diff --git a/content/article/urosmatic.md b/content/article/urosmatic.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..eeda476 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/article/urosmatic.md @@ -0,0 +1,1526 @@ +--- +title: "Gender as Frame of War in Ancient Nubia" +authors: ["urosmatic.md"] +abstract: "Gender research in the archaeology of the Sudan and Meroitic studies is +still a nascent field. Studies of gender are especially lacking in +investigations concerning war and violence, which are usually written +from an androcentric perspective, and often focus solely on soldiers, +army, weaponry, battle representations, and images of enemies. The +experiences of non-combatants in the context of war in ancient Nubia, +such as women, children, and non-combating men, are rarely considered. +The same tendency is observable with the gender background of war. This +paper deals with gender structure in the lists of spoils of war, women +and children as prisoners of war in representations of battle aftermath, +feminization of enemies in royal texts, participation of royal women in +war, and depictions of royal women smiting enemies. The sources for the +study come from the Napatan and Meroitic periods (8^th^ century BC to +4^th^ century AD). In gender as a frame of war, Kushite kings were +represented as masculine, and their enemies as feminine. This binary +opposition has also been observed in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian +sources, and was clearly a shared vocabulary of the great powers of the +second and first millennium BC. Such a frame of war was based on a +gender disposition of men as active and strong, and women as passive and +weak. It "naturalized" Kushite domination over their enemies just as it +"naturalized" male domination in ancient Sudanese society. However, the +participation of Meroitic queens in conflicts and their depictions +smiting enemies shows how the visual vocabulary of violence can be +utilized even by some women, in their own expressions of power." +keywords: ["ancient Nubia", "war", "violence", "gender", "women", "children"] +--- + +# Introduction + +Gender studies in archaeology have moved a long way from the initial +criticism of androcentrism (criticism of androcentric and +heteronormative interpretations of the past, giving voices to ancient +women, recognizing different genders behind the archaeological record), +to viewing gender as a system or a result of performative practices.[^1] +These developments in gender archaeology are not necessarily the same in +all archaeological communities. In studies of ancient Sudan, gender +studies have been introduced first through research of prehistoric and +protohistoric societies[^2] and then through focus on Kushite royal +women and the concept of queenship.[^3] The topic has been broadened by +analyzing gender crossed with other aspects of identity, such as age, +resulting in an intersectional understanding of identity in ancient +Sudan.[^4] The focus in studies of ancient Sudan still seems to be +largely on men (implicitly or explicitly), although recently, overviews +on women, including non-royal women, have been published.[^5] Only few +authors focused on masculinity.[^6] However, studies of gender are still +far from being fully acknowledged in research on ancient Sudan. This is +demonstrated by the lack of an entry on gender in even the most recent +handbooks.[^7] + +In recent years, gender archaeologies are tackling a wide variety of +different problems, offering equally varied approaches.[^8] Two related +topics which have lately attracted the attention of several scholars are +gendered violence and gender as a form of symbolic violence.[^9] Whereas +scholars of the first search for evidence of quite specific gender +patterns behind violent acts, scholars of the second argue that gender +itself is a form of violence, because gender brings different people +into asymmetrical relations of power in different domains. The idea that +gender can be a form of symbolic violence is inherited from sociologist +Pierre Bourdieu and philosopher Slavoj Žižek and has been only recently +applied to archaeology.[^10] These discussions remind us that it is +fruitful to think about gender from the point of view of violence, and +to think about violence from the point of view of gender. + +War is typically a sphere of past social action about which +archaeologists and historians usually write from a male perspective and +with the sole focus on men. The participation of women and their +experiences are rarely addressed.[^11] War and violence in ancient Sudan +are fields still largely dominated by male authors.[^12] This +androcentric perspective rarely takes into account gender as a social +category, and tends to implicitly a focus only on combatant men. As a +result, we are left with numerous valuable contributions on Kushite +representations of war, enemies, weaponry etc. However, a gender +perspective is lacking in almost all of them. This does not mean that +the effort to find women in such contexts or to relate them to women is +that which is lacking, although this is true too. What is missing is a +perspective on both masculinity and femininity as socio-culturally +determined categories coming from a specific gender system. Until +recently, this was also the case in Egyptology. However, some recent +studies focusing on war in ancient Egypt have shown the potential of +implementing ideas and concepts coming from gender studies.[^13] One of +these concepts is the frames of war. The concept of the frames of war +was developed by American philosopher Judith Butler, who demonstrated +the way some political forces frame violence in the modern media. Frames +of war are operations of power which seek to contain, convey, and +determine what is seen and what is real.[^14] They are the ways of +selectively carving up experience as essential to the conduct of +war.[^15] Butler argues that, by regulating perspective in addition to +content, state authorities are clearly interested in controlling the +visual modes of participation in war.[^16] The study by Butler on frames +of war is essential for our understanding of how the modern media +creates the experience of war, whether and where they find a place for +non-combatants, and how victory and defeat are presented. In this +process, different genders are represented as differently positioned, +depending on other identity categories such as age or status in an +intersectional manner. According to Butler, we should undertake "a +critique of the schemes by which state violence justifies itself".[^17] + +In this paper, I will argue that gender was a frame of war that was also +observable in the textual and visual media of ancient Sudan during the +Napatan and Meroitic periods. I will first focus on non-combatants in +texts, by analysing the attestations of prisoners of war of differing +ages and genders. The lists of spoils of war demonstrate a structure +based on a hierarchy based on status, age, and gender intersectionality. +The term intersectionality is one of the central tenets of black +feminist theory. It is based on the fact that oppression is not +monocausal, as for example in the USA it is not based either on race or +on gender. Rather, an intersection of race and gender makes some more +oppressed or oppressed in a different way than others.[^18] This +analysis of the attestations of non-combatants is followed by an +analysis of a currently unique representation of women and children as +prisoners of war found on the reliefs of Meroitic temple M250 in Meroe. +After this, I turn to the feminization of enemies in Napatan and Merotic +texts in order to demonstrate how gender was used to structure hierarchy +and to position the Kushite king as masculine and his enemies as +feminine. I argue that, in this way, gender framed both relations in war +and hierarchies within the society of ancient Sudan. I also discuss +evidence for the participation of Kushite royal women in war, and stress +that the sources at our disposal are providing us with an outsider +(Graeco-Roman) perspective, rather than a local perspective. Finally, I +discuss the specifics of scenes in which Meroitic royal women are +smiting enemies by comparing these scenes to others from ancient Egypt. +I argue that the observed differences are related to a different +understanding of the relation between kingship and queenship in these +two societies. + +# Men, Women and Children as Prisoners of War + +## Textual Evidence + +The taking of prisoners of war is a well attested ancient war +practice.[^19] Enemies of different gender, age, and status were also +imprisoned during war in ancient Nubia. Although the practice surely +must have been older, the first textual attestations come from the reign +of Taharqa (690-664 BC), and continue until the Meroitic period. The +mentioning of men, women, and children as prisoners of war is mostly +part of the lists of spoils of war. Since there is no place in this +paper to thoroughly analyze these lists and present them in a systematic +manner, I will concentrate only on prisoners of war, and especially on +women and children, since they are often entirely neglected.[^20] + +The Kawa III stela of Taharqa informs us that the king provided the +temple of Amun with male and female servants, and the children of the +rulers (*wr.w*) of Tjehenu (Libyans).[^21] The Kawa VI (Khartoum SNM +2679, line 20-21) stela informs us that the temple of Amun in Kawa was +filled with, among other others, female servants, wives of the rulers of +Lower Egypt (*T3-mḥw*), and the children of the rulers of every foreign +land.[^22] A granite stela from Karnak (line 3), attributed to Taharqa +by Donald B. Redford, also mentions children of rulers, and later (lines +11-13) refers to the settling of a population with its cattle in +villages. This possibly refers to the settlement of the prisoners of +war, among which were the above-mentioned children.[^23] A more +securely-dated example of men and women (total: 544) seemingly presented +as spoils of war during the reign of Taharqa, and enumerated according +to ethnonyms or toponyms, can be found in his long inscription from +Sanam.[^24] + +On the Enthronement stela of Anlamani (late 7^th^ century BC) from Kawa +(Kawa VIII, lines 19-20, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Æ.I.N. 1709) +it is stated that his soldiers gained control of all the women, +children, small cattle and property in the land Bulahau +(*b-w-r3-h-3-y-w*) and that the king appointed the captives as male and +female servants of the gods.[^25] This indicates that Anlamani, like +Taharqa, appointed at least some prisoners of war to the temples.[^26] + +In the Annals of Harsiyotef (Cairo JE 48864, lines 68-70) from his +35^th^ reginal year in the early 4^th^ century BC, the king states that +he gave booty (*ḥ3ḳ*) to Amun of Napata, 50 men, 50 women, together +making 100.[^27] The text (line 87-88) further states that the king +took, among others, male and female servants in the land of Metete.[^28] +Likewise, in the Annals of Nastasen (Stela Berlin ÄMP 2268, lines +44-46), from his 8^th^ regal year in the last third of the 4^th^ century +BC, the king states that he gave a total of 110 men and women to Amun of +Napata.[^29] As noted by Jeremy Pope, there is no reason to impose here +an artificial distinction between a donation text and a record of +war.[^30] In fact, there is also no such division in ancient Egyptian +records of war, and the Kushite records of war bear many similarities to +those of ancient Egypt, especially when lists of spoils of war are +concerned. Nastasen also claims (lines 46-49) that he captured Ayonku, +the ruler connected to the rebels, and that he took all the women, all +the cattle, and much gold. The list mentions 2,236 women.[^31] Compared +to the number of men and women given to the temple of Amun at Napata, +this is a significantly larger number, which indicates that a majority +of the prisoners actually did not end up as property of the temple. We +can only speculate that they were distributed elsewhere, possibly even +among the soldiers.[^32] Nastasen also seized the ruler Luboden and all +the women in his possession (line 51).[^33] He also seized Abso, the +ruler of Mahae, and all their women (line 53).[^34] Nastasen went +against the rebellious land of Makhsherkharta and seized the ruler, as +well as all of that by which the ruler sustained people, and all the +women (line 55).[^35] Finally, Nastasen seized Tamakheyta, the ruler of +the rebellious land Sarasarat, and caused the plundering of all their +women (line 58).[^36] + +Common to all these Napatan and Meroitic texts written in Egyptian is +the order in which different prisoners of war are listed, which is +always the same. The enemy ruler is listed first, followed by the enemy +men, women and children. No difference is made between male and female +children. This demonstrates an intersectional hierarchy based on status, +gender, and age. The enemy ruler was the most valued, then came enemy +men, women and children, in that same order. An interesting question is +if this intersectional hierarchy mirrors that of the ancient Sudanese +society, or if it was only imposed on its enemies. That male and female +prisoners of war together with children, including even those of the +foreign rulers, were donated to the temples, comes as no surprise. The +individual temples of Amun in Kush also functioned as centres of +territorial government and redistribution.[^37] Some lines in the Annals +of Nastasen refer to imprisoned women in a rhetorical manner, stating +rather generally that all women of the enemy were taken, instead of +providing a number like in earlier sources. + +Currently, the textual evidence written in Merotic script is very +scarce, and our current understanding of the language is not on a level +which would allow a detailed reading of most of the preserved texts. +Nevertheless, several experts in Meroitic language and script have +recognized the mentioning of prisoners of war in the Hamadab Stela of +Amanirenas and Akinidad (British Museum 1650) from the late 1^st^ +century BC.[^38] According to the new reading of Claude Rilly, the +second (small) Hamadab stela (REM 1039) mentions Akinidad and the sites +where the Roman prefect Petronius fought against the Meroites, namely +Aswan (Meroitic "Sewane"), Qasr Ibrim (Meroitic "Pedeme"), and Napata +("Npte"). According to Rilly, the stela also mentions the beginning of +the war in its 3rd and 4th lines: "the Tmey have enslaved all the men, +all the women, all the girls and all the boys".[^39] Interestingly, if +Rilly´s reading is correct, this would mean that when Meroitic folk are +taken as prisoners by enemies, a gender differentiation is made even for +children and/or adolescents. The following discussion will focus on the +possible iconographic evidence of the conflict between Meroe and Rome. + +## Iconographic Evidence + +Unlike in ancient Egypt, ancient Nubian iconographic evidence for the +taking of prisoners of war is rather scarce when the bound prisoner +motif is excluded from the corpus. Even less attested are depictions of +women and children being imprisoned. + +One rare instance of such a depiction is found in temple M250, located +about 1km to the east-southeast of the centre of the city of Meroe. John +Garstang first investigated the temple in 1910-1911 together with +Archibald H. Sayce. The temple M250 was investigated further by +Friedrich Hinkel from 1984 to 1985. He dated it to the late 1st century +BC and early 1st century AD because of the royal cartouches of Akinidad +found on fallen blocks of the cella north wall.[^40] The earliest temple +on the site, which is northwest of M250, had probably already been built +in Aspelta's reign (the beginning of the 6th century BC) in the form of +a cella on the top of a podium.[^41] According to László Török, the +temple was dedicated in its later form to the cult of Re or, more +precisely, to the unification of Amun with Re.[^42] Hinkel interpreted +it more carefully as a temple of Amun.[^43] + +So far, the battle reliefs of M250 were analyzed by several authors. It +is Hinkel who published the temple and gave the most detailed +description and analysis of the relief blocks to-date.[^44] According to +Török, the decoration of the facades had a "historically" formulated +triumphal aspect.[^45]. Before the publication of the temple by Hinkel, +Steffen Wenig assigned them to the reign of Aspelta because his stela +was found on the site. Wenig related the reliefs to the ones from the +B500 temple of Amun at Gebel Barkal, not knowing at that time that they +predate M250.[^46] Inge Hofmann analysed the war reliefs in detail +regarding the weapons and equipment worn by the Meroites and emphasized +that the weapons they use are post-Napatan. Based on the kilts and hair +feathers worn by some of the enemies of Meroites in these scenes, she +concluded that they are southerners but that they cannot be identified +with any specific Sudanese tribe.[^47] This type of enemy wearing a kilt +and feathers is also found as a bound prisoner on the pylon of the tomb +chapel of Begrawiya North 6 (the tomb of Amanishakheto).[^48] It is also +depicted on the east wall painting from the small temple M292, better +known because of the head of a statue of Augustus which was buried in +front of its entrance, as well as a representation of the so called +Roman prisoner on the same wall painting.[^49] According to Florian Wöß, +this type of enemy can be classified as an Inner African Type. It is +most numerous among Meroitic depictions of enemies, and Wöß argues that +it could have therefore represented a real threat to the Meroites.[^50] +This conclusion corresponds well with the interpretation of the Meroitic +kingdom having a heartland in the Nile Valley, at Keraba, and perhaps +also the southland, Meroitic kingdom was surrounded by various +neighbouring communities that could have made a real threat and were +only occasionally under Kushite control.[^51] As we have already seen, +numerous texts refer to conflicts with these communities outside the +realm of the Kushite kingdom. + +Hinkel has already concluded that the north wall of M250 depicts women +and children taken by the Meroites in their raid of the first cataract, +as reported by Strabo in *Geography* (17. I. 54),[^52] and that the +south wall depicts a conflict with some southern population that the +Meroites encountered in Lower Nubia.[^53] However, if Meroe is +understood as the centre of the axis, then the enemies depicted on the +south wall are unlikely to depict Lower Nubians. We know that during the +last decades of the 1st century BC, Lower Nubia was not hostile to +Meroe, and that, rather the contrary, it rebelled against Rome. Gaius +Cornelius Gallus reports in his trilingual stela from Philae erected in +29 BC that he placed a local tyrant to govern Triakontaschoinos (Lower +Nubia), which became part of the province of Egypt and established a +personal patron/client relationship with the king of Meroe.[^54] This +arrangement obliged inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos to pay taxes.[^55] +Roman emperor Augustus then ordered Lucius Aelius Gallus, the second +prefect of Egypt, to prepare a military expedition against province +Arabia Felix. Aelius Gallus regrouped the forces stationed in Egypt and +took c. 8000 of the 16.800 men in three legions and 5500 of the +auxiliary forces. The expedition was carried out in 26-25 BC and ended +with Roman defeat. The inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos received the +news of Aelius Gallus' failure in Arabia and revolted in the summer of +25 BC. The aim of the revolt was to end the previously established +status of Triakontaschoinos and the obligation of paying tax to Rome. +Concurrently with this revolt, there were local rebellions against the +pressure of taxation in Upper Egypt.[^56] The rebels might also have +received help from the king of Meroe. Meroe probably tried to use the +opportunity presented by the revolt in Triakontaschoinos and Upper Egypt +to establish the northern frontier in the region of the First +Cataract.[^57] Therefore, it is unlikely that the southern enemy +depicted on the walls of temple M250 represents Lower Nubians. They were +not hostile to Meroe at the time before the building of the temple M250 +under Akinidad. On the contrary, they were its allies in war with Rome. + +Regarding the representations of women and children as prisoners of war, +Török found parallels in New Kingdom Egyptian (ca. 1550-1070 BC) +reliefs[^58], whereas Hinkel found parallels both in New Kingdom +Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian reliefs (ca. 911-609 BC).[^59] One must, +however, stress that in the case of the New Kingdom Egyptian reliefs, +the parallels are both thematic and iconographic, whereas in the case of +Neo-Assyrian reliefs, the parallels are strictly general and thematic +(e.g. imprisonment). In this paper, I will focus more closely on the +thematic and iconographic parallels from New Kingdom Egypt and Nubia, +considering the fact that general thematic parallels (e.g. imprisonment) +are found in many cultures and are not particularly helpful in better +understanding the decorative program of M250. + +Women and children are found both on the south and the north wall of the +temple M250. The blocks with representations of women and children are +part of the preserved *in situ* lowest register of the north wall. Its +preserved height is ca. 110cm above the crepidoma.[^60] Its register +depicts an east-west oriented procession of armed men, horse riders, and +chariots who join a battle. After the battle scene, the same register +continues with the procession of armed men, with nude women and children +in front of them (Figure 1). + +![Relief blocks from the north wall of M250](../static/images/matic/fig1.jpg "Relief blocks from the north wall of M250") + +**~~Figure 1. Relief blocks from the north wall of M250 in the sequence east-west (redrawn after [Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*: 140--141, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42).~~** + + +The women and children are preceded by men with oval shields and cattle +in front of them, after which comes one more group of nude women and +children. They are approached by oppositely-oriented men, probably in a +battle. After them, the register continues in an east-west orientation +towards a columned building, which is presumably a representation of a +temple.[^61] Behind this columned building in the continuation of the +register. There is a break here, after which comes poorly preserved +representations of round huts and trees.[^62] Only the lower parts of +the figures of women and children are preserved on the north wall, so it +is hard to say more about them. However, the women and children seem to +be nude. The gender of the children cannot be identified because the +representations were later damaged in the genital area. There are two +groups and in-between them there are cattle. The groups are flanked with +men who lead them forward. + +The south wall blocks with representations of women and children are not +found *in situ,* but rather in the vicinity of the south wall. Some of +them can be joined, and some of these joints present evidence for at +least two registers. In one case, the upper register of the two depicts +both women and children as prisoners of war, while the lower register +depicts ship-fragments 198, 322, 323, 319 and 190.[^63] The figures in +the two registers are differently oriented. Additionally, one more boat +representation with a head of a ram possibly indicates a relation to +Amun (fragments 113 and 106).[^64] It is oriented in the same direction +as the previous boat. On the blocks of the south wall, both men and +women are depicted as prisoners of war next to children (Figure 2). + +![Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250](../static/images/matic/fig2.jpg "Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250") + +**~~Figure 2. Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250 with fragmented depictions of imprisoned women and children, line drawing (redrawn after [Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 2b*: C11).~~** + + +Unlike the women from the north wall, the women from the south wall are +half-dressed. The breasts depicted on some of them (fragments 188, 214, +136, 943, 185, 222, 199, 847, 849, 811) indicate their gender, while the +gender of some of the children figures is depicted via smaller breasts +(fragment 236). Some of the women from the south wall are carrying +baskets with children on their backs, held with the help of a tumpline +(fragment 943, 849). In New Kingdom Egyptian iconography, this is a +characteristic of Nubian women when depicted with children in tribute +scenes.[^65] Women are depicted with children either next to them, held +in their arms, raised high in the air (fragments 210, 849), or in +between them (fragments 185, 189, 230, 175). Both men and women on the +south wall have ropes tied around their necks, with several people in a +row being tied on the same rope (fragments 136, 943, 189, 34, 102, 39, +408, 847, 844, 849, 811). + +![Empty oval name rings on the northern part of the pylon of M250](../static/images/matic/fig3.jpg "Empty oval name rings on the northern part of the pylon of M250") + +**~~Figure 3. Empty oval name rings on the northern part of the pylon of M250 (redrawn after HINKEL, Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1: 139; Abb. 37b).~~** + + +Hinkel related the construction of the M250 temple to the treaty that +the Meroites negotiated with Augustus on Samos in 21/20 BC. He relates +the taking of women and children as prisoners on the north wall to the +sacking of Philae, Elephantine, and Syene by the Meroites,[^66] as +reported by Strabo in Geography, 17. I. 54.[^67] The context of the war +reliefs on the northern wall of the temple indeed indicates a northern +conflict. It is interesting that the oval name rings for the toponyms or +ethnonyms of the defeated enemies are left blank on the northern part of +the temple pylon (Figure 3),[^68] and were only filled in with Meroitic +hieroglyphs on the south part of the temple pylon, which have thus far +not been identified with certainty.[^69] In the light of Strabo's +Geography 17. I. 54, in which he writes that when told that they should +go to Augustus, the Meroites answered they do not know who that +was[^70], one has to consider that the Roman dominated world beyond the +province of Egypt was unknown or insufficiently known to the Meroites. +This explains the empty oval name rings on the northern part of the +temple pylon. Except for the generic *Arome* referring to Rome[^71] and +*Tmey* referring to the north,[^72] we do not know of any other Roman +toponyms from Meroe so far, and it is likely that in the first century +BC and first century AD, the Meroites indeed did not know of any others. +If the reliefs on the northern walls of the temple depict a Meroitic +raid on the First Cataract sites, then we have to take into account that +they imprisoned the local population, consisting also of women and +children, and not only of men. These women and children could also have +been local and not necessarily incomers after the Roman taking of Egypt. +The iconographic evidence from M250 corresponds well with the textual +attestations for the taking of prisoners of war of different ages and +genders and allocating them to temples of Amun. Interestingly, just like +in ancient Egyptian iconography of the New Kingdom, there is an absence +of violence against women and children.[^73] Bearing in mind the idea +that frames of war regulate what is reported and represented in various +media, we can consider the possibility that some realities of war such +as violence against non-combatants were censured due to socially +determined taste. Hurting women and children was probably considered a +form of illegitimate violence and although it probably occurred, it was +not communicated to local audience. + +# Feminization of Enemies in Texts + +The feminization of enemies is a common cross-cultural motif of war +discourses, both textual and visual. As anthropologist Marilyn Strathern +argued, "relations between political enemies stand for relations between +men and women".[^74] Numerous examples are known for this from ancient +Egypt and Neo-Assyria, and these are extensively dealt with +elsewhere.[^75] Here, the focus will be on the feminization of enemies +in Kushite war discourse. + +One attestation for the feminization of enemies, with, to the best of my +knowledge, no parallels, is found on the Triumphal Stela of Piye (Cairo +JE 48862, 47086-47089, lines 149-150), the founder of the 25^th^ Dynasty +of Egypt, who ruled between 744-714 BC: "Now these kings and counts of +Lower Egypt came to behold His Majesty's beauty, their legs being the +legs of women." *js gr nn \ nswt ḥ3(tj)w-^c^ nw T3-mḥw jj r m33 nfrw +ḥm=f rdwj=sn m rdwj ḥm.wt.*[^76] Nicolas-Christophe Grimal has +translated this part of the text in a way that suggests that the legs of +the kings and counts of Lower Egypt trembled like those of women.[^77] +One has to stress that the adjective *tremblant* (French trembling) is +not written in the text, but is rather assumed by Grimal. On the other +hand, Hans Goedicke translates the text so that instead of legs, he +interprets it as knees.[^78] According to Robert K. Ritner, this means +that they were trembling in fear,[^79] and similarly, according to Amr +el Hawary, this could indicate that the enemies of Piye had their legs +bent at the knees from fear.[^80] However, David O'Connor and Stephen +Quirke understand the text as a metaphor for the femininity of Piye's +enemies, because the legs of women are smooth skinned.[^81] Yet, +although both men and women shaved in Egypt and Nubia, we cannot assume +that body hair removal was restricted only to women. For Nubia at least +this is indicated by the description of Kushites in the Bible as tall +and smooth-skinned people (Isaiah 18: 7).[^82] Later in the text, it is +stated that three of these kings and counts stayed outside the palace +"because of their legs" (*r rdwj=sn*), and only one entered. el Hawary +postulates that this could be related to the previous comparison with +the legs of women.[^83] Another case is possibly alluded to later in the +same text, when it is stated "You return having conquered Lower Egypt; +making bulls into women" (*jw=k jy.tw* *ḥ3q.n=k T3-mḥw* *jr=k k3.w m +ḥm.wt*).[^84] Bearing in mind that in the Instructions of Ankhsheshonqy +(X, 20), an Egyptian text of the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BC), bulls are +contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them[^85], we can argue +that, in both cases, bulls stand for men, or at least masculinity, in +both the human and animal world. It is interesting that on the Triumphal +stela of Piye, women of the palace of the Lower Egyptian king Nimlot did +pay homage to Piye "after the manner of women" (*m* *ḫt* *ḥmwt*).[^86] +Maybe this indicates that there was also a manner in which men are +supposed to pay homage to the king, and that the defeated kings and +counts of Lower Egypt failed to do this, or at least the text wants us +to believe that. The failed masculinity of Nimlot in the text of the +stela was extensively studied most recently by Mattias Karlsson. Next to +the motives already mentioned, additional arguments are rich and +complex. Piye (Piankhi) is representing ideal masculinity contrasted +with failed masculinity of Nimlot. This can be observed both in the text +and in the iconography of the stela. For example, Nimlot is holding a +sistrum, a musical instrument usually linked to women (e.g., priestesses +of Hathor), and he stands behind his wife and usually the men are +frontal figures. His wife speaks for him and appears as the head of his +household.[^87] To these arguments, one can also add the fact that the +silhouette of the defeated Egyptian princes in proskynesis differs in +shape from usual representations of men. Their bodies seem to be curvier +as in Kushite depictions of women. An allusion of sexual domination is +not directly communicated but it might be that it was implied. + +There are other attestations of the feminization of enemies in texts +composed for the Kushite kings. In the Annals of Harsiyotef (Cairo JE +48864, line 89) we are informed about his conflicts with the Mededet +people in his 6^th^ regnal year. After taking spoils of war, the ruler +of Mededet was sent to Harsiyotef, saying: "You are my god. I am your +servant. I am a woman. Come to me" (*ntk p(3)=j* *nṯr* *jnk p(3)=k b3k* +*jnk* *sḥmt* *my j-r=j*).[^88] In this attestation, we have a direct +speech of the enemy, who, according to the text, identifies himself with +a woman. Of course, we are safe to assume that these words were put in +his mouth by the composer of the text of the stela. el Hawary has +already made a connection between the passage from the Annals of +Harsiyotef and this passage from the Triumphal stela of Piye, describing +the homage to Piye in a womanly manner. Interestingly, no such +attestations, as far as I am aware, are known from Egyptian +sources.[^89] + +# Meroitic Non-royal and Royal Women in War + +In Diodorus Siculus (1^st^ century BC), Agatharchides reports how the +Ethiopians employed women in war: "They also arm their women, defining +for them a military age. It is customary for most of these women to have +a bronze ring through one of their lips".[^90] This is repeated by +Strabo in first century AD.[^91] + +The conflict between Meroe and Rome was mentioned in the discussion of +the iconography of temple M250. One interesting aspect of this conflict +is the Roman perspective on the rulership of Meroe. Strabo mentions the +participation of a Meroitic queen in war against Rome, describing Queen +*Kandake* here as "a manly woman who had lost one of her eyes".[^92] We +should be careful with crediting such descriptions much value. Not only +did Strabo confuse a Meroitic royal title that probably indicated a +mother of a king[^93], but there is also a tendency among Graeco-Roman +authors to depict foreign women as masculine, thus creating an inverted +image to gender expectations in their own society. Such inversions could +have served the purpose of shocking their audience and enhancing the +otherness of the foreign lands and peoples. This is evidently an example +of ideological gender inversion used as a sign of barbarism, especially +towards foreign women, in the works of Strabo.[^94] + +Still, that the soldiers in the Roman army knew of a woman that was +referred to by her subjects simply as *kandake* is also demonstrated by +a ballista ball (British Museum EA 71839) with a carbon-ink inscription +KANAΞH/Kandaxe from Qasr Ibrim. On the ball, the second and third lines +of text can be understood as a personal message for the queen: "Just +right for you Kandaxe!".[^95] Clearly, it is questionable if the ones +who actually found themselves in Nubia during the conflict with Meroe +knew the name of the enemy ruler. It is also possible that they knew, +but referred to her as everyone else. + +# Meroitic QQueens and Enemies: Iconographic Evidence + +The smiting of an enemy scene originates from ancient Egyptian +iconography, with its earliest known evidence found in tomb 100 in +Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt, dated to the Naqada IIC period, around +3500 BC. In Egypt, the motif has remained in the decoration of temple +pylons, private and royal stelae, and small finds for more than 3500 +years. Its latest known appearance is found on temple reliefs from the +Roman period, where emperors Domitian, Titus, and Trajan are depicted +smiting. Kushite kings are also depicted smiting enemies, and the motif +was adopted from ancient Egyptian art.[^96] + +What differentiates the use of this motif in ancient Nubia during the +Meroitic period from its use both in the contemporary Roman province of +Egypt and in earlier periods of Nubian history is the fact that certain +queens are depicted smiting male enemies in Meroitic iconography. Some +ancient Egyptian queens are also depicted smiting enemies. However, +these enemies are always female when the figure who is delivering the +blow is depicted as a woman.[^97] This is because a king is never +depicted delivering harm to foreign women and children, at least in the +New Kingdom. The king always defeats the supposedly stronger enemy.[^98] +Although the inclusion of queen Nefertiti smiting female enemies +alongside scenes of Akhenaten smiting male enemies probably indicates +the elevation of her status during the period of his rule[^99], +Nefertiti is nevertheless not the dominant figure in such depictions. +The dominant figure remains the smiting king because of the gender of +the enemies he smites. Male enemies were considered more dangerous than +female. When a female ruler like Hatshepsut (ca. 1479-1458 BC) of the +18^th^ Dynasty is depicted smiting or trampling male enemies, she +herself is depicted as a king- a man- and her identity is indicated by +the accompanying text containing her name and royal titles.[^100] + +![Amanishakheto spearing enemies](../static/images/matic/fig4.jpg "Amanishakheto spearing enemies") + +**~~Figure 4. Amanishakheto spearing enemies, pylon, pyramid Begrawiya North 6, line drawing ([Chapman & [Dunham. *Decorated Chapels of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 17).~~** + + +The Meroitic case is interesting precisely because certain royal women +can be depicted smiting and spearing male enemies. Amanishakheto (1^st^ +century AD) is depicted spearing enemies on the pylon of her pyramid +Begrawiya North 6 in Meroe, both to the left and right of the pylon +entrance (Figure 4). On the left she holds a bow, an arrow, and a rope +in her left hand, and a spear in her right hand. The rope in her left +hand extends to the necks of the enemies, to which they are tied. Seven +enemies are depicted with rope tied around their necks and with their +arms tied behind their backs. On the right, Amanishakheto holds a rope +in her left hand, to which four enemies are bound around their necks. +Their arms are also bound behind their backs. In her right hand, she +holds a spear with which she spears the enemies.[^101] On her stela from +Naqa, she is depicted before the enthroned Lion God above a group of +bound enemies.[^102] + +![Shanakdakheto sitting on a throne with bound enemies underneath](../static/images/matic/fig5.jpg "Shanakdakheto sitting on a throne with bound enemies underneath") + +**~~Figure 5. Shanakdakheto sitting on a throne with bound enemies underneath, north wall, pyramid Begrawiya North 11, line drawing ([Chapman & [Dunham. *Decorated Chapels of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 7A).~~** + + +Bound enemies are additionally depicted under the throne of the queen on +the north wall of pyramid Begrawiya North 11 attributed to +Shanakdakheto, ca. 170-125 BC (Figure 5).[^103] Nine bows, the +traditional symbol for enemies originating from ancient Egypt, are +depicted under the throne of Amanitore, of the 1^st^ century AD (Figure +6), just as they are depicted under the throne of Natakamani in the +pyramid Begrawiya North 1 of queen Amanitore.[^104] + +![Amanitore sitting on a throne with the nine bows underneath](../static/images/matic/fig6.jpg "Amanitore sitting on a throne with the nine bows underneath") + +**~~Figure 6. Amanitore sitting on a throne with the nine bows underneath, south wall, pyramid Begrawiya North 1, line drawing ([Chapman & [Dunham. *Decorated Chapels of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 18B).~~** + + + +![Natakamani and Amanitore smiting enemies](../static/images/matic/fig7.jpg "Natakamani and Amanitore smiting enemies") + +**~~Figure 7. Natakamani and Amanitore smiting enemies, pylon of the temple of Naqa, line drawing ([Lepsius, *Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien* 10, B1. 56).~~** + + +Amanitore is depicted smiting enemies on the pylon of the Lion Temple in +Naga.[^105] There, she is paired with Natakamani, who is also depicted +smiting enemies (Figure 7). Natalia Pomerantseva interpreted this as +"hero worshiping of the woman-image" adding that "it is impossible to +imagine the frail Egyptian woman's figure in the part of chastisement of +enemies".[^106] Yet, as we have seen, some Egyptian royal women are +depicted in violent acts such as the smiting and trampling of female +enemies, and the reason they are not depicted doing the same to male +enemies is status related. If they would be depicted as women smiting or +trampling male enemies, this would elevate their status to the one of +kings. Clearly, attention was paid to avoid this. In the case of the +Meroitic queens, the gender of the enemy was not an issue. Jacke +Phillips has also emphasized that the smiting of the enemies by Merotic +queens is among the corpus of scenes which were formerly restricted to +kings, but did not take the argument further. The reason for the +creation of these scenes can be seen in the specific status of royal +women in Meroitic ideology.[^107] However, we also have to bear in mind +that, considering the number of known Napatan and Meroitic royal women, +the smiting scenes of Amanishakheto and Amanitore in the 1^st^ century +AD are an exception rather than rule. Interestingly, the smiting and +trampling scenes of Tiye and Nefertiti are also an exception rather than +the rule, and this exception in ancient Egyptian iconography has so far +been explained as a consequence of the increasing importance of royal +women both in politics and religion.[^108] We can certainly say +Amanishakheto and Amanitore also lived in exceptional times, during and +after the conflict of Meroe with Rome. It is possible that in these +times certain exceptional women rose to unparalleled positions.[^109] + +# Conclusion + +Gender as a frame of war has structured both Napatan and Meroitic texts, +from lists of the spoils of war to texts dealing with military +campaigns. In the first case, this is observable in the order that +different categories of prisoners of war are listed, namely enemy rulers +(men), then enemy men, women and children. This same structure for +prisoners of wars is found with only slight differences in ancient +Egyptian spoils of war examples,[^110] which is hardly a coincidence. +Since the earlier Napatan texts were written in Egyptian, their +structure, at least when lists of spoils of war are concerned, could +have been based on an Egyptian pattern. This then continued into the +Meroitic period. In the second case, namely the texts dealing with +military campaigns, the working of gender as a frame of war is +observable in the discursive feminization of enemies in Napatan texts. +Just like in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian texts[^111], enemies are +discursively framed as women, or as being feminine. This is in fact a +metaphor found in many cultures in which strength is associated with men +and weakness is associated with women. Rather than just framing the +power relations between the Kushite kings and their enemies, such +metaphors strengthen the gender structure of the society itself, +privileging the men and masculinity. By discursively taking away +masculinity from the enemies, these texts are framing them as +subordinate and thus legitimizing the subordination of women to men. +Unfortunately, the present state of knowledge of the Meroitic language +does not allow us to investigate possible feminizations of enemies in +the Hamadab stelae written in Meroitic. It would indeed be interesting +to know if the same metaphors are used. + +The reports of Graeco-Roman writers such as Agatharchides in Diodorus +Siculus and Strabo could have been a misunderstanding of Meroitic royal +ideology and the figure of *kandake*. We should, however, not entirely +exclude the possibility that women could have participated in war, +although we do not have any explicit ancient Nubian textual attestations +for this. We also do not have any burials attributed to "warrior women" +or "warrior queens," based on the placement of weapons as grave goods in +graves of women.[^112] Even if such burials were to be found, one would +have to be cautious in assigning military activity to women (or men) +simply because of the associated weapons. Muscular stress markers or +potential traces of trauma on the skeletons would be more indicative, +however both could also be found in burials without such associated +weapons. Nevertheless, one should not exclude the possibility that +Meroitic queens made military decisions, just like, for example, the +17^th^ Dynasty queen Ahmose or the 18^th^ Dynasty queen Hatshepsut in +Egypt[^113], though they probably did not fight in war. The depictions +of Meroitic queens smiting enemies should be seen in the context of +royal ideology. Unlike Egyptian queens, who are depicted as women +smiting enemies only when these enemies are also women, both Meroitic +kings and certain Meroitic queens are shown smiting and spearing enemy +men. There is no difference in the gender of the enemy, and therefore no +hierarchy. This can be explained with an elevated status of queenship in +Kush in comparison to ancient Egypt. Unlike in Egypt, where a ruling +woman like Hatshepsut had to be depicted as a man when smiting enemies, +a ruling woman in Meroe could be depicted as a woman smiting male +enemies. + +Clearly, gender was one of the frames of war in ancient Nubia, with a +tradition spanning several centuries and possibly even having ancient +Egyptian roots, at least when the structure of the spoils of war lists +and some metaphors for enemies are concerned. However, as I have shown, +there are certain expressions without parallels in ancient Egyptian +texts which testify to an independent but equally male-privileging +discourse. Gender as a frame of war (sensu Judith Butler) justified +state violence against enemies by discursively representing them as +women. In this manner, asymmetrical power relations in one domain (war) +were tied to asymmetrical power relations in another domain (gender). +This is a prime example of symbolic violence (sensu Pierre Bourdieu and +Slavoj Žižek). Gender relations which place Kushite and enemy women as +subordinate to Kushite men are naturalized through a reference to a +subordination of enemy men to Kushite men. Simultaneously, the lack of +explicit violence conducted against enemy women and children was in a +way "the cosmetic treatment of war", to use the words of Jean +Baudrillard. The frame of war such as this one, clearly influenced how +war and violence is represented and consequently experienced by local +audience which did not participate in war. Some forms of violence are +communicated to the local audience in a specific manner, relying on +asymmetrical power relations of gender. Other forms of violence which +probably occurred, such as violence against non-combatants, are +carefully avoided in texts and images. It was probably hard to justify +them. + +# Acknowledgments + +I would like to express my enormous gratitude to Jacqueline M. Huwyler, +M.A. (University of Basel) for proofreading the English of my paper. 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"Taharqa in Western Asia and Libya". +*Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies* 24 +(1993): pp. 188--191. + +Revez, Jean. "Une stèle inédite de la Troisième Période Intermédiaire à +Karnak: une guerre civile en Thébaïde?" *Cahiers de Karnak* 11 (2003), +pp. 535--569. + +Rilly, Claude. "New Advances in the Understanding of Royal +Meroitic Inscriptions." In *11th International Conference for Meroitic +Studies*. Abstract. 2008. +http://www.univie.ac.at/afrikanistik/meroe2008/abstracts/Abstract%20Rilly.pdf + +Rilly, Claude. "Meroitische Texte aus Naga." In +*Königsstadt Naga. Grabungen in der Wüste des Sudan*, edited by Karla +Kröper, Sylvia Schoske and Dietrich Wildung. München-Berlin: Staatliches +Museum Ägyptischer Kunst, 2011: pp. 176--201. + +Rilly, Claude. "Fragments of the Meroitic Report of the +War Between Rome and Meroe." *13th Conference for Nubian Studies, Sep +2014, Neuchâtel, Switzerland*, abstract. 2014 + +Rilly, Claude and De Voogt, Alex. *The +Meroitic Language and Writing System*. Cambridge: Cambridge University +Press, 2012. + +Ritner, Robert Kriech. *The Libyan Anarchy. Inscriptions +from Egypt's Third Intermediate Period*. Sociey of Biblical Literature +21. Atlanta: Society for Biblical Literature, 2009. + +Shinnie, Peter L. and Bradley, Rebecca J. +"The Murals from the Augustus Temple, Meroe." In *Studies in Ancient +Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan; Essays in honor of Dows Dunham on the +occasion of his 90th birthday, June 1, 1980*, edited by William Kelly +Simpson. Boston: Department of Egyptian and Ancient Near +Eastern Art, Museum of Fine Arts, 1981: pp. 167--172. + +Sørensen, Marie Louise Stig. *Gender Archaeology*. +Cambridge: Polity Press. + +Spalinger, Anthony J. "Notes on the military in Egypt +during the XXVth Dynasty*.*" *Journal of the Society for the Study of +Egyptian Antiquities* 11 (1981): pp. 37--58. + +Spalinger, Anthony J. *The Persistence of Memory in Kush. +Pianchy and His Temple*. Prague: Faculty of Arts, Charles University, +2019. + +Spalinger, Anthony J. *Leadership under fire: thre +pressures of warfare in Ancient Egypt. Four leçons at the Collège de +France. Paris, June 2019*. Pairs: Soleb, 2020. + +Strathern, Marylin. *Before and After Gender. Sexual +Mythologies of Everyday Life*. Chicago: HAU Books, 2016. + +Taterka, Filip. "Military expeditions of King Hatshepsut." +In *Current Research in Egyptology 2016. Proceedings of the Seventeenth +Annual Symposium. Jagiellonian University, Krakow 2016*, edited by Julia +M. Chyla, Joanna Dębowska-Ludwin, Karolina +Rosińska-Balik and Carl Walsh. Oxford: Oxbow +Books, 2017: pp. 90--106 + +Török, László. *Meroe City, an Ancient African Capital: +John Garstang\'s excavations in the Sudan*. London: Egypt Exploration +Society, 1997. + +Török, László. *The Kingdom of Kush. Handbook of the +Napatan-Meroitic Civilization*. Handbook of Oriental Studies 31. Leiden +and Boston: Brill, 1997. + +Török, László. *The Image of the Ordered World in Ancient +Nubian Art. The Construction of the Kushite Mind, 800 BC-300 AD*. +Probleme der Ägyptologie 18. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2002. + +Török, László. "Sacred Landscape, Historical Identity and +Memory: Aspects of Napatan and Meroitic Urban Architecture." In *Nubian +Studies 1998. Proceedings of the Ninth Conference of the International +Society of Nubian Studies. August 21-26, 1998, Boston, Massachusetts*, +edited by T. Kendall. Boston: Department of African-American Studies +Northeastern University, 2004: pp. 14--23. + +Török, László. *Between the Two Worlds: The Frontier +Region between Ancient Nubia and Egypt 3700 BC-500 AD*. Probleme der +Ägyptologie 29. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2009. + +Williamson, Jacquelyn, "Alone before the God: Gender, +Status, and Nefertiti's Image" *Journal of the American Research Center +in Egypt* 51 (2015): pp. 179--192. + +Wilkins, Alan., Barnard, Hans & +Rose, J. Pamela. "Roman Artillery Balls from Qasr Ibrim, +Egypt" *Sudan and Nubia* 10 (2006): pp. 64--78. + +Wenig, Steffen (ed.). *Africa in Antiquity. The Arts of +Ancient Nubia and the Sudan. I. The Essays. II. The Catalogue*. New +York: Brooklyn Museum, 1978. + +Wöß, Florian. "The Representations of Captives and Enemies +in Meroitic Art." In *The Kushite World. Proceedings of the 11th +International Conference for Meroitic Studies, Vienna, 1-4 September +2008*. Beiträre zur Sudanforschung 8, edited by Michael H. Zach. Vienna: +Verein der. Förderer der Sudanforschung, 2015: pp. 585--600. + +Zach, Michael H. "A Remark on the 'Akinidad' Stela REM +1003 (British Museum EA 1650)." Sudan and Nubia 21 (2007): pp. 148--150. + +Žižek, Slavoj. *Violence. Six Sideways Reflections*. New +York: Picador, 2008. + +[^1]: For criticism of androcentrism, see [Conkey & + Spector]{.smallcaps}, "Archaeology and the Study of Gender." 5--14; + for criticism of heteronormative interpretations of the past, see + [Dowson]{.smallcaps}, "Why Queer Archaeology? An Introduction." + 161--165; for giving voices to ancient women and recognizing + different genders behind the archaeological record, see + [Gilchrist,]{.smallcaps} *Gender and Archaeology*; + [Sørensen,]{.smallcaps} *Gender Archaeology*; + [Díaz-Andreu]{.smallcaps}, "Gender identity." 1--42, for viewing + gender as a system, see [Conkey & Spector,]{.smallcaps} "Archaeology + and the Study of Gender." 4--16, for gender as a result of + performative practice, see [Perry & Joyce]{.smallcaps}, " Providing + a past for Bodies that Matter: Judith Butler\'s impact on the + archaeology of gender". The literature in gender archaeology is vast + and these are only some frequently quoted studies. + +[^2]: [Haaland & Haaland]{.smallcaps}, "Who Speaks the Goddess's + Language?"; [Haaland]{.smallcaps}, "Emergence of sedentism"; + [Nordström]{.smallcaps}, "Gender and social structure in the Nubian + A-group". + +[^3]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. *Die königlichen Frauen*; + [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "Queenship in Kush: Status, role and + ideology of royal women", 61--76; [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "The Role + and Status of Royal Women in Kush" 61--72. + +[^4]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "Gibt es mehr als zwei Geschlechter? Zum + Verhältnis von Gender und Alter", 33--41. + +[^5]: [Phillips]{.smallcaps}. "Women in Ancient Nubia" 280--298; The + necessity of studying gender, rather than focusing solely on women + has also been emphasized recently, [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps} & + [Philipps]{.smallcaps}, "Women in Ancient Kush", 1015--1032. + +[^6]: [Hafsaas-Tsakos]{.smallcaps}, "Edges of bronze and expressions of + masculinity"; [Karlsson]{.smallcaps}, "Gender and Kushite State + Ideology". + +[^7]: The contributions in the volume are entirely devoid of gender + perspectives, [Raue]{.smallcaps}. *Handbook of Ancient Nubia*. For + example, the new *Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia* has an entry on + women in ancient Kush and on the body, but no entry on gender. Other + contributions are entirely devoid of gender perspectives. + +[^8]: Among these are the questions of ability and disability, gender + and intersectionality, and masculinity. [Danielsson]{.smallcaps} & + [Thedéen]{.smallcaps}. *To Tender Gender*. + +[^9]: [Jensen]{.smallcaps} & [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Introduction: Why do + we need archaeologies of gender and violence, and why now?" 1--23. + +[^10]: [Bourdieu]{.smallcaps}. *Masculine Domination*, 1--2; Bourdieu. + "Symbolic Violence" 339--342; [Žižek]{.smallcaps}. *Violence. Six + Sideways Reflections,* 1--2; For the application of these concepts + in archaeology and Egyptology, see [Jensen]{.smallcaps} & + [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Introduction: Why do we need archaeologies of + gender and violence, and why now?" 1--23; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. + "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and Children in NK Battle Scenes." + 245--260; Matić. *Body and Frames of War*, 139--148; + [Matić]{.smallcaps}, *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*. + +[^11]: For example, see, [Kuhrt.]{.smallcaps} "Women and War." 1--25. + +[^12]: [Matić]{.smallcaps} "Die \'\'römische\'\' Feinde in der + meroitischen Kunst." 251--262; [Spalinger]{.smallcaps}. *The + Persistence of Memory in Kush*. [Spalinger,]{.smallcaps} *Leadership + under fire,* 201--242; [Wöß]{.smallcaps}. "The Representations of + Captives and Enemies in Meroitic Art." 585--600. + +[^13]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and + violence in depictions of Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies." + 103--121; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and + Children in NK Battle Scenes." 245--260; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body + and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, 139--148; Matić. *Violence + and Gender in Ancient Egypt*. + +[^14]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *Frames of War*, 1--10. + +[^15]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *Frames of War*, 26. + +[^16]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *Frames of War*, 65. + +[^17]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *The Force of Non-Violence*, 6. + +[^18]: Crenshaw "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A + Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist + Theory and Antiracist Politics". + +[^19]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "The best of the booty of His Majesty: + Evidence for foreign child labor in New Kingdom Egypt." 53--63; + [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Begehrte Beute. Fremde Frauen als Raubgut im + Alten Ägypten." 15--18. + +[^20]: The author is currently working on a comprehensive study of the + ancient Egyptian and Nubian lists of spoils of war from the Egyptian + Early Dynastic to Nubian Meroitic period, [Matić]{.smallcaps}, + "Pharaonic Plunder Economy". + +[^21]: [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I. Text,* 9; + [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I. Plates*, Pls. 5-6; + FHN I, 175. + +[^22]: [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I*. *Text*, 36; + [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I.* *Plates*, Pls. + 11--12; FHN I, 173. + +[^23]: [Redford]{.smallcaps}. "Taharqa in Western Asia and Libya." 190. + The stela actually does not bear the name of Taharqa and Jean Revez + attributed it to an entirely different dynasty, Revez, "Une stèle + inédite de la Troisième Période Intermédiaire à Karnak: une guerre + civile en Thébaïde?". + +[^24]: Pope. *The Double Kingdom under Taharqo*, 98-106. + +[^25]: [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I. Plates*, Pl. 15; + FHN I, 222. + +[^26]: For appointing prisoners of war to temples and temple workshops + in New Kingdom Egypt see, [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "The best of the + booty of His Majesty: Evidence for foreign child labor in New + Kingdom Egypt." 53--63. + +[^27]: FHN II, 447. + +[^28]: FHN II, 449. + +[^29]: FHN II, 487; [Peust]{.smallcaps}. *Das Napatanische*, 40. + +[^30]: [Pope]{.smallcaps}. *The Double Kingdom under Taharqo*, 105. + +[^31]: FHN II, 488. + +[^32]: It is also possible that some of them ended up enslaved in the + Mediterranean world, Burstein, "The Nubian Slave Trade in Antiquity: + A Suggestion". + +[^33]: FHN II, 489. + +[^34]: FHN II; 489--490. + +[^35]: FHN II, 490. + +[^36]: FHN II, 491. + +[^37]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. "Sacred Landscape, Historical Identity and + Memory." 161; For the same practice in ancient Egypt, at least until + the New Kingdom, see [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "The best of the booty of + His Majesty: Evidence for foreign child labor in New Kingdom Egypt." + 53--63. + +[^38]: FHN II; 722-723; The connection to the conflict with Rome has + been challenged since, [Zach]{.smallcaps}. "A Remark on the + 'Akinidad' Stela REM 1003 (British Museum EA 1650)." 148. + +[^39]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "New Advances in the Understanding of Royal + Meroitic Inscriptions."; [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Meroitische Texte aus + Naga."; [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Fragments of the Meroitic Report of + the War Between Rome and Meroe." + +[^40]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 209; + see also [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Meroe City*, 104. + +[^41]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Meroe City*, 104. + +[^42]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *The Kingdom of Kush*, 401; + [Török]{.smallcaps}. *The Image of the Ordered World*, 219--220. + +[^43]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 262. + +[^44]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*; + [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 2b*. + +[^45]: He adds that the archaizing iconography and style of the war + reliefs of the south and north walls of M250 were based on 25th + dynasty Kushite monuments, and supposes that this archaizing + iconography was mediated by the early temple at the site, which was + built during Aspelta's reign, and whose reliefs could have been + copied on M250, [Török.]{.smallcaps} *The Image of the Ordered + World*, 213. The 25th dynasty connections are seen, for example, in + the motif of spearing the enemy using a lance by piercing the enemy + almost horizontally from above-fragments 809, 876, 828, 808, 857, + 836, 916, 917, 928, [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe + 250*. I. 2b. This motif is known from the Amun temple at Gebel + Barkal B500, from the reign of Piye, [Spalinger]{.smallcaps}. "Notes + on the military in Egypt during the XXVth Dynasty." 48, Figs. 3 and + 4. + +[^46]: [Wenig]{.smallcaps}. *Africa in Antiquity*, 59--60. + +[^47]: [Hofmann]{.smallcaps}. "Notizen zu den Kampfszenen am sogenannten + Sonnentempel von Meroe." 519--521. + +[^48]: [Chapman & Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels of the + Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 17. + +[^49]: [Shinnie]{.smallcaps} & [Bradley]{.smallcaps}. "The Murals from + the Augustus Temple, Meroe." 168, Fig. 1; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Der + Kopf einer Augustus-Statue aus Meroe". 70, Abb. 7. + +[^50]: [Wöß]{.smallcaps}. "The Representations of Captives and Enemies + in Meroitic Art." 589. + +[^51]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "Kush and her Neighbours beyond the Nile + Valley In The Fourth Cataract and Beyond." 131. + +[^52]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol. + VIII*, 139. + +[^53]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, + 189--190. + +[^54]: [Minas-Nerpel]{.smallcaps} & [Pfeiffer]{.smallcaps}. + "Establishing Roman Rule in Egypt: The Trilingual Stela of C. + Cornelius Gallus from Philae." 285--288. + +[^55]: [Kormysheva]{.smallcaps}. "Political relations between the Roman + Empire." 306; [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Between the Two Worlds*, + 434--436. + +[^56]: [Jameson]{.smallcaps}. "Chronology of the Campaigns of Aelius + Gallus and C. Petronius." 77; [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Between the Two + Worlds*, 441. + +[^57]: [Török.]{.smallcaps} *The Kingdom of Kush*, 449; + [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Between the Two Worlds*, 441. + +[^58]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Meroe City*, 185. + +[^59]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 142. + +[^60]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 139. + +[^61]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, + 140--141, 257, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42; Abb. 95. + +[^62]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 140. + 257; Abb. 38, Abb. 95. + +[^63]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250*. I. 2b, C10. + +[^64]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250*. I. 2b, C10. + +[^65]: For example, in tribute scenes from the tombs of Useramun-TT 131, + Rekhmire-TT 100, Horemhab-TT 78 but also the Beit el-Wali temple of + Ramesses II, [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Children on the move: ms.w wr.w + in the New Kingdom procession scenes." 378--379, Fig. 12. + +[^66]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 189. + +[^67]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol. + VIII*, 139. + +[^68]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, + 138--139, Abb. 37b. + +[^69]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *The Image of the Ordered World,* 220; + [Breyer]{.smallcaps}. *Einführung in die Meroitistik*, 67. + +[^70]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol. + VIII*, 139. + +[^71]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps} & [De Voogt]{.smallcaps}. *The Meroitic + Language and Writing System*, 185 + +[^72]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Meroitische Texte aus Naga." 190; + [Matić]{.smallcaps} "Die \'\'römische\'\' Feinde in der meroitischen + Kunst." 258. + +[^73]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and Children + in NK Battle Scenes." 245--260; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body and + Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, 139--148. + +[^74]: [Strathern]{.smallcaps}. *Before and After Gender*, 21. + +[^75]: Parkinson, "Homosexual' desire and Middle Kingdom literature"; + [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body and Frames of War*, 139--148; + [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*. + +[^76]: [Grimal]{.smallcaps}. *La Stèle Triomphale,* 177; FHN I, 111. + +[^77]: [Grimal]{.smallcaps}. *La Stèle Triomphale*, 176. + +[^78]: [Goedicke]{.smallcaps}. *Pi(ankhy) in Egypt*, 172. + +[^79]: [Ritner]{.smallcaps}. *The Libyan Anarchy*, 492. + +[^80]: [el Hawary]{.smallcaps}. *Wortschöpfung*, 243. + +[^81]: [O'Connor]{.smallcaps} & [Quirke]{.smallcaps}. "Introduction: + Mapping the Unknown in Ancient Egypt." 18. + +[^82]: For a detailed analysis see Lavik, *A People Tall and + Smooth-Skinned*. + +[^83]: [el Hawary]{.smallcaps}. *Wortschöpfung*, 281. + +[^84]: [Ritner]{.smallcaps}. *The Libyan Anarchy*. 477, 490. + +[^85]: [Dieleman]{.smallcaps}, "Fear of Women?" 14. + +[^86]: FHN I, 84. + +[^87]: [Karlsson]{.smallcaps}. "Gender and Kushite State Ideology". + +[^88]: FHN II, 450. + +[^89]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*. + +[^90]: FHN II, 653. + +[^91]: FHN III, 816. + +[^92]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol. + VII*I, 139. + +[^93]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "The Role and Status of Royal Women in + Kush" 64; [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps} & [Philipps]{.smallcaps}, "Women + in Ancient Kush", 1021. + +[^94]: [McCoskey]{.smallcaps}. "Gender at the crossroads of empire". + 61--68. + +[^95]: [Wilkins]{.smallcaps}, [Barnard]{.smallcaps} & + [Rose]{.smallcaps}. "Roman Artillery Balls from Qasr Ibrim, Egypt." + 71, 75, Pl. 8, 4F. + +[^96]: [Hall]{.smallcaps}. *The Pharaoh Smites His Enemy*, 44. + +[^97]: Queen Tiye (ca. 1398-1338 BC) of the 18th Dynasty is depicted + trampling over enemies in the guise of a female sphinx. Queen + Nefertiti (ca. 1370-? BC) of the same dynasty is depicted both + smiting enemies and trampling over them in the guise of a sphinx. I + argued that we can observe a clear gender structure behind such + images, and that the status of queens smiting enemies is lower than + the status of the king smiting male enemies, [Matić]{.smallcaps}. + "Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and violence in depictions of + Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies." 103--121. + +[^98]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and + violence in depictions of Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies." + 103--121; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and + Children in NK Battle Scenes." 245--260; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body + and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, 139--148. + +[^99]: [Williamson]{.smallcaps}. "Alone before the God: Gender, Status, + and Nefertiti's Image." 179--192. + +[^100]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*. + +[^101]: [Chapman]{.smallcaps} & [Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels + of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 17. + +[^102]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Meroitische Texte aus Naga." Abb. 218. + +[^103]: [Chapman]{.smallcaps} & [Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels + of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 7A. + +[^104]: [Chapman]{.smallcaps} & [Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels + of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pls. 18B. and 18D. + +[^105]: [Gamer-Wallert]{.smallcaps}. *Der Löwentempel von Naqa in der + Butana (Sudan) III*, Bl. 1-2. + +[^106]: [Pomerantseva]{.smallcaps}. "The View on Meroitic Kings and + Queens as it is Reflected in their Iconography." 625. + +[^107]: [Phillips]{.smallcaps}. "Women in Ancient Nubia" 292. + +[^108]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and + violence in depictions of Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies." + 116--117. + +[^109]: For exceptionality and the possible divinization of Amanirenas + (1st century AD) see [Zach]{.smallcaps}. "A Remark on the 'Akinidad' + Stela REM 1003 (British Museum EA 1650)." 149. + +[^110]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}, "Pharaonic Plunder Economy". + +[^111]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*. + +[^112]: For weapons in female burials of the Kerma period interpreted as + symbols of status, see, [Hafsaas-Tsakos]{.smallcaps}, "Edges of + bronze and expressions of masculinity." 89. Henriette + [Hafsaas-Tsakos]{.smallcaps} has in personal communication informed + me that she considers investigating this topic further and maybe + revising her conclusions. + +[^113]: For the military activities of Ahmose and Hatshepsut see, + [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*; + [Taterka]{.smallcaps}. "Military expeditions of King Hatshepsut." + 90--106. diff --git a/content/issue/dotawo8.md b/content/issue/dotawo8.md index 9bf663b..fcb81e7 100644 --- a/content/issue/dotawo8.md +++ b/content/issue/dotawo8.md @@ -1,7 +1,7 @@ --- title: "Dotawo 8: War in the Sudan" editors: ["henriettehafsaas.md"] -has_articles: ["matic.md", "tsakos.md", "honegger.md"] +has_articles: ["matic.md", "tsakos.md", "honegger.md", "urosmatic.md"] --- # Preface by the Editor