, “she”, “it.”[^ex2] [^7]: In Arabic *ghâ‘ib,* cf. Cotte, *Langage et linéarité,* p. 130. [^8]: In addition to Latin, this feature can be found in Korean, Hindi, Panjabi, Marathi, Mongolian, etc. See Jacquesson, *Les personnes,* pp. 103-105. @@ -161,7 +161,7 @@ The possessive *qebe-se* includes *qebe-,* a plural form of *qo* that is more co * Determiner: singular *-l* → plural *-le****b*** * Pronoun: singular *-qo/-qe* → plural *qe****b****e-* -*Qebese* has several variants, *aqebese,* *aqobese* (see n. 20 [CHECK]) *eqebese,* and especially *bese,* which is frequent. This last form, in all likelihood, is not an abbreviated variant but is based on a still earlier form of the 3rd person pronoun, *-b,* which will be considered below [ADD REF]. +*Qebese* has several variants, *aqebese,* *aqobese* (see n. 31) *eqebese,* and especially *bese,* which is frequent. This last form, in all likelihood, is not an abbreviated variant but is based on a still earlier form of the 3rd person pronoun, *-b,* which will be considered below [ADD REF]. ## The “Verbal Dative” as Possible Enclitic Pronoun or Verbal Number Marker {#ii3} @@ -390,7 +390,7 @@ In (29), the singular suffix *-x* is added to the stem *l-* “give”. It refer ### The Verbal Plural Marker in NES Languages and in Meroitic {#ii34} -The Meroitic plural suffix *-bx(e)* shares three significant features with the verbal number markers in Ama and Nobiin: its direct adjunction to the stem within the verbal compound; its function as a plural marker of direct/indirect object; and its dependency on the hierarchy between participants of the action (cf. n. 34 [CHECK]). Nonetheless, some important divergences can be observed. First of all, the Meroitic plural suffix is not a single morpheme like Ama *-(ī)d̪ì* and Nobiin *-(i)j* (where /i/ is a epenthetic vowel) but the plural form of a singular suffix *-x(e).* In languages where verbal number is an operative category, the most frequent situation contrasts unmarked singular and marked plural. Nonetheless, the growing literature on verbal number/pluractionality records some languages where there is an opposition between marked verbal singular and marked verbal plural. In her study of verbal number in Karko, a Kordofan Nubian language, Jakobi gives some instances of such verbs (**Table 1**). +The Meroitic plural suffix *-bx(e)* shares three significant features with the verbal number markers in Ama and Nobiin: its direct adjunction to the stem within the verbal compound; its function as a plural marker of direct/indirect object; and its dependency on the hierarchy between participants of the action (cf. n. 57). Nonetheless, some important divergences can be observed. First of all, the Meroitic plural suffix is not a single morpheme like Ama *-(ī)d̪ì* and Nobiin *-(i)j* (where /i/ is a epenthetic vowel) but the plural form of a singular suffix *-x(e).* In languages where verbal number is an operative category, the most frequent situation contrasts unmarked singular and marked plural. Nonetheless, the growing literature on verbal number/pluractionality records some languages where there is an opposition between marked verbal singular and marked verbal plural. In her study of verbal number in Karko, a Kordofan Nubian language, Jakobi gives some instances of such verbs (**Table 1**). | Gloss | Sg. Object | Pl. Object | | :--- | :--- | :--- | @@ -841,7 +841,7 @@ The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM marke {{< gloss "(59)" >}} {r} Benediction A -{g} *a*to*,water|<*m*>*he*,abundant|*pso-he-b :*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2-vnm]({sc})| +{g} *ato*,water|<*m*>*he*,abundant|*pso-he-b :*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2-vnm]({sc})| {r} “Make her/him drink plentiful water." {r} Benediction B {g} *at*,bread|*mhe*,abundant|*psi-xr-b :*,[caus]({sc})-eat.[imp.2-vnm]({sc})| @@ -861,7 +861,7 @@ Furthermore, a not uncommon variant of the verbal suffix *-te,* found only in th {{< gloss "(60)" >}} {r} Benediction A -{g} *a*to*,water|*mhe*,abundant|*pso-he*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2]({sc})| +{g} *ato*,water|*mhe*,abundant|*pso-he*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2]({sc})| {r} “Make her/him drink plentiful water." {r} Benediction B {g} *at*,bread|*mxe :*,abundant|*psi-xr-to*,[caus]({sc})-eat.[opt.2sg]({sc})| @@ -975,9 +975,10 @@ During the 14th Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium held in 2019 in Vienna, Ange [^95]: For conservative aspects in Birgid, see Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 367-368. -In Old Nubian, we find ⲉⲓⲣ “you (sg.)” and ⲟⲩⲣ "you (pl.)," in Nobiin, *ìr* and *úr* respectively, and Mattokki–Andaandi *er* and *ir.* I had previously interpreted the final *-r* as an original article appended to personal pronouns in Proto-Nubian.[^x46] In Midob and in Tama, the article is actually *-r,* but it was *-l* in Meroitic and early Old Nubian, so that it must also have been *-l* in Proto-Nubian. In addition, the Midob reflexes of the Proto-Nubian liquids are often unpredictable (ibid: 254), whereas they are stable in Nile Nubian. For these reasons, I now think that at least in Proto-Nubian, the final *-r* was part of the stem of these personal pronouns. +In Old Nubian, we find ⲉⲓⲣ “you (sg.)” and ⲟⲩⲣ "you (pl.)," in Nobiin, *ìr* and *úr* respectively, and Mattokki–Andaandi *er* and *ir.* I had previously interpreted the final *-r* as an original article appended to personal pronouns in Proto-Nubian.[^x46] In Midob and in Tama, the article is actually *-r,* but it was *-l* in Meroitic and early Old Nubian, so that it must also have been *-l* in Proto-Nubian. In addition, the Midob reflexes of the Proto-Nubian liquids are often unpredictable,[^y1] whereas they are stable in Nile Nubian. For these reasons, I now think that at least in Proto-Nubian, the final *-r* was part of the stem of these personal pronouns. [^x46]: Ibid., p. 383. +[^y1]: Ibid., p. 254. On the other hand, Nubian languages have a propensity for intervocalic /r/ to shift to /d/. Many words for which the Proto-Nubian etymon included the sonorant *\*r* in intervocalic position, are written in Old Nubian with a delta, which later shifted back to /r/ in Nobiin, its modern descendant. As shown in **Table 5** below, Birgid and sometimes, Midob, can also have /d/ from Proto-Nubian *\*r.* diff --git a/content/article/starostin.md b/content/article/starostin.md index 0b59a2a..c2bc1de 100644 --- a/content/article/starostin.md +++ b/content/article/starostin.md @@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ More recently, however, an important and challenging hypothesis on a re-classifi [^3]: Bechhaus-Gerst, “Nile-Nubian Reconsidered”; Bechhaus-Gerst, *Sprachwandel durch Sprachkontakt am Beispiel des Nubischen im Niltal*; Bechhaus-Gerst, *The (Hi)story of Nobiin*. -| | Meidob | Birgid | Kadaru | Debri | Dilling | K/D | +| | Midob | Birgid | Kadaru | Debri | Dilling | K/D | | --- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | | **K/D** | 54% | 48% | 58% | 57% | 58% | | | **Nobiin** | 40% | 37% | 43% | 41% | 43% | 70% | @@ -69,18 +69,7 @@ Let us look again more closely (table 2) at the lexicostatistical evidence, redu [^t2a]: Bechhaus-Gerst, “Nile-Nubian Reconsidered” [^t2b]: Storostin, *Jazyki Afriki*. -The significant differences in figures between two instances of lexicostatistical calculations are explained by a number of factors (slightly divergent Swadesh-type lists; different etymologizations of several items on the list; exclusion of transparent recent loans from Arabic in Starostinʼs model). Nevertheless, the obvious problem does not go away in the second model: Midob clearly shares a significantly larger number of cognates with K/D than with Nobiin — a fact that directly contradicts the K/D–Nobiin proximity on the Nubian phylogenetic tree.[^abbrev] The situation remains the same if we substitute Midob with any other non-Nile-Nubian language, such as Birgid or any of the multiple Hill Nubian idioms. - -[^abbrev]: In this article, the following language abbreviations are used: -B — Birgid; -D — Dongolawi; -Dl — Dilling; -K — Kenuzi; -K/D — Kenuzi-Dongolawi; -M — Midob; -N — Nobiin; -ON — Old Nubian; -PN — Proto-Nubian. +The significant differences in figures between two instances of lexicostatistical calculations are explained by a number of factors (slightly divergent Swadesh-type lists; different etymologizations of several items on the list; exclusion of transparent recent loans from Arabic in Starostinʼs model). Nevertheless, the obvious problem does not go away in the second model: Midob clearly shares a significantly larger number of cognates with K/D than with Nobiin — a fact that directly contradicts the K/D–Nobiin proximity on the Nubian phylogenetic tree. The situation remains the same if we substitute Midob with any other non-Nile-Nubian language, such as Birgid or any of the multiple Hill Nubian idioms. The important thing is that there are actually two possible reasons for this discrepancy in the lexicostatistical matrix. One, endorsed by Bechhaus-Gerst, is that the K/D–Nobiin number is incorrectly increased by the addition of a large number of items that have not been inherited from a common ancestor, but actually borrowed from Nobiin into K/D. An alternate scenario, however, is that the active recipient was Nobiin, except that the donor was not K/D — rather, a certain percentage of Nobiin basic lexicon could have been borrowed from a third, possibly unidentified source, over a relatively short period of time, which resulted in lowering the percentage of Nobiin matches with *all* other Nubian languages. @@ -318,6 +307,19 @@ In any case, the main point of this paper is not so much to shed light on the or In this particular case, I believe that the evidence speaks strongly in favor of reinstating the Nile-Nubian clade comprising both Nobiin and Kenuzi-Dongolawi, although it must be kept in mind that a common linguistic ancestor and a common ethnic ancestor are not necessarily the same thing (e.g., the linguistic conclusion does not at all exclude the possibility that early speakers of Kenuzi-Dongolawi did shift to Proto-Nile-Nubian from some other language — not necessarily Nubian in origin itself). +# Abbreviations + +* B — Birgid; +* D — Dongolawi; +* Dl — Dilling; +* K — Kenuzi; +* K/D — Kenuzi-Dongolawi; +* M — Midob; +* N — Nobiin; +* ON — Old Nubian; +* PN — Proto-Nubian. + + # Bibliography Armbruster, Charles H. *Dongolese Nubian: A Lexicon.* Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965. diff --git a/content/issue/dotawo7.md b/content/issue/dotawo7.md index 061aa44..f525237 100644 --- a/content/issue/dotawo7.md +++ b/content/issue/dotawo7.md @@ -16,9 +16,9 @@ With its graduation to the [Sandpoints](https://git.sandpoints.org/) platform st Second, to improve the long-term preservation of and access to the scholarship contained and referenced in *Dotawo*, all sources mentioned in contributions to the journal will henceforth be linked, as much as possible, to records deposited in a public library using the open infrastructure of [Memory of the World](https://www.memoryoftheworld.org/).[^10] This will allow for easy storage and dissemination of both the research and research context presented in *Dotawo* to those scholars of Nubian Studies – and there are many – who are not institutionally privileged or live in the Global South. The plundering and destruction of the University of Khartoum by forces allied with the former dictator during the 2019 Sudanese Revolution[^8] should impress upon us the precarity of the research environment in which many Nubiologists operate and thus the necessity and moral obligation of creating open and resistant scholarly infrastructures. -In a recent, bleak assessment of the goals set by the [Budapest Open Access Initiative Declaration](https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read) in 2002 and the open access movement more broadly, journalist Richard Poynder states that "it now seems unlikely that the *affordability* and *equity* problems will be resolved, which will impact disproportionately negatively on those in the Global South”:[^5] +In a recent, bleak assessment of the goals set by the [Budapest Open Access Initiative (BOAI) Declaration](https://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read) in 2002 and the open access movement more broadly, journalist Richard Poynder states that "it now seems unlikely that the *affordability* and *equity* problems will be resolved, which will impact disproportionately negatively on those in the Global South”:[^5] ->OA advocates failed to anticipate – and then for too long ignored – how their advocacy was allowing legacy publishers to co-opt open access, and in ways that work as much against the goals of [boai]({sc}) as for them. And they have often downplayed the negative consequences that OA policies and initiatives developed in the Global North will have for those in the Global South.[^6] +>OA advocates failed to anticipate – and then for too long ignored – how their advocacy was allowing legacy publishers to co-opt open access, and in ways that work as much against the goals of BOAI as for them. And they have often downplayed the negative consequences that OA policies and initiatives developed in the Global North will have for those in the Global South.[^6] Furthermore, it appears that the turn toward open access in the scholarly communications landscape is increasingly facilitating the agendas of for-profit data analytics companies. Perhaps realizing that "they've found something that is even more profitable than selling back to us academics the content that we have produced,”[^9] they venture ever further upstream from the moment of publication, with every intent to colonize and canalize the entire flow of research.[^4] This poses a severe threat to the independence of scholarly inquiry.[^7] @@ -26,7 +26,7 @@ In the light of these troubling developments, the expansion from *Dotawo* as a " >Those with access to these resources — students, librarians, scientists — you have been given a privilege. You get to feed at this banquet of knowledge while the rest of the world is locked out. But you need not — indeed, morally, you cannot — keep this privilege for yourselves. You have a duty to share it with the world.[^3] -Swartz's is a call to action that transcends the limitations of the open access movement as construed by the [boai]({sc}) Declaration by simply affirming: "knowledge is a common good." It goes beyond open access, because it specifically targets materials that linger on a paper or silicon substrate in academic libraries and digital repositories without being accessible for "fair use." The deposition of the references from *Dotawo* contributions in a public library is a limited attempt to offer a remedy, heeding the "Code of Best Practices in Fair Use" of the [Association of Research Libraries](https://www.arl.org/resources/code-of-best-practices-in-fair-use-designing-the-public-domain/), which approvingly cites the late Supreme Court Justice Brandeis that “the noblest of human productions — knowledge, truths ascertained, conceptions, and ideas — become, after voluntary communication to others, free as the air to common use.”[^1] This approach also dovetails the interpretation of "folk law" recently propounded by [Ubuweb](https://ubu.com/) founder Kenneth Goldsmith.[^2] +Swartz's is a call to action that transcends the limitations of the open access movement as construed by the BOAI Declaration by simply affirming: "knowledge is a common good." It goes beyond open access, because it specifically targets materials that linger on a paper or silicon substrate in academic libraries and digital repositories without being accessible for "fair use." The deposition of the references from *Dotawo* contributions in a public library is a limited attempt to offer a remedy, heeding the "Code of Best Practices in Fair Use" of the [Association of Research Libraries](https://www.arl.org/resources/code-of-best-practices-in-fair-use-designing-the-public-domain/), which approvingly cites the late Supreme Court Justice Brandeis that “the noblest of human productions — knowledge, truths ascertained, conceptions, and ideas — become, after voluntary communication to others, free as the air to common use.”[^1] This approach also dovetails the interpretation of "folk law" recently propounded by [Ubuweb](https://ubu.com/) founder Kenneth Goldsmith.[^2] We strongly believe that it is in the interest of Nubian Studies and its stakeholders, especially scholars in adjunct or para-academic positions without access to institutional repositories, and the Nubian people who are actively denied knowledge of their own culture, to enable the *widest possible* dissemination of scholarship. In this enterprise, striving for common access and and relying on open source software are just the first step. @@ -88,7 +88,7 @@ Goldsmith, Kenneth. *Duchamp Is My Lawyer: The Polemics, Pragmatics, and Poetics Kelty, Christopher. "Recursive Publics and Open Access." In *Guerrilla Open Access,* ed. Memory of the World. Coventry: Post Office Press, Rope Press, and Memory of the World, 2018: pp. 6–15. -Mars, Marcell, Manar Zarroug, and Tomislav Medak. In "Public Library," edited by Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, and WHW. Zagreb: WHW/Multimedijalni Institut, 2015: pp. 75–85. +Mars, Marcell, Manar Zarroug, and Tomislav Medak. "Public Library." In *Javna knjižnica – Public Library,* edited by Marcell Mars, Tomislav Medak, and WHW. Zagreb: WHW/Multimedijalni Institut, 2015: pp. 75–85. Moore, Samuel. "The Datafication in Transformative Agreements for Open Access Publishing." July 3, 2020. https://www.samuelmoore.org/2020/07/03/the-datafication-in-transformative-agreements-for-open-access-publishing/