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@ -18,9 +18,9 @@ Ama examples unless otherwise stated are from the author’s fieldwork verified
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|-----|------------------|----|-----------------------------------|-----|------------------|
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| kɛ́r | "woman" | nɪ́ | "kill" [fact]({sc}) | ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "do" [tr]({sc}) |
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| kɛ̄r | "crane" (bird sp.) | nɪ̄ | "kill" [prog 3]({sc}) | ɕɪ̄ɛ̄ | "say" |
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| kɛ̀r | "around" | nɪ̀ | "kill" [prog 1/2]({sc}) | ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "do" [itr]({sc})|
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| *kɛ́r* | "woman" | *nɪ́* | "kill" [fact]({sc}) | *ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "do" [tr]({sc}) |
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| *kɛ̄r* | "crane" (bird sp.) | *nɪ̄* | "kill" [prog 3]({sc}) | *ɕɪ̄ɛ̄* | "say" |
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| *kɛ̀r* | "around" | *nɪ̀* | "kill" [prog 1/2]({sc}) | *ɕɪ̀ɛ̄* | "do" [itr]({sc})|
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**~~Table 1: Level tone contrasts in Ama~~**
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@ -51,16 +51,16 @@ Ama verbs follow a syntax that is partly familiar from other Nilo-Saharan langua
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[^10]: Waag, *The Fur Verb and Its Context*, p. 49; low tone is unmarked in the Fur two-tone system.
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| Intransitive coverbs | | Transitive coverbs | |
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| --- | --- | --- | --- |
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| nʊ̄nʊ̄ɲ ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "hop" | díɟí ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "work" |
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| ɟɪ̀ɟɪ̀ɡ ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "speak angrily" | ɟɛ̀rɟɛ̀r ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "scatter" |
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| àɽɪ̀mɛ̀ ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "be angry" | t̪úūl ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "destroy" |
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| ōlɡ-ēn ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "cry" | dɪ́ɡl-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "gather" (KN *ɖigil)[^11] |
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| tɔ̄ɡl-ɛ̄n ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "tie oneself" | fɔ̄ɟ-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "make suffer" |
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| sɛ̀ɡ-ɛ̄n ɕɪ̀ɛ̄ | "complain" | tɪ̄m-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "finish" |
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| | | kɔ̄w-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "iron" (SA *kowa*) |
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| | | rɛ̄kb-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "ride" (SA *rikib*) |
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| | | mɪ̄skɪ̄l-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄ | "give someone a missed call" (SA *miskil*) |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| *nʊ̄nʊ̄ɲ ɕɪ̀ɛ̄* | "hop" | *díɟí ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "work" |
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| *ɟɪ̀ɟɪ̀ɡ ɕɪ̀ɛ̄* | "speak angrily" | *ɟɛ̀rɟɛ̀r ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "scatter" |
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| *àɽɪ̀mɛ̀ ɕɪ̀ɛ̄* | "be angry" | *t̪úūl ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "destroy" |
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| *ōlɡ-ēn ɕɪ̀ɛ̄* | "cry" | *dɪ́ɡl-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "gather" (KN *ɖigil)[^11] |
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| *tɔ̄ɡl-ɛ̄n ɕɪ̀ɛ̄* | "tie oneself" | *fɔ̄ɟ-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "make suffer" |
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| *sɛ̀ɡ-ɛ̄n ɕɪ̀ɛ̄* | "complain" | *tɪ̄m-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "finish" |
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| | | *kɔ̄w-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "iron" (SA *kowa*) |
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| | | *rɛ̄kb-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "ride" (SA *rikib*) |
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| | | *mɪ̄skɪ̄l-ɛ̄n ɕɪ́ɛ̄* | "give someone a missed call" (SA *miskil*) |
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**~~Table 3. Ama coverbs~~**
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@ -133,9 +133,9 @@ The aspectual functions of the two stems were described by Stevenson as definite
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[^17]: Compare Mufwene, “Stativity and the Progressive,” where it is argued that progressive is a stativizing category in a number of European and Bantu languages, although progressive verb forms typically have a more transient interpretation, and lexical statives a more permanent interpretation.
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| | active verb | stative verb |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| [fact]({sc}) | t̪àl “ate” (past perf.) | t̪ʊ̄-máɪ́ “know” (pres. cont.) |
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| [prog]({sc}) | tām “is eating” | ?máɪ́ “is knowing” |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| [fact]({sc}) | *t̪àl* “ate” (past perf.) | *t̪ʊ̄-máɪ́* “know” (pres. cont.) |
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| [prog]({sc}) | *tām* “is eating” | ?*máɪ́* “is knowing” |
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**~~Table 4. Verb stems of active and stative verbs~~**
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@ -144,18 +144,18 @@ The aspectual functions of the two stems were described by Stevenson as definite
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Although factative aspect is broader in meaning and more heavily used in text, the progressive stem is generally more basic in form, often consisting only of the bare root. However, neither the factative stem nor the progressive stem is predictable from the other in general because: (i) factative stems belong to various theme vowel classes, and some belong to a class taking a formative prefix *t̪V-*; (ii) in some verbs the two stems have two different suppletive roots; and (iii) the progressive stems of some verbs require certain obligatory incorporated affixes. When the root is extracted from any additional formatives, CVC is the most frequent verb root shape.
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| [fact]({sc}) | [prog]({sc}) | Gloss | morphology other than [fact]({sc}) theme vowel |
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| --- | --- | --- | --- |
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| sāŋ-ɔ̄ | sāŋ | search | |
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| kɪ̄r-ɛ̄ | kɪ̄r | cut | |
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| wāɡ-ā | wʊ̄ɔ̄ | keep | suppletive roots |
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| t̪ī-ə̀ | túŋ | sleep | suppletive roots |
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| t̪áw-ɔ̄ | ɡēd̪-ì | cook | suppletive roots, final *-i* required after *d̪* |
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| ɟɛ́ɡ-ɛ̄ | ɟēɡ-īn | leave s.th. | applicative *-(ī)n* |
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| á-bɪ̄ɽ-ɪ̄ŋ-ɔ̄ | á-bɪ̄ɽ-ɪ̄ŋ | invent | causative *á-* and inchoative *-ɪ̄ŋ* |
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| t̪ī-ŋīl-ē | ŋɪ̄l | laugh | factative *t̪V-* |
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| t̪ū-mūs-ò | mús-èɡ | run | factative *t̪V-* ~ directional *-èɡ* |
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| t̪ɪ́-ɡɛ̄l-ɛ̄ | á-ɡɛ̄l | wash | causative-factative *t̪V́-* ~ causative *á-* |
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| ɕɪ̀-ɛ̄ | á-ɕɪ̄ | do (intr.) | causative *á-* |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| *sāŋ-ɔ̄* | *sāŋ* | search | |
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| *kɪ̄r-ɛ̄* | *kɪ̄r* | cut | |
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| *wāɡ-ā* | *wʊ̄ɔ̄* | keep | suppletive roots |
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| *t̪ī-ə̀* | *túŋ* | sleep | suppletive roots |
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| *t̪áw-ɔ̄* | *ɡēd̪-ì* | cook | suppletive roots, final *-i* required after *d̪* |
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| *ɟɛ́ɡ-ɛ̄* | *ɟēɡ-īn* | leave s.th. | applicative *-(ī)n* |
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| *á-bɪ̄ɽ-ɪ̄ŋ-ɔ̄* | *á-bɪ̄ɽ-ɪ̄ŋ* | invent | causative *á-* and inchoative *-ɪ̄ŋ* |
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| *t̪ī-ŋīl-ē* | *ŋɪ̄l* | laugh | factative *t̪V-* |
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| *t̪ū-mūs-ò* | *mús-èɡ* | run | factative *t̪V-* ~ directional *-èɡ* |
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| *t̪ɪ́-ɡɛ̄l-ɛ̄* | *á-ɡɛ̄l* | wash | causative-factative *t̪V́-* ~ causative *á-* |
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| *ɕɪ̀-ɛ̄* | *á-ɕɪ̄* | do (intr.) | causative *á-* |
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**~~Table 5. Examples of verb stems~~**
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@ -165,22 +165,22 @@ The CVC shape of verb roots is characteristic across Eastern Sudanic languages.
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[^19]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* annex.
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| Gloss | Nubian | Nara | Taman | Nyima | Proto-NES |
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| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
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| be | \*-a(n)/\*-a-ɡV | ne-/ge- (pl.) | \*an-/\*aɡ- | \*nV | \*(a)n/\*(a)ɡ (pl.) |
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| burn | \*urr | kál, war | \*wer | \*wul "boil" | \*wul [\*wel?] |
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| buy | \*jaan | tol ~ dol | - | \*tar | \*tol |
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| come | \*taar | til | \*or, pf. \*kun | \*t̪ar/\*kud̪ | \*tar, [\*kud?] |
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| cut | \*mer | ked | \*kid | - (Ama /kɪr) | \*kɛd |
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| dance | \*baan | bàl, bàr | - | \*bal/fal | \*bal |
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| drink | \*nii | l-, líí- | \*li | - (Ama /li) | \*li |
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| eat | \*kal | kal | \*ŋan | \*t̪al/\*tam | \*kal/\*kamb (pl.) |
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| give | \*tir (2/3), \*deen (1) | nin | \*ti(n) | \*t̪Vɡ, \*t̪ɔ́ŋ (1) | \*te(n) [final C?], \*den |
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| look | \*ɡuuɲ | - | \*ɡun, pf. \*ɡud | \*t̪iɡol | *guɲ [final C?] |
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| love, want | \*doll, \*oon | sol | - (Tama tar) | - (Ama /war) | *tor |
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| sit | \*ti(i)g/\*te(e)g | dengi, daŋŋi "wait" | \*juk | \*dɔɲ | \*daŋ |
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| take, carry | \*aar | - | \*ar-i | \*-ur | \*ar |
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| take, gather | \*dumm | nem | - (Tama tɔ-mɔɽ) | - (Ama dum-) | *dɔm |
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| take, raise | \*eɲ | hind | *eɲ | - (Ama ɲɔn "carry") | \*meɲ ~ \*ɲeɲ |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| be | *\*-a(n)/\*-a-ɡV* | *ne-/ge-* [pl]({sc}) | *\*an-/\*aɡ-* | *\*nV* | *\*(a)n/\*(a)ɡ* [pl]({sc}) |
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| burn | *\*urr* | *kál, war* | *\*wer | *\*wul* "boil" | *\*wul,* [*\*wel*?] |
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| buy | *\*jaan* | *tol ~ dol* | – | *\*tar* | *\*tol* |
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| come | *\*taar* | *til* | *\*or,* [pf]({sc}) \*kun | *\*t̪ar/\*kud̪* | *\*tar,* [*\*kud*?] |
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| cut | *\*mer* | *ked* | *\*kid* | – (Ama *kɪr*) | *\*kɛd* |
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| dance | *\*baan* | *bàl, bàr* | – | *\*bal/fal* | *\*bal* |
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| drink | *\*nii* | *l-, líí-* | *\*li* | – (Ama *li*) | *\*li* |
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| eat | *\*kal* | *kal* | *\*ŋan* | *\*t̪al/\*tam* | *\*kal/\*kamb* [pl]({sc}) |
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| give | *\*tir* (2/3), *\*deen* (1) | *nin* | *\*ti(n)* | *\*t̪Vɡ, \*t̪ɔ́ŋ* (1) | *\*te(n)* [final C?], *\*den* |
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| look | *\*ɡuuɲ* | – | *\*ɡun,* [pf]({sc}) *\*ɡud* | *\*t̪iɡol* | *\*guɲ* [final C?] |
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| love, want | *\*doll, \*oon* | *sol* | – (Tama *tar*) | – (Ama *war*) | *\*tor* |
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| sit | *\*ti(i)g/\*te(e)g* | *dengi, daŋŋi* "wait" | *\*juk* | *\*dɔɲ* | *\*daŋ* |
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| take, carry | *\*aar* | – | *\*ar-i* | *\*-ur* | *\*ar* |
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| take, gather | *\*dumm* | *nem* | – (Tama *tɔ-mɔɽ*) | – (Ama *dum-*) | *\*dɔm* |
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| take, raise | *\*eɲ* | *hind* | *\*eɲ* | – (Ama *ɲɔn* "carry") | *\*meɲ ~ \*ɲeɲ* |
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**~~Table 6. Verbs across Northern East Sudanic (NES)~~**
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@ -189,10 +189,10 @@ The CVC shape of verb roots is characteristic across Eastern Sudanic languages.
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An alternation between *t̪-* and *k-* cuts into the characteristic CVC shape in one class of Ama verbs as a marker of aspect along with the theme vowel.
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| [fact]({sc}) | [prog]({sc}) | Gloss |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| t̪-ùɡ-è | k-ūɡ | build |
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| t̪-īw-ò | k-íw | dig |
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| t̪-ūɕ-ē | k-úɕ-ín | light (fire) |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| *t̪-ùɡ-è* | *k-ūɡ* | build |
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| *t̪-īw-ò* | *k-íw* | dig |
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| *t̪-ūɕ-ē* | *k-úɕ-ín* | light (fire) |
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**~~Table 7. T/K marking on Ama verbs~~**
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@ -201,23 +201,23 @@ A longer list of examples of this alternation shown in **Table 8** was documente
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[^20]: Stevenson, Rottland & Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 16. By convention, *t* is dental and mid tone is left unmarked in their data. Pertinent to the present alternation, I question the phonemic status of the *w* in *t/kw* alternations before rounded vowels.
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| [fact]({sc}) | [prog]({sc}) | Gloss |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| tuɡɛ̀ | kwò | build |
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| tàiɔ̀ | kaì | chop |
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| tìwò | kìù | dig |
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| tìwò | kèù | fall (of rain) |
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| twɛ̀ | kwài | rear, bring up |
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| twèr | kweàɡ | grow (v.i.) |
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| tɔwɛ̀ | kwɔ̀i | grow (v.t.) |
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| tuwɛlɛ̀ | kwɛlì | guard |
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| tuɡudò | kwoɡidì | mix up, tell lies |
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| toromɔ̀ | kwòròm | gnaw |
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| toso | kwoʃì | suck (milk, of baby) |
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| tɔʃìɡ | kwɔʃìɡ | suckle |
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| tosùn | kwosùn | burn (v.i.) |
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| tuʃè | kwuʃìn | light fire |
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| tɛ̀nɛ̀ | kɛndìr | climb |
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| tɛnìɡ | kɛndɛ̀ɡ | mount |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| *tuɡɛ̀* | *kwò* | build |
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| *tàiɔ̀* | *kaì* | chop |
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| *tìwò* | *kìù* | dig |
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| *tìwò* | *kèù* | fall (of rain) |
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| *twɛ̀* | *kwài* | rear, bring up |
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| *twèr* | *kweàɡ* | grow [itr]({sc}) |
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| *tɔwɛ̀* | *kwɔ̀i* | grow [tr]({sc}) |
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| *tuwɛlɛ̀* | *kwɛlì* | guard |
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| *tuɡudò* | *kwoɡidì* | mix up, tell lies |
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| *toromɔ̀* | *kwòròm* | gnaw |
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| *toso* | *kwoʃì* | suck (milk, of baby) |
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| *tɔʃìɡ* | *kwɔʃìɡ* | suckle |
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| *tosùn* | *kwosùn* | burn [itr]({sc}) |
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| *tuʃè* | *kwuʃìn* | light fire |
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| *tɛ̀nɛ̀* | *kɛndìr* | climb |
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| *tɛnìɡ* | *kɛndɛ̀ɡ* | mount |
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**~~Table 8. More verbs with T/K marking~~**
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@ -306,30 +306,30 @@ Research over the past century has also been gradually clarifying the complex mo
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Some verbal affixes are selected depending on factative or progressive aspect in Ama, just as verb stems are. For example, different suffixes for past tense or for directional movement are selected in the different aspects:
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| | Stem | [pst]({sc}) |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | t̪àl | t̪àl-ʊ̀n |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | tām | tām-áʊ́ |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | *t̪àl* | *t̪àl-ʊ̀n* |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | *tām* | *tām-áʊ́* |
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**~~Table 9a. Affix selection according to aspect: "eat"~~**
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| | Stem | [dir]({sc}) |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄ | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄-ɡ |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | dɪ̄ɟ-ɪ̄ | dīɟ-ír |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | *dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄* | *dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄-ɡ* |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | *dɪ̄ɟ-ɪ̄* | *dīɟ-ír* |
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**~~Table 9b. Affix selection according to aspect: "throw"~~**
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The same is true of passive and ventive suffixes, but in factative aspect the suffixes replace the theme vowel, so that the affixes are the sole exponent of aspect in many verbs:
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| | Stem | [pass]({sc}) |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āy-ɛ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-áɪ́ |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āɪ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-àɡ |
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**~~Table 10a. Affix selection as sole exponent of aspect: "paint"~~**
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| | Stem | [ven]({sc}) |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | ɪ̄r-ɛ̄ | ɪ̄r-ɪ́ɪ̄ɡ |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | ɪ̄r | ɪ̄r-ɪ́d̪ɛ̄ɛ̀ɡ |
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In passive and in past, affix order also varies according to aspect with respect to the dual suffix *-ɛ̄n*:
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| | Stem | [du pass]({sc}) |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āy-ɛ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-áy-ɛ̄n |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | ásɪ̄d̪āɪ̄ | ásɪ̄d̪āy-ɛ̄n-àɡ |
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**~~Table 11a. Affix order variation according to aspect: "paint"~~**
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| | Stem | [du pst]({sc}) |
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| --- | --- | --- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | sāŋ-ɔ̄ | sāŋ-ɛ̄n-ʊ̀n |
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| **[prog]({sc})** | sāŋ | sāŋ-áw-ɛ̄n |
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@ -354,7 +354,7 @@ In passive and in past, affix order also varies according to aspect with respect
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The origin of this affix order variation is revealed by further evidence. Passive marking comes after dual in progressive aspect, whereas past marking comes after dual in factative aspect, but the common feature of both suffixes *-àɡ, -ʊ̀n* placed after the dual is that they both bear low tone. Two more suffixes with low tone, directional *-ɛ̀ɡ ~ -ɡ* (the second allomorph is toneless) and mediocausative *-àw ~ -ɔ̀* (the second allomorph is used word-finally) appear after the dual, but if another low-tone suffix is added after the dual, they appear before the dual instead. Hence, there is only one more affix slot in Ama after the penultimate dual suffix.
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| | | | |
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| --- | --- | --- | --- |
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||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| **Gloss** | throw | throw to [du]({sc}) | elicit [du]({sc}) |
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| **[fact]({sc})** | dɪ̀ɟ-ɛ̄-ɡ | dɪ̀ɟ-ɪ́-n-ɪ̄ɡ | kɪ́l-ɛ̄n-ɔ̀ |
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| | throw-[th-dir]({sc}) | throw-[ven-du-dir]({sc}) | hear-[du-medcaus]({sc}) |
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||||
|
@ -399,7 +399,7 @@ Distributive pluractionals are characterized by optionality with a plural partic
|
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[^47]: I am grateful to Alex de Voogt for sharing this data in personal communication from his field research on Afitti.
|
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|
||||
| 1 | Gloss | 2 | Gloss | 3 | Gloss |
|
||||
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
|
||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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||||
| ɡə́-ɡaɲal | I milk | é-ɡaɲal | you [sg]({sc}) milk | kaɲál | he/she milks |
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| kó-ɡaɲal | we [du]({sc}) milk | ó-ɡaɲál | you [du]({sc}) milk | ɡaɲál-i | they [du]({sc}) milk |
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||||
| kó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | we [pl]({sc}) milk | ó-ɡaɲa-tr̀ | you [pl]({sc}) milk | ɡaɲá-tər-i | they [pl]({sc}) milk |
|
||||
|
@ -428,7 +428,7 @@ The Ama suffix *-ar* can be added to a progressive verb as a mirative that marks
|
|||
[^54]: Norton, “Number in Ama Verbs,” p. 40.
|
||||
|
||||
| [sg]({sc}) | [du]({sc}) | [distr pl]({sc}) | Gloss |
|
||||
| --- | --- | --- | --- |
|
||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||
| fá kɪ̄r-ār | à-fá kɪ̄r-ār-ɛ̄n | à-fá kɪ̄r-ɪ́d̪-ār | don’t be cutting! |
|
||||
| fá sāŋ-ār | à-fá sāŋ-ār-ɛ̄n | à-fá sāŋ-ɪ́d̪-ār | don’t be searching! |
|
||||
| fá túŋ-ār | à-fá túŋ-ɛ̄n | à-fá túŋ-ɪ́d̪-ār | don’t be sleeping! |
|
||||
|
@ -443,7 +443,7 @@ Another trilled suffix *-ir* marks motion in progress.[^55] It can be added to a
|
|||
[^57]: This verb appears in unpublished data collected by Abi Kingston.
|
||||
|
||||
| [fact]({sc}) | [prog]({sc}) | Gloss |
|
||||
| --- | --- | --- |
|
||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||
| bwìɡ | buɡìr | overtake |
|
||||
| nɪfɛ̀ɡ | nɪfìr | fall |
|
||||
| tɛnɛ̀ | kɛndìr | climb |
|
||||
|
@ -509,6 +509,7 @@ This period nevertheless also reveals one significant example of simplification
|
|||
* [medcaus]({sc}) – mediocausative;
|
||||
* [pass]({sc}) – passive;
|
||||
* [pct]({sc}) – punctual;
|
||||
* [pf]({sc}) – perfect;
|
||||
* [pl]({sc}) – plural;
|
||||
* [prog]({sc}) – progressive;
|
||||
* [pst]({sc}) – past;
|
||||
|
|
|
@ -1167,7 +1167,7 @@ In conclusion, a general table of the personal markers that have been identified
|
|||
|
||||
# Bibliography
|
||||
|
||||
Armbruster, Charles. H.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960.
|
||||
Armbruster, Charles. H. ** Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960.
|
||||
|
||||
Bashir, Abeer.  *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 2 (2015): pp. 133–153.
|
||||
|
||||
|
|
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