fixed bib links in jakobi
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@ -734,7 +734,7 @@ In conclusion, East Sudanic is characterized by a series of affixes, which have
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Alamin Mubarak, Suzan.  In *Insights into Nilo-Saharan Language, History and Culture: Proceedings of the 9th Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 16–19 February 2004,* edited by Al-Amin Abu-Manga, Leoma Gilley & Anne Storch. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2006: pp. 9–24.
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Aviles, Arthur J.  MA Thesis, University of North Dakota at Grand Forks, 2008.
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Aviles, Arthur J. * MA Thesis, University of North Dakota at Grand Forks, 2008.
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Bell, Herman.  *Sudan Notes and Records* 7 (1975): pp. 1–36.
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@ -752,9 +752,9 @@ Bender, Lionel M.  *Afrika und Übersee* 81 (1998): pp. 39–64.
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Bender, Lionel M.  Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 2005.
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Bender, Lionel M. * Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 2005.
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Bender, Lionel M.  2nd edition. Munich: Lincom Europa, 1997.
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Bender, Lionel M. * 2nd edition. Munich: Lincom Europa, 1997.
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Blench, Roger M.  In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies,* edited by Thilo C. Schadeberg and Roger M. Blench. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2013: pp. 485–500.
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@ -762,13 +762,13 @@ Blench, Roger M.  In *La qualification dans les langues africaines,* edited by Holger Tröbs, Eva Rothmaler, and Kerstin Winkelmann. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag, 2008: pp. 57–70.
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Browne, Gerald M.  Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
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Browne, Gerald M. * Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
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Bryan, Margaret.  *Africa* 29, no. 1 (1959): pp. 1–21.
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Carlin, Eithne.  Cologne: Universität zu Köln, 1993.
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Carlin, Eithne. * Cologne: Universität zu Köln, 1993.
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Cohen, Kevin B.  Munich: Lincom Europa, 2000.
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Cohen, Kevin B. * Munich: Lincom Europa, 2000.
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Dawd, Abushush & R.J. Hayward.  *Journal of the International Phonetic Association* 32, no. 2 (2002): pp. 249–255.
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@ -776,7 +776,7 @@ De Voogt, Alex  *Journal of African Languages and Linguistics* 31 (2011): pp. 13–46.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing, 2011.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. * Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing, 2011.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. "Marked Nominative Systems in Eastern Sudanic and Their Historical Origin.” *Afrikanistik Online* 11, no. 3 (2014): pp. 1–23.
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@ -784,9 +784,9 @@ Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *Proceedings of the Fourth Nilo-Saharan Conference: Bayreuth Aug. 30–Sep. 2, 1989,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1991: pp. 111–131.
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Ehret, Christopher.  Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2001.
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Ehret, Christopher. * Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2001.
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Ehret, Christopher.  Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1971.
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Ehret, Christopher. * Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1971.
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Gilley, Leoma G.  In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies,* edited by Thilo C. Schadeberg & Roger M. Blench. Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2013: pp. 501–522.
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@ -794,35 +794,35 @@ Greenberg, Joseph H.  *Southwestern Journal of Anthropology* 6, no. 2 (1950): pp. 143–160.
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Greenberg, Joseph H.  The Hague: Mouton & Co, 1963.
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Greenberg, Joseph H. * The Hague: Mouton & Co, 1963.
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Güldemann, Tom. “The Historical-Comparative Status of East Sudanic.” In *Proceedings of the 14th Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium,* edited by Roger M. Blench, Petra Weschenfelder, and Georg Ziegelmeyer. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, forthcoming.
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Hayward, Richard J.  In *"Mehr als nur Worte…": Afrikanistische Beiträge zum 65. Geburtstag von Franz Rottland,* edited by R. Voßen, A. Mietzner, and A. Meißner. Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2000: pp. 247–267.
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Heine, Bernd.  Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1976.
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Heine, Bernd. * Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1976.
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Jakobi, Angelika & Ahmed Hamdan.  *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 2 (2015): pp. 271–289. [doi]({sc}): [10.5070/D62110017](https://doi.org/10.5070/D62110017).
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Joseph, Clement Lopeyok et al.  Juba: SIL-Sudan, 2012.
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Joseph, Clement Lopeyok et al. * Juba: SIL-Sudan, 2012.
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Kellermann, P.  MA thesis, Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe Universitat, Mainz, 2000.
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Kellermann, P. * MA thesis, Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe Universitat, Mainz, 2000.
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Lamberti, Marcello.  Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1988.
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Lamberti, Marcello. * Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1988.
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Norton, Russell. "Ama Verbs in Comparative Perspective.” *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 7 (2020): 
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Norton, Russell.  *Occasional Papers in the Study of Sudanese Languages* 10 (2012): pp. 75–94.
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Rilly, Claude.  Leuven: Peeters, 2009.
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Rilly, Claude. * Leuven: Peeters, 2009.
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Rilly, Claude & Alex de Voogt.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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Rilly, Claude & Alex de Voogt. * Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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Ross, James S. *A Preliminary Attempt at the Reconstruction of Proto-East Sudanic Phonology and Lexicon.* MA Thesis, Southern Illinois University, 1990.
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Rottland, Franz.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1982.
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Rottland, Franz. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1982.
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Schrock, Terrill B.  Berlin: Language Science Press, 2016.
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Schrock, Terrill B. * Berlin: Language Science Press, 2016.
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Starostin, George.  *Journal of Language Relationship* [*Вопросы языкового родства*] 15, no. 2 (2017): pp. 87–113.
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@ -830,27 +830,27 @@ Stevenson, Roland C.  *Afrika und Übersee* 41 (1957): pp. 27–65, 117–152, 171–196.
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Stirtz, Timothy M.  Utrecht: LOT, 2011.
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Stirtz, Timothy M. * Utrecht: LOT, 2011.
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Storch, Anne.  Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2005.
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Storch, Anne. * Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2005.
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Thelwall, Robin A.  In *Gedenkschrift Gustav Nachtigal 1874–1974,* edited by E. Ganslmayr and H. Jungraithmayr, pp. 197–210. Bremen: Übersee Museum, 1977.
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Trigger, Bruce G. “Meroitic and Eastern Sudanic: A Linguistic Relationship.” *Kush* 12 (1964): 188–194.
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Tucker, Archibald N.  Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940.
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Tucker, Archibald N. * Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940.
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Tucker, Archibald N. & Margaret A. Bryan.  London: Oxford University Press.
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Tucker, Archibald N. & Margaret A. Bryan. * London: Oxford University Press.
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Tucker, Archibald N. & Margaret A. Bryan. *Noun Classification in Kalenjin: Nandi-Kipsigis.* London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1964.
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Tucker, Archibald N. & Margaret A. Bryan. *Noun Classification in Kalenjin: Päkot.* London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1962.
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Tucker, Archibald N. & Margaret A. Bryan.  London: Oxford University Press, 1956.
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Tucker, Archibald N. & Margaret A. Bryan. * London: Oxford University Press, 1956.
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Voßen, Rainer.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1982.
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Voßen, Rainer. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1982.
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Werner, Roland.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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Werner, Roland. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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Yigezu, Moges & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal.  In *Surmic Languages and Cultures,* edited by Gerrit J. Dimmendaal and Marco Last. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 1998: pp. 273–317.
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@ -2231,160 +2231,160 @@ However, in addition to the suggestive evidence of their old genetic links, ther
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# Bibliography
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Abdel-Hafiz, A.S.  PhD Thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 1988.
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Abdel-Hafiz, Ahmed S. *[!A Reference Grammar of Kunuz Nubian.](bib:0975305c-d8e8-4fd0-935f-cc2f17735109)* PhD Thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 1988.
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Abel, Hans.  Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 29, no. 8. Leipzig: Teubner, 1913.
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Abel, Hans. *[!Eine Erzählung im Dialekt von Ermenne (Nubien).](bib:0adc693c-e06d-4c26-ae4f-ab188038aadd)* Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 29, no. 8. Leipzig: Teubner, 1913.
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Almkvist, Herman N.  Edited by K.V. Zetterstéen. Uppsala: Almkvist & Wiksell; Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1911.
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Almkvist, Herman N. *[!Nubische Studien im Sudān 1877–78.](bib:bf2f8b9a-c000-4471-b288-6837ddadaff1)* Edited by K.V. Zetterstéen. Uppsala: Almkvist & Wiksell; Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1911.
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Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y.  Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018.
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Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y. *[!Serial Verbs.](bib:01239c3e-6920-455f-bf50-e8b098c1d22e)* Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018.
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Ameka, Felix K. “Ewe Serial Verb Constructions in Their Grammatical Context.” In *Serial Verb Constructions: A Cross-linguistic Typology,* edited by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald & Robert M.W. Dixon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006: pp. 124–143.
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Amha, Azeb & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. “Converbs in an African Perspective.” In *Catching Language,* edited by Felix A. Ameka, Alan Dench & Nicholas Evans. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2006: pp. 393–440.
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Amha, Azeb & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal.  In *Serial Verb Constructions: A Cross-Linguistic Typology,* edited by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald & Robert M.W. Dixon. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2006: pp. 319–337.
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Amha, Azeb & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal.  In *Serial Verb Constructions: A Cross-Linguistic Typology,* edited by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald & Robert M.W. Dixon. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2006: pp. 319–337.
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Armbruster, Charles H.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960.
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Armbruster, Charles H. *[!Dongolese Nubian: A Grammar.](bib:1513d4f3-3175-4ade-8e5e-b8e4738c3f11)* Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960.
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Armbruster, Charles H.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965.
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Armbruster, Charles H. *[!Dongolese Nubian: A Lexicon.](bib:9ae2354f-5462-455c-b8cd-443e2eb19d5d)* Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965.
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Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  In *Topics in Nilo-Saharan Linguistics,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. Hamburg: Buske, 1989: pp. 85–96.
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Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  In *Topics in Nilo-Saharan Linguistics,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. Hamburg: Buske, 1989: pp. 85–96.
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Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  *Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika* 6 (1984/85): pp. 7–134.
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Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  *Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika* 6 (1984/85): pp. 7–134.
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Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2011.
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Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. *[!The (Hi)story of Nobiin: 1000 Years of Language Change.](bib:5e1fabdb-e176-4b9a-977d-2d0440451406)* Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2011.
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Bender, M. Lionel. “Nilo-Saharan.” In *African Languages: An Introduction,* edited by Bernd Heine & Derek Nurse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000: pp. 43–75.
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Bender, M. Lionel.  Munich: Lincom Europa, 1996.
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Bender, M. Lionel. *[!The Nilo-Saharan Languages: A Comparative Essay.](bib:5a643e00-aee9-4d2b-a2a0-dfb75ac0ee9d)* Munich: Lincom Europa, 1996.
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Blench, Roger M. “Morphological Evidence for the Coherence of East Sudanic.” *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 7 (2020): .
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Browne, Gerald M.  Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
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Browne, Gerald M. *[!Old Nubian Dictionary.](bib:8847cd9f-19d3-4c25-9c43-9377779bc83e)* Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
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Browne, Gerald M.  Munich: Lincom Europa, 2002.
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Browne, Gerald M. *[!Old Nubian Grammar.](bib:f5de02d1-4fe8-4191-a6d4-1166110b13af)* Munich: Lincom Europa, 2002.
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Browne, Gerald M.  Vienna-Mödling: Verein der Förderer der Sudanforschung, 1994.
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Browne, Gerald M. *[!The Old Nubian Miracle of Saint Menas.](bib:a7509bb4-35f7-44ba-8ffc-c3c67613e70f)* Vienna-Mödling: Verein der Förderer der Sudanforschung, 1994.
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Comfort, Jade.  In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies,* edited by Thilo C. Schadeberg & Roger M. Blench. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2013: pp. 381–400.
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Comfort, Jade.  In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies,* edited by Thilo C. Schadeberg & Roger M. Blench. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2013: pp. 381–400.
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Comfort, Jade.  *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 1 (2014): pp. 145–163.
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Comfort, Jade.  *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 1 (2014): pp. 145–163.
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Comfort, Jade & Angelika Jakobi  In *Afrikanische Sprachen im Fokus,* edited by Raija Kramer, Holger Tröbs & Raimund Kastenholz. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2011: pp. 27–35.
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Comfort, Jade & Angelika Jakobi  In *Afrikanische Sprachen im Fokus,* edited by Raija Kramer, Holger Tröbs & Raimund Kastenholz. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2011: pp. 27–35.
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Creissels, Denis.  In *Benefactives and Malefactives: Typological Perspectives and Case Studies,* edited by Fernando Zúñiga & Seppo Kittilä. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 2010: pp. 29–69.
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Creissels, Denis.  In *Benefactives and Malefactives: Typological Perspectives and Case Studies,* edited by Fernando Zúñiga & Seppo Kittilä. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 2010: pp. 29–69.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *The Cambridge Handbook of African Linguistics,* edited by H. Ekkehard Wolff. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019: pp. 139–165.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *The Cambridge Handbook of African Linguistics,* edited by H. Ekkehard Wolff. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019: pp. 139–165.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  *Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika* 18 (2007): pp. 37–67.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  *Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika* 18 (2007): pp. 37–67.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2011.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. *[!Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages.](bib:1b14c433-6694-4e94-bb31-9f2dda8dbd43)* Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2011.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *The Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology,* edited by Rochelle Lieber & Pavol Štekauer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014: pp. 591–607.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *The Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology,* edited by Rochelle Lieber & Pavol Štekauer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014: pp. 591–607.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J. “On Stable and Unstable Features in Nilo-Saharan.” In *Nilo-Saharan Issues and Perspectives,* edited by Helga Schröder & Prisca Jerono. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2018: pp. 9–23.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *Number – Constructions and Semantics: Case Studies from Africa, Amazonia, India and Oceania,* edited by Anne Storch & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2014: pp. 57–75.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *Number – Constructions and Semantics: Case Studies from Africa, Amazonia, India and Oceania,* edited by Anne Storch & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2014: pp. 57–75.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J., Colleen Ahland, Angelika Jakobi & Constance Kutsch Lojenga.  In *The Cambridge Handbook of African Linguistics,* edited by H. Ekkehard Wolff. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019: pp. 326–381.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit J., Colleen Ahland, Angelika Jakobi & Constance Kutsch Lojenga.  In *The Cambridge Handbook of African Linguistics,* edited by H. Ekkehard Wolff. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019: pp. 326–381.
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Ehret, Christopher.  Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2001.
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Ehret, Christopher. *[!A Historical-Comparative Reconstruction of Nilo-Saharan.](bib:cf0fc6eb-0e34-4dee-8902-c553e8aaa0ee)* Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2001.
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Gerven Oei, Vincent W.J. van.  In *Nubian Voices II: New Texts and Studies on Christian Nubian Culture,* edited by Adam Łajtar, Grzegorz Ochała, and Jacques van der Vliet. Warsaw: Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation, 2015: pp. 313–334.
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Gerven Oei, Vincent W.J. van.  In *Nubian Voices II: New Texts and Studies on Christian Nubian Culture,* edited by Adam Łajtar, Grzegorz Ochała, and Jacques van der Vliet. Warsaw: Raphael Taubenschlag Foundation, 2015: pp. 313–334.
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Gerven Oei, Vincent W.J. van. *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian.* Leuven: Peeters, forthcoming.
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Greenberg, Joseph H.  New Haven: Compass, 1955.
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Greenberg, Joseph H. *[!Studies in African Linguistic Classification.](bib:5dcdd5d6-51d2-4f4a-814c-219fda36d2c1)* New Haven: Compass, 1955.
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Greenberg, Joseph H.  3rd edition. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1970.
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Greenberg, Joseph H. *[!The Languages of Africa.](bib:a107ca3b-6b11-49b2-bed3-9b246c811eec)* 3rd edition. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1970.
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Grüning, Manfred.  MA Thesis, Redcliffe College, 2014.
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Grüning, Manfred. *[!A Sketch of the Midob Verbal Morphology.](bib:7a1ed7f3-a68a-4cc6-98f9-12faf7b6d8eb)* MA Thesis, Redcliffe College, 2014.
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Hashim, Mohamed El-Hadi Hassan.  Edited and translated by Roland Werner. Berlin: Nubian Press, 2005.
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Hashim, Mohamed El-Hadi Hassan. *[!Nobiiguun Kummaanchii – Shoo Urragi. Nobiin Stories, Vol. 1.](bib:0b2a5ead-d119-4712-be2e-9521c241f4ff)* Edited and translated by Roland Werner. Berlin: Nubian Press, 2005.
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Haspelmath, Martin.  *Studies in Language* 14, no. 1 (1990): pp. 25–72.
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Haspelmath, Martin.  *Studies in Language* 14, no. 1 (1990): pp. 25–72.
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Haspelmath, Martin.  In *The World Atlas of Language Structures Online,* edited by Matthew S. Dryer & Martin Haspelmath. Leipzig, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, 2013. http://wals.info/chapter/105.
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Haspelmath, Martin.  In *The World Atlas of Language Structures Online,* edited by Matthew S. Dryer & Martin Haspelmath. Leipzig, Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, 2013. http://wals.info/chapter/105.
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Hintze, Fritz.  *Berliner Beiträge zur Ägyptologie und Sudanarchäologie* 20, no. 3 (1971): pp. 287–293.
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Hintze, Fritz.  *Berliner Beiträge zur Ägyptologie und Sudanarchäologie* 20, no. 3 (1971): pp. 287–293.
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Hopper, Paul J.  In *Studies in Typology and Diachrony: Papers Presented to Joseph H. Greenberg on His 75th Birthday,* edited by William Croft, Keith M. Denning & Suzanne Kemmer. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1990: pp. 151–160.
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Hopper, Paul J.  In *Studies in Typology and Diachrony: Papers Presented to Joseph H. Greenberg on His 75th Birthday,* edited by William Croft, Keith M. Denning & Suzanne Kemmer. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1990: pp. 151–160.
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Hopper, Paul J. & Sandra A. Thompson.  *Language* 56, no. 2 (1980): pp. 251–299.
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Hopper, Paul J. & Sandra A. Thompson.  *Language* 56, no. 2 (1980): pp. 251–299.
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Jakobi, Angelika.  In *Insights into Nilo-Saharan Language, History and Culture,* edited by Al-Amin Abu-Manga, Leoma Gilley & Anne Storch. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2006: pp. 215–228.
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Jakobi, Angelika.  In *Insights into Nilo-Saharan Language, History and Culture,* edited by Al-Amin Abu-Manga, Leoma Gilley & Anne Storch. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2006: pp. 215–228.
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Werner, Roland.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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||||
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|||
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|
@ -524,15 +524,15 @@ This period nevertheless also reveals one significant example of simplification
|
|||
|
||||
# Bibliography
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||||
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||||
Abdel-Hafiz, Ahmed.  PhD Thesis. Buffalo: State University of New York, 1988.
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||||
Abdel-Hafiz, Ahmed. * PhD Thesis. Buffalo: State University of New York, 1988.
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Bryan, Margaret A.  *Africa* 29 (1959): pp. 1–21.
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Comfort, Jade.  *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 1 (2014): pp. 145–163.
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Corbett, Greville.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
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Corbett, Greville. * Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
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Dahl, Östen.  Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004.
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Dahl, Östen. * Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2004.
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Dimmendaal, Gerrit.  In *A Linguistic Geography of Africa,* edited by Bernd Heine and Derek Nurse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008: pp. 272–308.
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@ -546,7 +546,7 @@ Frajzyngier, Zygmunt.  In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies,* edited by Thilo Schadeberg and Roger Blench. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2013: pp. 501–522.
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Greenberg, Joseph. [*The Languages of Africa.*](bib:df1c2298-341c-4367-a9cf-37452f7e3068) Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1963.
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Greenberg, Joseph. [*The Languages of Africa.](bib:df1c2298-341c-4367-a9cf-37452f7e3068) Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1963.
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Heine, Bernd & Rainer Voßen. “Sprachtypologie.” In *Die Sprachen Afrikas,* edited by Bernd Heine, Thilo Schadeberg, and Ekkehard Wolff. Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1981: pp. 407–444.
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@ -558,7 +558,7 @@ Kröger, Oliver.  In *Domaines, Journées d’Études linguistiques.* Nantes: Université de Nantes, 2004: pp. 87–92.
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||||
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||||
Mufwene, Salikoko S.  Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1984.
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||||
Mufwene, Salikoko S. * Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club, 1984.
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||||
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||||
Nevins, Andrew, David Pesetsky & Cilene Rodrigues.  *Language* 85, no. 2 (2009): pp. 355–404.
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||||
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||||
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@ -570,21 +570,21 @@ Norton, Russell.  In *Nilo-Saharan: Models and Descriptions,* edited by Angelika Mietzner & Anne Storch. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2015: pp. 113–122.
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||||
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||||
Rilly, Claude.  Louvain: Peeters, 2010.
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||||
Rilly, Claude. * Louvain: Peeters, 2010.
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||||
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||||
Rottland, Franz & Angelika Jakobi.  *Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere,* Sondernummer (1991): pp. 249–269.
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||||
Smits, Heleen.  Utrecht: LOT, 2017.
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||||
Smits, Heleen. * Utrecht: LOT, 2017.
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||||
Stevenson, Roland C.  *Afrika und Übersee* 40 (1956): pp. 73–84, 93–115.
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||||
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||||
Stevenson, Roland C.  *Afrika und Übersee* 41 (1957): pp. 27–65, 117–152, 171–196.
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||||
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||||
Stevenson, Roland.  Unpublished typescript, 1938.
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||||
Stevenson, Roland. * Unpublished typescript, 1938.
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||||
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||||
Stevenson, Roland, Franz Rottland & Angelika Jakobi.  *Afrikanistiche Arbeitspapiere* 32 (1992): pp. 5–64.
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||||
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||||
Stirtz, Timothy.  Utrecht: LOT, 2011.
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Stirtz, Timothy. * Utrecht: LOT, 2011.
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Trudgill, Peter. *Sociolinguistic Typology: Social Determinants of Linguistic Complexity.* Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
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@ -592,10 +592,10 @@ Voogt, Alex de.  *Studies in Language* 35, no. 4 (2011): pp. 898–911.
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||||
Waag, Christine.  Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2010.
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Waag, Christine. * Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2010.
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||||
Welmers, William.  Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973.
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||||
Welmers, William. * Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973.
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||||
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||||
Werner, Roland.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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||||
Werner, Roland. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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||||
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||||
Wolff, Ekkehard.  In *Papers in Chadic Linguistics,* edited by Paul Newman & Roxana Ma Newman. Leiden: Afrika-Studiecentrum, 1977: pp. 199–233.
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||||
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|
|
|||
|
|
@ -32,13 +32,13 @@ The present paper deals with personal markers that can be identified in Meroitic
|
|||
|
||||
In addition, when the situation of uttering is clear and verbal affixes are present, they often vary from one text to another and are distorted by assimilative phenomena, so that it is extremely difficult to isolate the personal markers and assign them an accurate value. For example, in funerary inscriptions, a textual category that makes up a third of the corpus, the situation of uttering is clear: These texts are prayers to the gods of the afterlife, uttered by a fictive enunciator who probably represents the funerary priest or the family of the deceased. He invokes the gods at the beginning and beseeches them in the last sentences to provide the deceased with water and food. The final verb is expectedly a optative or imperative form. It is not preceded by a 2nd person plural pronoun, but it includes a prefixed element *pso-, psi-* (or many other variants) and two suffixes. The first is *-x* or *-xe* (“verbal dative”) and is located immediately after the verbal stem. The second suffix is a compound *-kte, -kete, -ketese, -kese,* which can be reduced to *-te* as a result of assimilation with the first suffix. Until Fritz Hintze published his *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* no scholar managed to find which of these complex affixes marked the person of the verb. Thanks to his morphological study of the verb in funerary benedictions,[^2] it is now clear that the final compound suffix is the marker of the 2nd person plural on the verb. Further analyses of old data can provide better insights into other personal markers, particularly the 3rd person singular and plural pronouns and possibly the first person singular subject marker, as can be seen in the following sections. Furthermore, some textual material recently discovered can be used to identify new personal markers, namely the 2nd person singular and plural possessive pronouns and the 2nd person singular subject pronoun.
|
||||
|
||||
[^2]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 63–87. Nevertheless, he regards the 2nd person plural as an address to the visitors of the tomb. The interpretation of Inge Hofmann in her *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* p. 194, according to which the prayer is addressed to the gods of the afterlife, is much more convincing. See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–166, for a detailed review of the numerous hypotheses that were advanced since the decipherment of the scripts.
|
||||
[^2]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 63–87. Nevertheless, he regards the 2nd person plural as an address to the visitors of the tomb. The interpretation of Inge Hofmann in her *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* p. 194, according to which the prayer is addressed to the gods of the afterlife, is much more convincing. See Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–166, for a detailed review of the numerous hypotheses that were advanced since the decipherment of the scripts.
|
||||
|
||||
# Preliminary Remarks about the Conventions of the Meroitic Writing System {#i}
|
||||
|
||||
Morphological issues in Meroitic cannot be addressed without taking into account the conventions of the writing system, because this is the only way we have to reconstruct the actual pronunciation of the words. The traditional transliteration of the texts, which follows the rules established by Griffith in 1911, is convenient because it is a direct reflection of the Meroitic signs (the default vowel /a/ is not written), but it is not a faithful rendering of the pronunciation. For instance, the Meroitic transcription of Greek Καῖσαρ (Latin *Caesar*) is written *kisri* but was pronounced /kaisari/. The Meroitic script is an alphasyllabary (**Fig. 1**), like Indic scripts or the Ethiopian abugida.[^3] There were actually two scripts, the cursive script and the hieroglyphic script, but they followed the same principles and differ only by the forms of the signs, like capital and lowercase letters in Latin script, with the difference that the two registers are never mixed in the same text.
|
||||
|
||||
[^3]: This distinctive feature of the Meroitic writing-system was first evidenced in Hintze 1973. For an extensive study of the rules of Meroitic script, see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 277–314.
|
||||
[^3]: This distinctive feature of the Meroitic writing-system was first evidenced in Hintze 1973. For an extensive study of the rules of Meroitic script, see Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 277–314.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -48,13 +48,13 @@ The script includes nineteen syllabic signs. Fifteen of them have the value “c
|
|||
|
||||
The sound values of the Meroitic signs are generally known,[^x4] but there remains a few unclear points. Until recently, it was supposed that the sign 𐦭, transliterated formerly *ḫ,* and *x* according to the revised conventions,[^4] had only the value [χ], a velar fricative like Egyptian *ḫ.* A second sign, which can replace *x* in several variant spellings, is *h,* formerly *ẖ*. I suggested that *h* was a labialized version of *x,* in IPA [χʷ], because it mainly occurs before or after labiovelar vowels [o] or [u]. These two values [χ] and [χʷ] are evidenced by the use of *x* and *h* in Meroitic transcriptions of Egyptian words. The same distribution can be observed between *k* and *q,* the latter being a labialized velar consonant [kʷ]. However, in the Old Nubian alphabet, the Meroitic sign 𐦭 *x* was borrowed, not for the velar fricative consonant [χ], for which the Coptic sign ϩ was used, but for the velar nasal consonant /ŋ/, written ⳟ. Furthermore, in several Egyptian transcriptions of Meroitic royal names that include *x* or *h,* the scribes used a digraph *nḫ.*[^5] My impression is therefore that the signs *x* and *h* had a double set of values: [χ] and [χʷ] in loanwords from Egyptian and [ŋ], and [ŋʷ] in native words. This assumption is supported by strong arguments but still needs to be checked word by word.
|
||||
|
||||
[^x4]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 359–407.
|
||||
[^x4]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 359–407.
|
||||
[^4]: See Rilly \& Francigny, “Excavations of the French Archaeological Mission in Sedeinga, Campaign 2011,” p. 67, no. 10.
|
||||
[^5]: For further details, see Rilly, “Upon Hintze's Shoulders,” pp. 28–29.
|
||||
|
||||
A last peculiarity, pertaining rather to phonetic changes than to spelling conventions, needs to be mentioned here because it will be found in some of the following quotations from Meroitic texts. From the first century CE onwards, the sequence /s/ + /l/ (written *se* + *l*), which was frequent in Meroitic due to the use of the article *-l* at the end of noun phrases, merged into /t/. For example, the sentence written *kdise-l-o* “she is the daughter” became *kdit-o*. This phonetic development is known as “Griffith’s law.”[^6]
|
||||
|
||||
[^6]: Formerly known as “Hestermann’s law,” see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 415–420.
|
||||
[^6]: Formerly known as “Hestermann’s law,” see Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 415–420.
|
||||
|
||||
# The Third Person Markers {#ii}
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -65,7 +65,7 @@ In the paradigm of personal pronouns, the 3rd person has a special place. Wherea
|
|||
[^y3]: Creissels, *Syntaxe générale 1,* 2006: p. 91.
|
||||
[^7]: In Arabic *ghâ‘ib,* cf. Cotte, *Langage et linéarité,* p. 130.
|
||||
[^8]: In addition to Latin, this feature can be found in Korean, Hindi, Panjabi, Marathi, Mongolian, etc. See Jacquesson, *Les personnes,* pp. 103–105.
|
||||
[^9]: These similarities are due to common typological features and do not originate from a common genealogical origin. Turkish is, like Meroitic or Nubian, an agglutinative language, with no grammatical gender and an SOV word-order, cf. Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 497–502.
|
||||
[^9]: These similarities are due to common typological features and do not originate from a common genealogical origin. Turkish is, like Meroitic or Nubian, an agglutinative language, with no grammatical gender and an SOV word-order, cf. Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 497–502.
|
||||
[^ex2]: In (2), Malutuna is traditionally transcribed “Maloton.” This viceroy of Lower Nubia (*peseto*), living at the end of the 3rd century CE, is famous for his beautiful *ba* statue kept in the Nubian Museum in Aswan.
|
||||
|
||||
## Demonstrative Pronoun or Independent Third Person Pronoun Object? {#ii1}
|
||||
|
|
@ -91,8 +91,8 @@ The pronoun *qo* was among the first elements that Griffith singled out in the f
|
|||
[^x5]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* p. 120.
|
||||
[^x505]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 53–56.
|
||||
[^11]: The function of this particle is not yet identified (Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 386–387).
|
||||
[^12]: The frequent variants *qe/qo* here and in other words (for example *Aqedise/Aqodise* “Moon-god” in the texts from the Lion temple in Naga) is best explained by the labialized articulation /kʷ/ of the sign *q*: see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 374–379.
|
||||
[^13]: See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 547. The literal translation “this one, this is...,” which is used above, is somewhat unnatural in English. In spoken French, the topicalization of the subject is overwhelmingly frequent and sentences such as *celui-ci, c’est…* or even *ça, c’est…,* literally “this, this is” are very common.
|
||||
[^12]: The frequent variants *qe/qo* here and in other words (for example *Aqedise/Aqodise* “Moon-god” in the texts from the Lion temple in Naga) is best explained by the labialized articulation /kʷ/ of the sign *q*: see Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 374–379.
|
||||
[^13]: See Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 547. The literal translation “this one, this is...,” which is used above, is somewhat unnatural in English. In spoken French, the topicalization of the subject is overwhelmingly frequent and sentences such as *celui-ci, c’est…* or even *ça, c’est…,* literally “this, this is” are very common.
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(4)" >}}
|
||||
{g} *kdi*,woman|***qo***:,this|*Mitslbe*,Mitasalabe|*q(o)-o-wi :*,this-[cop-emp]({sc})|
|
||||
|
|
@ -106,7 +106,7 @@ The pronoun *qo* was among the first elements that Griffith singled out in the f
|
|||
|
||||
Another function of *qo,* which confirms the demonstrative status of this word, is adjectival. Like in English or German, the same word is used for the adjective and the pronoun. In (4), also drawn from a funerary text, the topic found in (3) is extended: *qo* “this one” becomes *kdi qo* “this woman,” “this lady.” This interpretation, which I first advanced with some reservations,[^x6] was since then confirmed: (5), (6), and (7) are captions of pictures, respectively the graffito of a dog hunting a hare in the Great Enclosure of Musawwarat, the drawing of a gazelle on a wooden board found in the temple of Amun in Qasr Ibrim and a pair of feet engraved in the temple of Isis in Philae. The deictic nature of *qo* is perfectly obvious here. Its use as a 3rd person pronoun in Meroitic is therefore an extension of his function, because the other way round, namely that a personal pronoun could become a demonstrative, is cross-linguistically highly improbable.
|
||||
|
||||
[^x6]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 98.
|
||||
[^x6]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 98.
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(6)" >}}
|
||||
{g} *abese*,gazelle|***qo-li***,this-[det]({sc})|
|
||||
|
|
@ -124,7 +124,7 @@ Examples (6) and (7) show that the demonstrative adjective *qo* is compatible wi
|
|||
|
||||
In these examples, the determiner is apparently attached, not to the demonstrative, but to the noun phrase as a whole, as is normal in Meroitic.[^x7] However, a plural form *qoleb*[^16] can be found independently as a pronominal object, but, from the instances found so far, it is difficult to decide if it is a demonstrative or a personal pronoun. This form is particularly attested in royal chronicles.[^ex8]
|
||||
|
||||
[^x7]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 511.
|
||||
[^x7]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 511.
|
||||
[^16]: From the textual material so far available, the adjunction of the plural determiner *-leb* seems to be the only way to build the plural of nouns. For an alternative plural *qebe-,* see [3.2](#ii2).
|
||||
[^ex8]: In (8), the titles *ssmrte* and *wtotrse* cannot yet be translated. The former is probably an early form of the title *ssimete* frequently attested in later texts and which is connected to the cult of the gods in several instances. The second one is a hapax legomenon. It is presumably a compound word (*wto-tr-se*) including possibly an indirect genitive with postposition *-se*.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -142,7 +142,7 @@ Example (8) is quoted from the great stela of king Taneyidamani kept in Boston.
|
|||
Whereas Hintze regarded *qe/qo* as a demonstrative, Hofmann held it as a personal pronoun because it is the basis of the 3rd person possessive marker, *qese* and variants.[^x8] It is found mainly after the kinship terms, as in (9) below, drawn from a funerary stela where two brothers are commemorated.[^ex9]
|
||||
|
||||
[^x8]: Hofmann, *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* pp. 334–338.
|
||||
[^ex9]: In (9), the kinship term *yetmde* is applied to younger members of the same maternal line (Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 526–527). It mostly designates “nephews” and “nieces,” who are referring to a prestigious uncle in the descriptive part of their epitaph, but in rare cases such as this one, it can be applied to a younger brother.
|
||||
[^ex9]: In (9), the kinship term *yetmde* is applied to younger members of the same maternal line (Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 526–527). It mostly designates “nephews” and “nieces,” who are referring to a prestigious uncle in the descriptive part of their epitaph, but in rare cases such as this one, it can be applied to a younger brother.
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(9)" >}}
|
||||
{g} *Qoreqore-l-o-wi* [:,Qurqurla-[cop-emp]({sc})|*y*]*etmde*,relative|***qese*** *:*,[3sg.gen]({sc})|*Qoretkr*,Qurtakara|*q(o)-o-wi :*,this-[cop-emp]({sc})|
|
||||
|
|
@ -151,8 +151,8 @@ Whereas Hintze regarded *qe/qo* as a demonstrative, Hofmann held it as a persona
|
|||
|
||||
The possessive of the 3rd person singular includes the pronoun *qo/qe,* followed by the genitival postposition *-se* and means literally “of him/her.”[^x9] Once again, it can be compared with Latin demonstrative *is, ea, id,* whose genitive *eius* is also used as a 3rd person singular possessive. Three variants are known: *qose,* very rare, *eqese* in REM 1003, and *aqese,* much more common.[^20] Unexpectedly, the 3rd person plural possessive is not *\*qolebse,* but *qebese,* as can be seen in (10), drawn from an epitaph from Gebel Adda that was written for a deceased whose relatives were administrators and scribes from the temple of Isis. Like (3) and (4) above, the sentence includes a topicalized constituent. The genitival phrase (i.e., the officials of the temple) is the topic and is referred to in the predication by the anaphoric possessive *qebese* (their nephew).
|
||||
|
||||
[^x9]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 550–551.
|
||||
[^20]: The initial *a* in *aqese* and in the variants of the 3rd plural possessive, *aqebese* and *aqobese* are unexplained. It is possible that this *a* is etymological and that, in this case, the forms *qese* and *qebese* result from apheresis (a widespread development in Meroitic, see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 290–291). In some instances, however, a non-etymological *a* is added at the beginning of a word for unknown reasons, for example *Ams-i* “oh (sun-god) Masha” in REM 0091C instead of expected *Ms-i.*
|
||||
[^x9]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 550–551.
|
||||
[^20]: The initial *a* in *aqese* and in the variants of the 3rd plural possessive, *aqebese* and *aqobese* are unexplained. It is possible that this *a* is etymological and that, in this case, the forms *qese* and *qebese* result from apheresis (a widespread development in Meroitic, see Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 290–291). In some instances, however, a non-etymological *a* is added at the beginning of a word for unknown reasons, for example *Ams-i* “oh (sun-god) Masha” in REM 0091C instead of expected *Ms-i.*
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(10)" >}}
|
||||
{g} *perite :*,agent|*Wos-se-leb :*,Isis-[gen-det.pl]({sc})|*qorene*,royal scribe|*Wos-se-leb :*,Isis-[gen-det.pl]({sc})|*yetmde*,nephew|***qebese***-*l-o-wi :*,[3pl.gen-det-cop-emp]({sc})|
|
||||
|
|
@ -172,7 +172,7 @@ The possessive *qebe-se* includes *qebe-,* a plural form of *qo* that is more co
|
|||
|
||||
The funerary inscriptions from the Karanog and Shablul cemeteries were the first texts published by Griffith, after his decipherment of the script. He was able to get a rough understanding of their content, but could not yet deliver a detailed analysis of the verbal compounds that end the benedictions. The first two benediction formulae, commonly named A and B, are prayers to Isis and Osiris, asking them to provide the deceased with water and bread respectively, as can be seen in (11)–(14).[^21]
|
||||
|
||||
[^21]: A third formula for “a good meal” is oftentimes added. A dozen of additional formulae are known, but they are less frequent. See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–183; Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 68–74.
|
||||
[^21]: A third formula for “a good meal” is oftentimes added. A dozen of additional formulae are known, but they are less frequent. See Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–183; Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 68–74.
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(11)" >}}
|
||||
{r} Formula A, singular beneficiary
|
||||
|
|
@ -234,7 +234,7 @@ The same wording occurs in the prayers to the gods that were engraved near their
|
|||
|
||||
In an early analysis of these sentences,[^x11] I interpreted this “dative infix” as an applicative suffix, with reference to Kanuri, a Saharan language. Applicatives are used to encode a beneficiary of the action in the verb, instead of adding an adposition or a case ending to the noun. They are quite common among African languages and are for example found in Nubian.[^27] However, this can hardly apply to the Meroitic construction. The applicative is a voice, such as passive and causative, and the affixes it uses cannot convey the notions of singular or plural. Example (19) from a Bantu language, Tswana, shows that the same applicative suffix *-el* is used regardless of the beneficiaries’ number.[^28]
|
||||
|
||||
[^x11]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 553–554.
|
||||
[^x11]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 553–554.
|
||||
[^27]: Jakobi, “Verbal Number and Transitivity in Karko,” pp. 121–122 and n. 3. Nile Nubian (Nobiin and Mattokki/Andaandi) uses applicative suffixes that are nothing but a grammaticalized forms of the two verbs “to give,” *deen* and *tir.* In other languages, they may result from the incorporation of adpositions in the verbal compound, as is the case in Amharic (Creissels, *Syntaxe générale 2,* p. 39).
|
||||
[^28]: Adapted from Creissels, *Syntaxe générale 2,* pp. 74, 76. In (19c), the added gloss “3:1.s” means “subject 3rd person, Bantu nominal class 1.”
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -366,7 +366,7 @@ Examples (29) and (30) are prayers to Amun, said by a fictive enunciator, in fav
|
|||
|
||||
[^x18]: cf. Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 90.
|
||||
[^x19]: Rilly, “The Meroitic Inscriptions of Temple Naga 200.”
|
||||
[^ex31]: Aritene and Makedeke/Makedoke, “the Great God,” are two of Amun-Re’s numerous hypostases. The name Aritene is obviously a nominal compound and is consequently followed by the article *-l,* though scribes frequently omitted it. This determiner is mandatory here because the name is a direct genitive (Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 520–523). The meaning of Aritene is uncertain. It might be a Meroitic transcription *Ar-i-tene* of Egyptian *Harakhty* (Ḥr-ꜣḫt.y) “Horus of the Horizon,” where the “horizon” is reinterpreted as the “west”: cf. Meroitic *tene-ke-l* “west,” Nobiin *tin-o,* Ama *t̪êŋ* and words for “evening” or “night” in NES languages (Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 141).
|
||||
[^ex31]: Aritene and Makedeke/Makedoke, “the Great God,” are two of Amun-Re’s numerous hypostases. The name Aritene is obviously a nominal compound and is consequently followed by the article *-l,* though scribes frequently omitted it. This determiner is mandatory here because the name is a direct genitive (Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 520–523). The meaning of Aritene is uncertain. It might be a Meroitic transcription *Ar-i-tene* of Egyptian *Harakhty* (Ḥr-ꜣḫt.y) “Horus of the Horizon,” where the “horizon” is reinterpreted as the “west”: cf. Meroitic *tene-ke-l* “west,” Nobiin *tin-o,* Ama *t̪êŋ* and words for “evening” or “night” in NES languages (Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 141).
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(29)" >}}
|
||||
{r} **Meroitic**
|
||||
|
|
@ -540,8 +540,8 @@ Once it was considered to be a pronominal marker, *-b* was inflected by the obje
|
|||
|
||||
The difference between the two suffixes is unclear. The previous examples are drawn from benediction formulae used at the end of the funerary texts, formula J in (40) and formula C’ in (41).[^45] They can co-occur in the same text.[^46] The Proto-NES ending for the objective case can be reconstructed as *\*-gV,*[^47] which is preserved in Nubian and vestigially in Nara. In the Taman language group and in Ama, the vowel *V* was dropped and the final *\*-g* became *-ŋ.* We have seen in [2](#i) that the value of the grapheme *-x* in local words was most likely /ŋ/. The following *e* probably had a zero value, so that *-xe* was simply a final /ŋ/ like the Taman and Ama marker.
|
||||
|
||||
[^45]: See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 171–172 (formula C’) and pp. 176–177 (formula J).
|
||||
[^46]: The two suffixes are therefore used at the same period, but a dialectal difference is possible, since the Meroitic scribes had a marked taste for variety and commonly used dialectal variants in the same text (cf. Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 42).
|
||||
[^45]: See Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 171–172 (formula C’) and pp. 176–177 (formula J).
|
||||
[^46]: The two suffixes are therefore used at the same period, but a dialectal difference is possible, since the Meroitic scribes had a marked taste for variety and commonly used dialectal variants in the same text (cf. Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 42).
|
||||
[^47]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 390–395.
|
||||
|
||||
This “objective case” in Nubian and in Tama undergoes some restrictions governed by economy principles. In his analysis of Tama, Dimmendaal speaks of “differential object marking.”[^48] In Meroitic, the objective case has become so rarely marked that the absence of case ending was more a rule than an exception. Example (41) is the benediction formula C’. It is the royal and princely counterpart of formula C which is used for private people. The only difference was the presence of the objective case-ending in C’, whereas it was missing in the C formula.[^x30] It probably gave the royal benediction a more formal wording, worthy of the lofty position of the deceased.
|
||||
|
|
@ -657,8 +657,8 @@ Note that only the passages where at least the verb *ked* is present are taken i
|
|||
The verbal forms listed above show a great diversity of suffixes. The plural verbal marker *-bx(e)* in REM 1333, variant *-b* in REM 1044/149–150 and 0094, and the pluractional suffix *-k* in REM 1044/5 and 1003, which were studied both in [3.3.6](#ii36), are irrelevant in the quest for personal markers. The suffixes *-td* (only in REM 1044), *-to* in REM 1044 and 0092, *-te* in REM 0094 are probably tense or aspect markers, which are in final position in all the other NES languages.[^61] The morpheme *-i* in REM 1003 is obviously optional, as it can be present or absent in identical sequences such as *abr-se-l: ye-ked-i* “I killed each man” in l. 4 vs. *abr-se-l ye-ked* in l. 11.[^62] The vocalic sign *-e* appended to the stem in *(e)-kede-to* (REM 1044 and 0092) is probably an epenthetic vowel inserted before the suffix *-to.* In the other verbal forms ending with this suffix that occur in the same texts, the vowel *-e* is generally absent, but no obvious rule, as for now, can predict its appearance. Finally, the forms ending with *-l-o* in REM 1333 are very probably periphrastic, as they include participles followed by the article *-l* and the copula *-o.* The multiplicity of tense or aspect markers that occur in these narrative texts is by no means unexpected or dubious, but is a further aspect of the *varietas* that is so peculiar to the Meroitic texts, when compared with their formulaic Egyptian counterparts.[^63] A similar variety in narrative tenses can be found in many languages. In French, for example, historical records can of course use simple past and imperfect, but present is possible (*présent de narration*) and even future, in this case referring to past events (*futur historique*).
|
||||
|
||||
[^61]: Wolfgang Schenkel, in his analysis of the verbal affixes in the Meroitic royal text ("Meroitisches und Barya-Verb"), assumes that *-td* is a durative suffix, which he compares with the durative ending *-ter/-der* in Nara. Note that this suffix is attested only in Reinisch’s description of the language, which used second-hand material and is not entirely reliable (Reinisch, *Die Barea-Sprache,* p. 57). Schenkel suggests that the suffix *-to* includes an aorist marker *-t* followed by a 1st person singular *-o,* with similar comparisons with Nara. For a critical review of his hypotheses, see Hofmann, *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* pp. 214–216. Note that the suffix *-te* in REM 0094 (also frequent with other verbs in REM 1003) is not identical with the 2nd person plural suffix of the optative, which is also written *-te* (see [5.2](#iv2) below).
|
||||
[^62]: This morpheme may be the same as the particle *-wi* that is added *ad libitum* to the singular copula *-o* (cf. Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 186). The consonant *w-* could be either an epenthetic glide inserted between *o* (pronounced /u/) and *i,* or a dummy sign used to write the hiatus /u/ + /i/ according to the rules of the alphasyllabic Meroitic writing system (Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 294–295).
|
||||
[^63]: This is particularly true for the funerary texts. See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 202, 565.
|
||||
[^62]: This morpheme may be the same as the particle *-wi* that is added *ad libitum* to the singular copula *-o* (cf. Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 186). The consonant *w-* could be either an epenthetic glide inserted between *o* (pronounced /u/) and *i,* or a dummy sign used to write the hiatus /u/ + /i/ according to the rules of the alphasyllabic Meroitic writing system (Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 294–295).
|
||||
[^63]: This is particularly true for the funerary texts. See Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 202, 565.
|
||||
|
||||
Coming back to **Table 2**, the only marker that can actually refer to the person is the prefix *(y)e-,* since it has no alternative, unlike the diverse suffixes that are listed above. As explained in [2](#i), the form *ye-* is just a later spelling of *e-.* Both were similarly pronounced /e/. In early inscriptions such as Taneyidamani’s stela (REM 1044), the prefix is spelled *e-* everywhere. In classical Meroitic texts such as Akinidad’s stela (REM 1003), *e-* (in *erk*) and *ye-* (in *yerki*) are alternately used for the same verb. Finally, in the late stela of viceroy Abratoye (REM 1333), the only spelling is *ye-.* One may wonder why this personal marker was not identified earlier. Actually, there were two difficulties. First, the prefix is missing in several clauses in REM 1003 and is completely absent in REM 0092 and 0094; second, a prefix *ye-* is attested in the final benedictions of the funerary texts, in a context where only the 2nd person plural is expected.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -674,8 +674,8 @@ It seems that, in the course of time, the personal marker *(y)e-* shifted from c
|
|||
|
||||
The second difficulty is that a homonymous prefix *ye-* is attested in verbal compounds of the funerary benedictions, which are clearly in the 2nd person plural since these passages are prayers to Isis and Osiris. This rare alternative prefix can replace the element *p(V)s(V)-* that is generally found at the beginning of the complex verbal forms of the benedictions A and B.[^65] It is altogether the most frequent in the rare benediction D.[^66] The suffixes of the verbal compounds of the benedictions are now relatively well understood (see [5.1](#iv1)), though their prefixes still remain puzzling. Both *ye-* and *p(V)s(V)-* can best be interpreted as causative markers, as they always appear before the verbal stems meaning “drink” (*he* in benediction A) and “eat” (*xr* in benediction B), but are optional before the verb “offer, present” (*hol* in benediction C). The deities invoked in the funerary texts would be invited to “make” the deceased “drink” and “eat,” but they could either “present them with a good meal” or “have them presented with a good meal.” Prefixes are extremely rare in NES languages and only the Taman group has verbal prefixes, used exclusively for marking the person (a point to which we return below).
|
||||
|
||||
[^65]: See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 559–567. It accounts for 2% of the verbal forms used in the benedictions funerary texts according to Schenkel, “Zur Struktur des Verbalkomplexes in den Schlußformel der meroitischen Totentexte,” p. 8.
|
||||
[^66]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 172–174. Only twenty occurrences are known so far.
|
||||
[^65]: See Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 559–567. It accounts for 2% of the verbal forms used in the benedictions funerary texts according to Schenkel, “Zur Struktur des Verbalkomplexes in den Schlußformel der meroitischen Totentexte,” p. 8.
|
||||
[^66]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 172–174. Only twenty occurrences are known so far.
|
||||
|
||||
The most plausible solution would be to regard *ye-* and *p(V)s(V)-* as causative verbs, such as “make” or “have” in English. In the case of *p(V)s(V)-,* a possible cognate could be Old Nubian ⲡⲉⲥ- “tell, speak, say.” The gods of the underworld could in this case could be invited, literally, to “tell” that the deceased eat and drink, that is, to make them eat and drink. As for the alternative verb *ye-* in these passages, it could be linked with Old Nubian ⲉⲓ- and Nobiin *ií-* “say,” especially because *ye-* has a variant *yi-* which is three times more frequent in funerary texts.[^67] This solution may be semantically acceptable, but it faces a major obstacle: Meroitic, like all the NES languages, is a head-final language, in which the verb is placed at the end of sentences and the auxiliary is expected to occur after the verb. In addition, the absence of TAM markers after *p(V)s(V)-,* and *ye-/yi-* points to a serial verb construction, where only the last verb is inflected for TAM. However, this is cross-linguistically attested only for consecutive verbs that share a common subject.[^68] For all these reasons, the verbal compound of the funerary benedictions requires further study. Nevertheless, the element *ye-* in these benedictions has nothing to do with the prefix *ye-* we found in the royal texts. It is just a further instance of the many homonymous morphemes that are attested in Meroitic.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -735,13 +735,13 @@ This structure seems an innovation of the Taman group within the NES languages.
|
|||
|
||||
Instead of *(y)e-,* an alternative prefix *w-* appears before the verbal forms of *er-k* “take, capture,” *kb* “seize, and *bqo* “take control” within the royal texts REM 1044, 1003, and 0094. It never occurs with *ked* “kill,” as can be seen in the examples below.[^ex77]
|
||||
|
||||
[^ex77]: In (49), the reading of the first signs was made possible thanks to excellent photos and interpretation by Gilda Ferrandino in her doctoral thesis, *Studio dei testi reali meroitici,* p. 65 and pl. 29.1. For the archaic sign conventionally transcribed *H,* see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 353. In all likelihood, the form *kbxte* comes from *kb-bx-te* after haplography, as the object seems to be a plural and, accordingly, should be marked in the verb by the suffix *bx*.
|
||||
[^ex77]: In (49), the reading of the first signs was made possible thanks to excellent photos and interpretation by Gilda Ferrandino in her doctoral thesis, *Studio dei testi reali meroitici,* p. 65 and pl. 29.1. For the archaic sign conventionally transcribed *H,* see Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 353. In all likelihood, the form *kbxte* comes from *kb-bx-te* after haplography, as the object seems to be a plural and, accordingly, should be marked in the verb by the suffix *bx*.
|
||||
|
||||
In (50), the word *tdxsene* includes the noun phrase *t-dx-* meaning “child (of a mother)” but the following sequence *-se-ne* is obscure. It ultimately might be a proper name, Tadakhesene, with an ending *-ne* that is common in the Meroitic personal names.
|
||||
|
||||
Examples (51) and (52) differ only in the spellings of *(y)emoqe* “belongings (?)”and *(e)qebese* “their’.
|
||||
|
||||
In (53), a direct genitive *Aqtoye mtekdi 2* “the two daughters of Aqatoye” should be expected for unalienable possession (cf. Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 525–527). However, the inscription REM 0094, engraved for the Blemmyan kinglet Khamaradoye after the fall of Meroe, is very late (c. 420 CE) and includes some strange features that could have resulted from language contact with Old Nubian and Blemmyan (Old Beja dialect), in which no distinction was made between alienable and unalienable possession (for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* p. 40).
|
||||
In (53), a direct genitive *Aqtoye mtekdi 2* “the two daughters of Aqatoye” should be expected for unalienable possession (cf. Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 525–527). However, the inscription REM 0094, engraved for the Blemmyan kinglet Khamaradoye after the fall of Meroe, is very late (c. 420 CE) and includes some strange features that could have resulted from language contact with Old Nubian and Blemmyan (Old Beja dialect), in which no distinction was made between alienable and unalienable possession (for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* p. 40).
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(49)" >}}
|
||||
{r} **Meroitic**
|
||||
|
|
@ -789,7 +789,7 @@ There is no doubt that the prefixed element *w-,* which is paradigmatically para
|
|||
|
||||
Three of these sentences include the subject pronoun marker *e-* “I” in the verbal compounds *e-kede-to* (twice) and *e-ked-b-to.* In two other sentences, the prefixed pronoun is absent, but implicit, in *dnetro*(?) and *tk-to.* It is difficult to account for the subject shift in the last sentence (50), where the prefixed pronoun *w-* replaces *e-*. No solution is fully satisfactory, but the most acceptable is to assume that the antecedent of the prefixed pronoun is one of the nouns of the same sentence that would be placed as its topic. These topicalized constructions are well documented in Meroitic.[^x34] They can also be found, under Meroitic influence, in the Egyptian texts of the late Napatan royal inscriptions, as in this example from king Nastasen’s stela (ll. 12–13, after *FHN* II: p. 478):
|
||||
|
||||
[^x34]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 547–548.
|
||||
[^x34]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 547–548.
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(55)" >}}
|
||||
{r} **Egyptian**
|
||||
|
|
@ -811,7 +811,7 @@ In all these inscriptions, the requests to the gods use verbal moods that fit wi
|
|||
|
||||
The final prayers of the funerary texts, which Griffith termed “benedictions,” amount to thirteen different types, classified with uppercase letters from A to L, plus a formula “X” added by Hofmann.[^82] The general scheme for benedictions A to D, by far the most frequent, is presented in (56).[^83]
|
||||
|
||||
[^82]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* pp. 42–53; Hofmann, *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* pp. 198–200; synthesis in Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–183 and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 68–74. A further type of benediction was used in a stela recently found in Sedeinga, Exc. No II S 055, cf. Rilly \& Francigny, “Excavations of the French Archaeological Mission in Sedeinga, Campaign 2011,” pp. 70–71. It remains unattested elsewhere.
|
||||
[^82]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* pp. 42–53; Hofmann, *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* pp. 198–200; synthesis in Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–183 and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 68–74. A further type of benediction was used in a stela recently found in Sedeinga, Exc. No II S 055, cf. Rilly \& Francigny, “Excavations of the French Archaeological Mission in Sedeinga, Campaign 2011,” pp. 70–71. It remains unattested elsewhere.
|
||||
[^83]: For benedictions A and B, see also (11)–(14) above.
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(56)" >}}
|
||||
|
|
@ -833,7 +833,7 @@ The prefixed elements *pVsV-* or *yi-,* which obviously have a causative value b
|
|||
|
||||
[^x35]: Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* §4.2.
|
||||
[^84]: In the Nubian group, for Nobiin: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 145; for Andaandi: Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian,* pp. 194–195; for Midob: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* pp. 58–59. In the Nara group, for Higir: Thompson, "Nera,” p. 467; for Mogoreeb: Elsadig, *Major Word Categories in Nara,* p. 66. For Tama: Palayer's unpublished grammar, §4.3; for Sungor: Lukas, “Die Sprache der Sungor in Wadai,” pp. 192, 198–199; for Mararit: El-Nazir, *Major Word Categories in Mararit,* pp. 57–58. For Ama: Stevenson, *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* pp. 106, 110 and Stevenson, Rottland \& Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 30; for Afitti: ibid., p. 33. In all these languages, the singular imperative is generally the simple stem of the verb. However, a suffix *-i* is found for some verbs in Nubian, Taman, and Nyima. Suppletive forms for basic verbs are attested in Nara, Taman, and Nyima.
|
||||
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
|
||||
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
|
||||
|
||||
The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM markers which is used instead of the optative in several funerary texts. As shown in the following examples, it occurs either in one or two of the three main benedictions A, B, and C (a further example of *varietas*), or in all of them. Example (57) is drawn from REM 0369, an offering table from Shablul engraved for a single deceased. Example (58) is cited from a stela found in the same cemetery, REM 0381, and engraved for two persons, hence the plural verbal marker at the end of verbal compounds.[^86]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -863,7 +863,7 @@ The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM marke
|
|||
|
||||
In these imperative forms, there is virtually no plural marker. A final suffix *-k(e)* for the 2nd person plural is expected, but it is only attested in a very small number of funerary inscriptions.[^87] However, it seems that in some epitaphs, the two deities Isis and Osiris, to whom these prayers were addressed, were syntactically regarded as a single god, as shown by the use of a single vocative suffix for both, located after the second noun.[^x36] Moreover, in the final invocations that resume the initial call to the deities, Osiris is sometimes omitted.[^x37] Finally, Isis (or one the goddesses assimilated to her in the Meroitic funerary cults, namely Nephthys, Nut, or Maat), is often figured in the private offering tables and the funerary chapels, whereas Osiris is never present, at least in the non-royal contexts with with which here we are dealing.[^88] I surmise that the instances of the imperative are addressed to Isis. This would explain why the 2nd person singular, and not plural, is used.
|
||||
|
||||
[^x36]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 297. Another solution for the lack of plural marker *-ke* is again the principle of economy, which seems to play an important role in Meroitic, as in Tama (see n. 72).
|
||||
[^x36]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 297. Another solution for the lack of plural marker *-ke* is again the principle of economy, which seems to play an important role in Meroitic, as in Tama (see n. 72).
|
||||
[^x37]: Ibid., p. 93.
|
||||
[^87]: One clear example is REM 0380, an offering table from Shablul, where benediction B is written with final verb compound *pisixrke.* The form is complete, since it ends with a word divider, it is located in the middle of a line and followed by benediction C. Note that, in this inscription, benedictions A and C have regular optative forms in *-kete.* There may be more instances of [2pl]({sc}) imperative in the benedictions. In particular, it cannot be ruled out that all or part of the verbal compounds ending with *-ke-se* are not assimilated optative forms deriving from *-ke-te-se,* but imperative with plural suffix *-ke* followed by the emphatic particle *-se* (see n. 124).
|
||||
[^88]: In the Meroitic private funerary iconography, the male counterpart to Isis is Anubis, or more rarely Thoth. The local names of these Egyptian gods are unknown.
|
||||
|
|
@ -1026,7 +1026,7 @@ This alternation between /d/ and /r/ is obvious when comparing Meroitic and Nubi
|
|||
|
||||
Consequently, the two Meroitic pronouns *are* and *deb* for the second person singular and plural, are reliable cognates of the Proto-Nubian forms *\*ed* and *\*ud-i.* The singular *are* was pronounced /ar/ ([5.2.1](#iv21)) and strongly resembles its Dongolawi counterpart *er.* The plural form *deb* was pronounced /deba/ and must derive from an older form *\*adeb.* For prosodic reasons, the initial vowel was weakened and finally dropped.[^102] Thus, the vacillation between /d/ and /r/, which was evidenced in the Nubian group, was also present in Meroitic, with /r/ in the singular and /d/ in the plural. Another possibility would be to that the original pronoun was *\*areb,* pronounced /areba/. This form would also have undergone the same apheresis, but, as /r/ can never be initial in Meroitic, it would have shifted to /d/, the closest stop to this vibrant. Finally, recall that /ba/ is the regular Meroitic reflex of Proto-SON *\*-gu,* which is known as plural marker for demonstratives in the eastern branch of the NES family.[^103] In this respect, the formation of the plural form in Meroitic differs not only from Proto-Nubian, where a plural marker *\*i* was used, but also from Proto-NES, where this morpheme was *\*gi*.
|
||||
|
||||
[^102]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 29–30, 289–291.
|
||||
[^102]: Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 29–30, 289–291.
|
||||
[^103]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 389. The eastern branch comprises Meroitic, Nubian, and Nara ([1](#intro)).
|
||||
|
||||
### The Second Person Singular Subject Pronoun in Personal Names {#iv24}
|
||||
|
|
@ -1037,7 +1037,7 @@ However, several royal names seem to follow a local tradition of naming an indiv
|
|||
|
||||
[^x48]: Rilly, “Graffiti for Gods and Kings.”"
|
||||
[^104]: This name occurs in the inscribed lintel II T 302 d2, found in 2017: see Rilly \& Francigny, “Closer to the Ancestors,” p. 70.
|
||||
[^105]: Nobiin *íccí,* Andaandi *ecce-l.* The verb *pl(e)-* "give, offer" is attested in the funerary bendiction D (Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 173).
|
||||
[^105]: Nobiin *íccí,* Andaandi *ecce-l.* The verb *pl(e)-* "give, offer" is attested in the funerary bendiction D (Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* p. 173).
|
||||
|
||||
This naming tradition, in spite of the increasing influence of Islam, still exists in some parts of Sudan. In her study of the personal names among the Midob, a Nubian-speaking population of Northern Darfur, Abeer Bashir gives several examples of personal names whose meaning is connected with physical or social particularities, or with events that happened at the time these individuals were born:[^ex66]
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -1057,7 +1057,7 @@ Interestingly, two royal names belonging to this category of “contextual” na
|
|||
|
||||
The first element, *are* “you [sg]({sg})” is followed by the sequences “-nase” (written *nse*) in the first name and “-qerema” (written *qerem*) in the second. They display striking resemblances with the Nubian adjectives “tall” and "black.” In Old Nubian, these are ⳟⲁⲥⲥ- and ⲟⲩⲇⲙ- respectively, in Nobiin *nàssí* and *úrúm,* and in Andaandi *nosso* and *urumme*. In addition, the correspondence in initial position between Meroitic *qe/qo* /kʷu/ and Nubian /u/ is well attested, for instance between Meroitic *qore* “king” and Old Nubian ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ. The birth-name of the queen, namely *(A)rense* "Are-nase" would therefore mean “you are tall” and the birth-name of the king, namely *(A)reqerem* "Are-qerema" “you are black.” The elision of the copula (*-o* was expected in final position) is noteworthy, but this morpheme has so far been attested only with 3rd person constructions.[^109] The names were possibly given to them soon after they were born and described the physical appearance they had at this young age. When they ascended to the throne, these names were not considered incompatible with royal status: tall stature and black skin are, for example, features that were commonly associated with Osiris, the mythical first king of Egypt. The names of Amun or his hypostasis Amanakh were just added to their birth-names, according to the custom mentioned above.
|
||||
|
||||
[^108]: The Old Nubian word ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ is neither borrowed from Meroitic nor from Late Egyptian *(p-)uro.* Its stem can be found in many other words, like ⲟⲩⲣⲁⲛ “chief” and is probably the word ⲟⲩⲣ “head” (Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p, 364). In Meroitic itself, alternative forms with initial *w-* instead of *q-* can be found locally (Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 39–42).
|
||||
[^108]: The Old Nubian word ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲩ is neither borrowed from Meroitic nor from Late Egyptian *(p-)uro.* Its stem can be found in many other words, like ⲟⲩⲣⲁⲛ “chief” and is probably the word ⲟⲩⲣ “head” (Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p, 364). In Meroitic itself, alternative forms with initial *w-* instead of *q-* can be found locally (Rilly, *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 39–42).
|
||||
[^109]: The absence of copula (final *-o* expected) or of any verb “to be” (stem *ne-*) is certainly puzzling, but as this is the first time a sentence with a probable second person subject pronoun is attested, one cannot expect to find the same syntactic features as in sentences where the subject is a 3rd person and not a pronoun.
|
||||
[^x109]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 475, 486.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -1067,7 +1067,7 @@ We have previously seen that there were in Meroitic two types of person markers
|
|||
|
||||
In the 2000 issue of the *Meroitic Newsletter,* I published an article to show that a small corpus of Meroitic inscriptions on papyrus, leather strips, and ostraca, which were hitherto regarded as private letters, were actually protection spells.[^110] They were purchased by pilgrims from the temples, especially the temple of Amun in Qasr Ibrim, where the major part of these texts were found by the British team of the Egypt Exploration Society. I termed them “Amuletic Oracular Decrees,” after the name of the same type of texts attested in Egypt in the early first millennium BCE. Because of the rich vocabulary they include, describing all kind of misfortunes from which their owner will be protected, the translation of these inscriptions is still in an early stage. However, the scheme of the introductive parts of the texts is clear. They are divided in two groups according the prefixes of the verbal forms, *y(i)-* or *d-*.
|
||||
|
||||
[^110]: Rilly, “Deux exemples de décrets amulétiques oraculaires en méroïtique" and *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 216–226.
|
||||
[^110]: Rilly, “Deux exemples de décrets amulétiques oraculaires en méroïtique" and *La langue du royaume de Méroé,* pp. 216–226.
|
||||
|
||||
{{< gloss "(66)" >}}
|
||||
{r} **Meroitic**
|
||||
|
|
@ -1173,27 +1173,27 @@ Bashir, Abeer.  In *New Analyses in Romance Linguistics: Selected Papers from the XVIII Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, Urbana-Champaign, April 7–9, 1988,* edited by D. Wanner and D. A. Kibbee. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1991: pp. 143–170.
|
||||
|
||||
Browne, Gerald M.  Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
|
||||
Browne, Gerald M. * Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
|
||||
|
||||
Carrier, Claude.  *Meroitic Newsletter* 28 (2001): pp. 21–53.
|
||||
|
||||
Comrie, Bernard.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.
|
||||
Comrie, Bernard. * Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.
|
||||
|
||||
Cotte, Pierre. *Langage et linéarité.* Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 1999.
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||||
|
||||
Creissels, Denis.  Paris: Lavoisier, 2006.
|
||||
Creissels, Denis. * Paris: Lavoisier, 2006.
|
||||
|
||||
Creissels, Denis.  Paris: Lavoisier, 2006.
|
||||
Creissels, Denis. * Paris: Lavoisier, 2006.
|
||||
|
||||
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *Number: Constructions and Semantics. Case Studies From Africa, Amazonia, India & Oceania,* edited by Anne Storch and Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2014: pp. 57–76.
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||||
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||||
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *Coding Participant Marking: Construction Types in Twelve African Languages,* edited by Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2009: pp. 305–333.
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||||
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||||
Eide, Tormod, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce & László Török, eds.  Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of Classics, 1994.
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||||
Eide, Tormod, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce & László Török, eds. * Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of Classics, 1994.
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||||
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||||
Eide, Tormod, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce & László Török, eds.  Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of Classics, 1996.
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||||
Eide, Tormod, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce & László Török, eds. * Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of Classics, 1996.
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||||
Eide, Tormod, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce & László Török, eds.  Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of Classics, 1998.
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||||
Eide, Tormod, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce & László Török, eds. * Bergen: University of Bergen, Department of Classics, 1998.
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||||
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||||
El-Guzuuli, El-Shafie.  *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 2 (2015): pp. 91–107.
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||||
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||||
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|
@ -1201,15 +1201,15 @@ El-Nazir, Mustafa. *Major Word Categories in Mararit.* MA Thesis, University of
|
|||
|
||||
Elsadig, Omda. *Major Word Categories in Nara.* MA Thesis, University of Cologne, 2016.
|
||||
|
||||
Ferrandino, Gilda.  PhD Thesis, L’Orientale University, Naples, 2016.
|
||||
Ferrandino, Gilda. * PhD Thesis, L’Orientale University, Naples, 2016.
|
||||
|
||||
Gardiner, Alan H.  3rd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge Universite Press, 1957.
|
||||
Gardiner, Alan H. * 3rd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge Universite Press, 1957.
|
||||
|
||||
Gerven Oei, Vincent W.J. van. *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian.* Leuven: Peeters, forthcoming.
|
||||
|
||||
Gerven Oei, Vincent W.J. van & El-Shafie El-Guzuuli.  Tirana: Uitgeverij, 2013.
|
||||
Gerven Oei, Vincent W.J. van & El-Shafie El-Guzuuli. * Tirana: Uitgeverij, 2013.
|
||||
|
||||
Griffith, Francis Ll.  Eckley B. Coxe Jr. Expedition to Nubia 6. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1911.
|
||||
Griffith, Francis Ll. * Eckley B. Coxe Jr. Expedition to Nubia 6. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1911.
|
||||
|
||||
Griffith, Francis Ll.  *Journal of Egyptian Archaeology* 4, nos. 2–3 (1917): pp. 159–173.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -1219,9 +1219,9 @@ Hintze, Fritz. *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik.* Meroitica 3. Berlin: Akad
|
|||
|
||||
Hintze, Fritz.  In *Sudan im Altertum: 1. Internationale Tagung für meroitistische Forschungen in Berlin 1971,* edited by Fritz Hintze. Meroitica 1 (1973): pp. 321–336.
|
||||
|
||||
Hofmann, Inge.  Veröffentlichungen der Institute für Afrikanistik und Ägyptologie der Universität Wien 16. Vienna: Afro-Pub, 1981.
|
||||
Hofmann, Inge. * Veröffentlichungen der Institute für Afrikanistik und Ägyptologie der Universität Wien 16. Vienna: Afro-Pub, 1981.
|
||||
|
||||
Jacquesson, François.  Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2008.
|
||||
Jacquesson, François. * Paris: CNRS Éditions, 2008.
|
||||
|
||||
Jakobi, Angelika. *Kordofan Nubian: A Synchronic and Diachronic Study.* Unpublished manuscript, 2001.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -1249,7 +1249,7 @@ Norton, Russell.  Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1874.
|
||||
Reinisch, Leo. * Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1874.
|
||||
|
||||
Rilly, Claude.  *Meroitic Newsletter* 27 (2000): pp. 99–118.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -1257,9 +1257,9 @@ Rilly, Claude. “Graffiti for Gods and Kings: The Meroitic Secondary Inscriptio
|
|||
|
||||
Rilly, Claude. “Histoire du Soudan, des origines à la chute du sultanat Fung.” In *Histoire et Civilisations du Soudan. De la préhistoire à nos jours,* edited by Olivier Cabon. Paris: Soleb, 2017: pp. 25–445.
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||||
|
||||
Rilly, Claude.  Paris: Champion, 2007.
|
||||
Rilly, Claude. * Paris: Champion, 2007.
|
||||
|
||||
Rilly, Claude.  Leuven: Peeters, 2010.
|
||||
Rilly, Claude. * Leuven: Peeters, 2010.
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||||
|
||||
Rilly, Claude.  In *La pioche et la plume. Autour du Soudan, du Liban et de la Jordanie. Hommages archéologiques à Patrice Lenoble,* edited by Vincent Rondot, Frédéric Alpi & François Villeneuve. Paris: Presses de l'université Paris-Sorbonne, 2011: pp. 481–499.
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||||
|
||||
|
|
@ -1281,18 +1281,18 @@ Schenkel, Wolfgang.  Unpublished typescript, 1938.
|
||||
Stevenson, Roland. * Unpublished typescript, 1938.
|
||||
|
||||
Stevenson, Roland, Franz Rottland & Angelika Jakobi.  *Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere* 32 (1992): pp. 5–64.
|
||||
|
||||
Thompson, E. David.  In *The Non-Semitic Languages of Ethiopia,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1976: pp. 484–494.
|
||||
|
||||
Vanhove, Martine.  Leuven: Peeters, 2017.
|
||||
Vanhove, Martine. * Leuven: Peeters, 2017.
|
||||
|
||||
Weiss, Doris.  PhD Thesis, Université Lumière-Lyon 2, 2009.
|
||||
Weiss, Doris. * PhD Thesis, Université Lumière-Lyon 2, 2009.
|
||||
|
||||
Werner, Roland.  Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1987.
|
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Werner, Roland. * Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1987.
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Werner, Roland.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
|
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Werner, Roland. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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Zibelius, Karola.  Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1983.
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Zibelius, Karola. * Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1983.
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@ -322,7 +322,7 @@ In this particular case, I believe that the evidence speaks strongly in favor of
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# Bibliography
|
||||
|
||||
Armbruster, Charles H.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965.
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||||
Armbruster, Charles H. * Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965.
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||||
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||||
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  In *Topics in Nilo-Saharan Linguistics,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1989: pp. 85–96.
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||||
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||||
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@ -330,43 +330,43 @@ Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.
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||||
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. * Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.
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||||
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||||
Bell, Herman.  *Sudan Notes and Records* 56 (1975): pp. 1–35.
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Browne, Gerald M.  Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
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Browne, Gerald M. * Leuven: Peeters, 1996.
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||||
Greenberg, Joseph H.  Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966.
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Greenberg, Joseph H. * Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966.
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||||
Güldemann, Tom.  In *The Languages and Linguistics of Africa,* edited by Tom Güldemann. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2018: pp. 58–444.
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Heine, Bernd & Tania Kuteva.  In *Areal Diffusion and Genetic Inheritance: Problems in Comparative Linguistics,* edited by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and R.M.W. Dixon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001: pp. 393–411.
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Hofmann, Inge.  Veröffentlichungen der Institute für Afrikanistik und Ägyptologie der Universität Wien 16. Vienna: Afro-Pub, 1981.
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Hofmann, Inge. * Veröffentlichungen der Institute für Afrikanistik und Ägyptologie der Universität Wien 16. Vienna: Afro-Pub, 1981.
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Hofmann, Inge.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1986.
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Hofmann, Inge. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1986.
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Jakobi, Angelika.  In *Insights into Nilo-Saharan Language, History and Culture,* edited by Al-Amin Abu-Manga, Leoma Gilley & Anne Storch. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2006: pp. 215–228.
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Khalil, Mokhtar M.  Warsaw: Piotr O. Scholtz, 1996.
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Khalil, Mokhtar M. * Warsaw: Piotr O. Scholtz, 1996.
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Krell, Amy.  SIL International, 2012.
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Krell, Amy. * SIL International, 2012.
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Lepsius, C. Richard.  Berlin: Wilhelm Hertz, 1880.
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Lepsius, C. Richard. * Berlin: Wilhelm Hertz, 1880.
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||||
Rilly, Claude.  In *The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies,* edited by Julie Renée Anderson and Derek A. Welsby. British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 2014: pp. 1169–1188.
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||||
Rilly, Claude.  Leuven: Peeters, 2010.
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Rilly, Claude. * Leuven: Peeters, 2010.
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Rottland, Franz.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982.
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Rottland, Franz. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982.
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Souag, Lameen.  PhD Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2010.
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Souag, Lameen. * PhD Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2010.
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Starostin, George.  [*Languages of Africa: An Attempt at a Lexicostatistical Classification, Vol. II: East Sudanic Languages*]. Moscow: Jazyki slavjanskoj kulʼtury, 2014.
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||||
Starostin, George. * [*Languages of Africa: An Attempt at a Lexicostatistical Classification, Vol. II: East Sudanic Languages*]. Moscow: Jazyki slavjanskoj kulʼtury, 2014.
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Thelwall, Robin.  In *Gedenkschrift Gustav Nachtigall 1874–1974,* edited by Herbert Ganslmayr and Hermann Jungraithmayr. Bremen: Übersee-Museum, 1977: pp. 197–210.
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||||
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@ -374,8 +374,8 @@ Thelwall, Robin.  ["Lexicostatistical Classification of the Nubian languages and the Issue of the Nile-Nubian Genetic Unity"]. *Journal of Language Relationship* 12 (2014): 51–72.
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||||
Voßen, Rainer.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1982.
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||||
Voßen, Rainer. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1982.
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||||
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||||
Werner, Roland.  Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1987.
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||||
Werner, Roland. * Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1987.
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||||
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||||
Werner, Roland.  Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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||||
Werner, Roland. * Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.
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||||
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@ -93,17 +93,17 @@ Anon. !["Designing the Public Domain.”](bib:4e7383bf-d59e-4884-a5d7-7bed70d712
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|||
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||||
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne.  In *Topics in Nilo-Saharan Linguistics,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1989: pp. 85–96.
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||||
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||||
Bender, Lionel M.  Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 2005.
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Bender, Lionel M. * Carbondale: Southern Illinois University, 2005.
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||||
Bodó, Balázs.  In *Guerrilla Open Access,* ed. Memory of the World. Coventry: Post Office Press, Rope Press, and Memory of the World, 2018: pp. 16–24.
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||||
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.  In *The Oxford Handbook of Derivational Morphology,* edited by Rochelle Lieber & Pavol Štekauer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014: pp. 591–607.
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||||
Ehret, Christopher.  Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2001.
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||||
Ehret, Christopher. * Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2001.
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||||
Goldsmith, Kenneth.  New York: Columbia University Press, 2020.
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||||
Goldsmith, Kenneth. * New York: Columbia University Press, 2020.
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||||
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||||
Greenberg, Joseph H.  The Hague: Mouton & Co, 1963.
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||||
Greenberg, Joseph H. * The Hague: Mouton & Co, 1963.
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||||
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||||
Güldemann, Tom.  In *The Languages and Linguistics of Africa,* edited by Tom Güldemann. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2018: pp. 58–444.
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||||
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||||
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@ -115,7 +115,7 @@ Moore, Samuel.  *Dabanga,* August 7, 2019. https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/report-large-parts-of-university-of-khartoum-destroyed-on-june-3.
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||||
Rilly, Claude.  Leuven: Peeters, 2010.
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Rilly, Claude. * Leuven: Peeters, 2010.
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||||
Swartz, Aaron.  July 2008. https://archive.org/details/GuerillaOpenAccessManifesto/page/n1/mode/2up.
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||||
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||||
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