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@ -577,7 +577,7 @@ Stevenson, Roland C. “A Survey of the Phonetics and Grammatical Structures of
Stevenson, Roland C. “A Survey of the Phonetics and Grammatical Structures of the Nuba Mountain Languages, with Particular Reference to Otoro, Katcha and Nyimang.” *Afrika und Übersee* 41 (1957): pp. 27-65, 117-152, 171-196.
Stevenson, Roland. *Grammar of the Nyimang Language (Nuba Mountains).* Typescript, 1938.
Stevenson, Roland. *Grammar of the Nyimang Language (Nuba Mountains).* Unpublished typescript, 1938.
Stevenson, Roland, Franz Rottland & Angelika Jakobi. “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik.” *Afrikanistiche Arbeitspapiere* 32 (1992): pp. 5–64.

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@ -32,7 +32,7 @@ The present paper deals with personal markers that can be identified in Meroitic
In addition, when the situation of uttering is clear and verbal affixes are present, they often vary from one text to another and are distorted by assimilative phenomena, so that it is extremely difficult to isolate the personal markers and assign them an accurate value. For example, in funerary inscriptions, a textual category that makes up a third of the corpus, the situation of uttering is clear: These texts are prayers to the gods of the afterlife, uttered by a fictive enunciator who probably represents the funerary priest or the family of the deceased. He invokes the gods at the beginning and beseeches them in the last sentences to provide the deceased with water and food. The final verb is expectedly a optative or imperative form. It is not preceded by a 2nd person plural pronoun, but it includes a prefixed element *pso-, psi-* (or many other variants) and two suffixes. The first is *-x* or *-xe* (“verbal dative”) and is located immediately after the verbal stem. The second suffix is a compound *-kte, -kete, -ketese, -kese,* which can be reduced to *-te* as a result of assimilation with the first suffix. Until Fritz Hintze published his *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* no scholar managed to find which of these complex affixes marked the person of the verb. Thanks to his morphological study of the verb in funerary benedictions,[^2] it is now clear that the final compound suffix is the marker of the 2nd person plural on the verb. Further analyses of old data can provide better insights into other personal markers, particularly the 3rd person singular and plural pronouns and possibly the first person singular subject marker, as can be seen in the following sections. Furthermore, some textual material recently discovered can be used to identify new personal markers, namely the 2nd person singular and plural possessive pronouns and the 2nd person singular subject pronoun.
[^2]: Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” pp. 63–87. Nevertheless, he regards the 2nd person plural as an address to the visitors of the tomb. The interpretation of Inge Hofmann in her *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* p. 194, according to which the prayer is addressed to the gods of the afterlife, is much more convincing. See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–166, for a detailed review of the numerous hypotheses that were advanced since the decipherment of the scripts.
[^2]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 63–87. Nevertheless, he regards the 2nd person plural as an address to the visitors of the tomb. The interpretation of Inge Hofmann in her *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* p. 194, according to which the prayer is addressed to the gods of the afterlife, is much more convincing. See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–166, for a detailed review of the numerous hypotheses that were advanced since the decipherment of the scripts.
# Preliminary Remarks about the Conventions of the Meroitic Writing System {#i}
@ -84,7 +84,7 @@ In the paradigm of personal pronouns, the 3rd person has a special place. Wherea
The pronoun *qo* was among the first elements that Griffith singled out in the funerary inscriptions after his decipherment of the script.[^x5] The word occurred in final position in the “nomination” of the deceased, either bare (1) or followed by an optional particle *-wi* “for emphasis” (2).[^11] Quite often, another *qo* preceded the name of the deceased (3). Griffith suggested that this first *qo* was an epithet meaning “honorable” or “noble” and the final *qo* was a grammatical tool “to introduce the name of the deceased.” In his *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* Hintze was the first to regard *qo* as a demonstrative pronoun.[^x505] According to him, the original form of this word was *qe* and the predicative compound *qo(wi)* was composed of *qe* + copula *-o* ± particle *-wi.* Actually, *qe* is a variant spelling of *qo* and the two forms were pronounced /ku/,[^12] so that *qo(wi)* can be analysed also as *qo* + copula *-o* ± particle *-wi* with a merger of the two consecutive *o*’s. The additional *qo* at the beginning (3), found in 10% of the epitaphs, is used as a topic “this one, this is….”[^13] It emphasizes the deixis that connects the inscription and the deceased, since these texts were inscribed on offering-tables or stelae that were placed at the entrance and inside the funerary chapels respectively.
[^x5]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* p. 120.
[^x505]: Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” pp. 53-56.
[^x505]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 53-56.
[^11]: The function of this particle is not yet identified (Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 386-387).
[^12]: The frequent variants *qe/qo* here and in other words (for example *Aqedise/Aqodise* “Moon-god” in the texts from the Lion temple in Naga) is best explained by the labialized articulation /kʷ/ of the sign *q*: see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 374-379.
[^13]: See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 547. The literal translation “this one, this is...,” which is used above, is somewhat unnatural in English. In spoken French, the topicalization of the subject is overwhelmingly frequent and sentences such as *celui-ci, c’est…* or even *ça, c’est…,* literally “this, this is” are very common.
@ -197,7 +197,7 @@ Meroitic is an agglutinative language, but it has a strong propensity to assimil
[^22]: See Comrie, *Language Universals and Linguistic Typology,* pp. 43-19 for an updated interpretation of this old classification of languages.
[^23]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* p. 14 and n. 1, pp. 25-26, 45.
[^24]: Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” pp. 65-66, 73-74.
[^24]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 65-66, 73-74.
[^25]: The form *-x* (= /xa/ or /ŋa/) and *-bx* (= /baxa/ or /baŋa/) are early. They later became *-xe* (= /x/ or /ŋ/) and *-bxe* (= /bax/ or /baŋ/). It is noted that the sign transliterated *e* can have a zero-vowel value (see [3](#i) for the principles of the Meroitic script).
[^26]: The suffixes *-xe* and *-bxe* end with the consonant /x/, which assimilated to the subsequent suffix *-ke.* However, similar assimilation is rare with the plural suffix *-bxe.* In early texts, the suffixes were *-x* and *-bx,* with default vowel /a/. This final vowel explains why there was no assimilation with the following suffix.
@ -319,11 +319,11 @@ In Old Nubian and Nobiin, this suffix is *-(i)j.* A related marker *-j-* is foun
It is noteworthy that, unlike in the Ama examples above, the plural marking operated by the suffix *-(i)j* is redundant, since plurality is already marked by the subject pronoun *ter* “they” in (23) and the plural nominal suffix *-guu* in (25). In Ama, apart from rare instances of replacive patterns such as *wīd̪ɛ́ŋ* “child”/*dŕīŋ* “children," and a plural suffix *-gí/-ŋì* which can be attached to kinship terms, plurality in unmarked in nouns. This makes it necessary, either to mark it by determiners (“several,” “many”, etc.) or to encode it in the verb by a specific marker, as showed in (20b) and (21b) above.
Considering that the nominal plural suffixes that can be found in the NES languages are so diverse that no protoform can be reconstructed, it is plausible that Proto-NES had no plural nominal markers, but only a few replacive patterns and collective nouns with singulatives forms marked by a suffix *\*-tV*.[^x15] It was therefore necessary to mark the plurals of the participants in the verbal compound. Proto-Nubian seems to have been in this regard close to its ancestor Proto-NES.[^x16] Later on, for unknown reasons – but areal influence probably played a major role in it – each Nubian group worked out its own plural markers for all the nouns. This novelty of course competed with the earlier plural marking by verbal suffixes. However, both of them survived to this day, but they often follow economy principles. Khidir notes that “the *j*-suffix appears sporadically in the intransitive clause” and that “In the transitive clause […], when the object noun phrase is modified by a numeral or a quantifier such as *mallee* [many] or *minkellee* [how many], the plural marker on the object noun phrase becomes optional and subsequently the suffixation of *-j* becomes optional, too."[^x17]
Considering that the nominal plural suffixes that can be found in the NES languages are so diverse that no protoform can be reconstructed, it is plausible that Proto-NES had no plural nominal markers, but only a few replacive patterns and collective nouns with singulatives forms marked by a suffix *\*-tV*.[^x15] It was therefore necessary to mark the plurals of the participants in the verbal compound. Proto-Nubian seems to have been in this regard close to its ancestor Proto-NES.[^x16] Later on, for unknown reasons – but areal influence probably played a major role in it – each Nubian group worked out its own plural markers for all the nouns. This novelty of course competed with the earlier plural marking by verbal suffixes. However, both of them survived to this day, but they often follow economy principles. Khalil notes that “the *j*-suffix appears sporadically in the intransitive clause” and that “In the transitive clause […], when the object noun phrase is modified by a numeral or a quantifier such as *mallee* [many] or *minkellee* [how many], the plural marker on the object noun phrase becomes optional and subsequently the suffixation of *-j* becomes optional, too."[^x17]
[^x15]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 350.
[^x16]: Ibid., 272.
[^x17]: Khidir 2015: 64–65
[^x17]: Khalil, “The Verbal Plural Marker in Nobiin,” pp. 64–65.
A third use of verbal plural markers in NES languages is to encode in ditransitive verbs the plurality of the indirect object, i.e., the beneficiary or recipient of the action. In this construction, the plural verbal suffix refers to the indirect object and not to the object in Old Nubian[^x50] and Nobiin[^32] and probably in Ama. For the latter language, I have unfortunately no clear example of this point in my limited fieldwork data, but an example provided by Norton illustrates this point for dual, which operates exactly like plural, but with the suffix *-ɛ̄n/-ēn* (the macron stands for middle tone here).[^x51]
@ -672,7 +672,7 @@ The second difficulty is that a homonymous prefix *ye-* is attested in verbal co
The most plausible solution would be to regard *ye-* and *p(V)s(V)-* as causative verbs, such as “make” or “have” in English. In the case of *p(V)s(V)-,* a possible cognate could be Old Nubian ⲡⲉⲥ- “tell, speak, say.” The gods of the underworld could in this case could be invited, literally, to “tell” that the deceased eat and drink, that is, to make them eat and drink. As for the alternative verb *ye-* in these passages, it could be linked with Old Nubian ⲉⲓ- and Nobiin *ií-* “say,” especially because *ye-* has a variant *yi-* which is three times more frequent in funerary texts.[^67] This solution may be semantically acceptable, but it faces a major obstacle: Meroitic, like all the NES languages, is a head-final language, in which the verb is placed at the end of sentences and the auxiliary is expected to occur after the verb. In addition, the absence of TAM markers after *p(V)s(V)-,* and *ye-/yi-* points to a serial verb construction, where only the last verb is inflected for TAM. However, this is cross-linguistically attested only for consecutive verbs that share a common subject.[^68] For all these reasons, the verbal compound of the funerary benedictions requires further study. Nevertheless, the element *ye-* in these benedictions has nothing to do with the prefix *ye-* we found in the royal texts. It is just a further instance of the many homonymous morphemes that are attested in Meroitic.
[^67]: The frequency of *yi-* is 6,2% according to Schenkel, “Zur Struktur des Verbalkomplexes in den Schlußformel der meroitischen Totentexte," p. 8. For Nobiin *ií-*, more commonly used with a causative suffix in the compound *ií-gìr,* see Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 356. Note that “say” is frequently used as a light verb (but not as a causative auxiliary) in the languages of Sudan, regardless of the linguistic family. For Andaandi, see El-Guzuuli, "The Uses and Orthography of the Verb 'Say' in Andaandi"; for Ama, see Stevenson *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* p. 147 [CHECK] and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 210; for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* 146-14.
[^67]: The frequency of *yi-* is 6,2% according to Schenkel, “Zur Struktur des Verbalkomplexes in den Schlußformel der meroitischen Totentexte," p. 8. For Nobiin *ií-*, more commonly used with a causative suffix in the compound *ií-gìr,* see Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 356. Note that “say” is frequently used as a light verb (but not as a causative auxiliary) in the languages of Sudan, regardless of the linguistic family. For Andaandi, see El-Guzuuli, "The Uses and Orthography of the Verb 'Say' in Andaandi"; for Ama, see Stevenson *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* p. 147 (my copy of the manuscript, an annotated version transmitted by Roger Blench, has the light verb *she* on pp. 146–146a and 147. Page 146a is handwritten and the page numbers on p. 147 and 148 have been corrected manually) and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 210; for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* 146-14.
[^68]: See Haspelmath, "The Serial Verb Construction," esp. pp. 409-411 (with possible exception in ex. 31, where two different subjects are found).
Finally, another element *ye-* is attested in several kinship noun phrases, also in funerary inscriptions. The “filiation” part of these texts specifies the mother and father of the deceased, who is said to be “the person born of X” and “the person begotten by Y.” In the major part of the inscriptions, these two compounds are *te-dxe-l* (or *t-dxe-l*) and *t-erike-l.* They include a prefixed element *t(e)-,* the participles *dxe* “born” and *erike* “begotten,” and the final article, which has a nominalizing role. Several texts include a variant with a first element *y(e)-,* namely *ye-dxe-l* and *y-erike-l.* The forms including *y(e)-* and *t(e)-* can even be found together in the same inscription, giving a further example of the aforementioned *varietas* sought by Meroitic scribes. Another kinship term, *yetmde* “younger in the maternal line, i.e., nephew/niece,” may provide the key to the element *ye-* in filiation clauses. It includes the word *mde* which refers to the mother’s family in this matrilineal society. The first element is *yet-* (pronounced /eta/ or /eda/), but has many variants: *yete, yed, yen* (with assimilation before ­*mde*). The elements *te-* and *ye-* in filiation are probably two eroded forms of *yet-,* which can be compared with Proto-Nubian *\*id,* Proto-Taman *\*at* “person,” and Nara *eítá* “body.”[^x33]. “The person born” and “the person begotten” are therefore accurate translations of *ye-dxe* and *y-erike*. The element *ye-* in these contexts is therefore originally a noun and has nothing to do with the homonymous prefix found in royal inscriptions.
@ -820,7 +820,7 @@ The prefixed elements *pVsV-* or *yi-,* which obviously have a causative value b
[^x35]: Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* §4.2.
[^84]: In the Nubian group, for Nobiin: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 145; for Andaandi: Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian,* pp. 194-195; for Midob: Werner, *Tìdn-Áal,* pp. 58-59. In the Nara group, for Higir: Thompson, "Nera," p. 467; for Mogoreeb: Elsadig, *Major Word Categories in Nara,* 66. For Tama: Palayer's unpublished grammar, §4.3; for Sungor: Lukas, “Die Sprache der Sungor in Wadai," pp. 192, 198-199; for Mararit: El-Nazir, *Major Word Categories in Mararit,* pp. 57-58. For Ama: Stevenson, *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* pp. 106, 110 and Stevenson, Rottland \& Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 30; for Afitti, ibid., p. 33. In all these languages, the singular imperative is generally the simple stem of the verb. However, a suffix *-i* is found for some verbs in Nubian, Taman, and Nyima. Suppletive forms for basic verbs are attested in Nara, Taman, and Nyima.
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM markers which is used instead of the optative in several funerary texts. As shown in the following examples, it occurs either in one or two of the three main benedictions A, B, and C (a further example of *varietas*), or in all of them. Example (58) is drawn from REM 0369, an offering table from Shablul engraved for a single deceased. Example (59) is cited from a stela found in the same cemetery, REM 0381, and engraved for two persons, hence the plural verbal marker at the end of verbal compounds.[^86]
@ -1122,7 +1122,7 @@ In conclusion, a general table of the personal markers that have been identified
* du: dual
* emp: so-called “emphatic particle” after the copula in Meroitic (*-wi*)
* caus: causative
* *FHN*: *Fontes Historiae Nubiorum*
* *FHN*: Eide et al., eds., *Fontes Historiae Nubiorum*
* fin: final element
* frq: frequentative
* fut: future tense
@ -1142,7 +1142,7 @@ In conclusion, a general table of the personal markers that have been identified
* pm: personal marker
* pn: person name
* purp: purposive
* REM: *Répertoire d’épigraphie méroïtique* (Leclant et al., 2000).
* REM: *Répertoire d’épigraphie méroïtique*
* s: subject
* sg: singular
* tam: tense, aspect, and mood markers
@ -1152,3 +1152,133 @@ In conclusion, a general table of the personal markers that have been identified
* vc: verbal compound
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