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---
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title: "Stereotypes and Negative Indexes of the Nubians in Egypt"
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authors: ["asmaataha.md"]
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abstract: This paper examines the stigmatized portrayal of Nubians, particularly Fadija and Kunuz speakers, in Egyptian media, focusing on negative stereotypes that continue to permeate these representations. Nubian speakers of Fadija and Mattoki are frequently depicted as unintelligible in Arabic, blackfaced, and confined to lower-class roles. Terms such as *barbari* (barbarian), and *bijtkalem ʕarabi mekasar* (speaking broken Arabic) reinforce social and racial biases, fostering prejudice and discrimination. As a result, some Nubians feel compelled to adopt Arabic to avoid mockery and marginalization. Nonetheless, many Nubians remain resolute in preserving their mother tongues to maintain cultural identity, linguistic heritage, and ideological values. Applying the theory of indexicality, this study explores how both linguistic and non-linguistic elements—including language, dress, occupation, skin color, and character traits—are utilized in media to perpetuate negative stereotypes. It underscores the importance of learning Nubian languages at home to sustain linguistic diversity and preserve cultural values deeply rooted in Nubian homescapes. The study reveals how media producers deliberately create and reinforce negative racial and social indexes, shaping public perceptions of Nubians. It also investigates how Nubian speakers perceive and resist these stereotypes by preserving their language and culture within their households. Nubian homes are presented not merely as physical dwellings but as vibrant embodiments of history, identity, and social structure. While Arabic proficiency is associated with prestige and social status in domains such as education, religion, and media, the paper emphasizes the need for public awareness and counter-narratives to foster positive representations of Nubian language and culture. It concludes that language preservation within the home is crucial for cultural continuity and combating negative portrayals of Nubians in Egyptian media.
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abstract: This paper examines the stigmatized portrayal of Nubians, particularly Fadija and Kunuz speakers, in Egyptian media, focusing on negative stereotypes that continue to permeate these representations. Nubian speakers of Fadija and Mattoki are frequently depicted as unintelligible in Arabic, blackfaced, and confined to lower-class roles. Terms such as 'barbari' (barbarian), and 'bijtkalem ʕarabi mekasar' (speaking broken Arabic) reinforce social and racial biases, fostering prejudice and discrimination. As a result, some Nubians feel compelled to adopt Arabic to avoid mockery and marginalization. Nonetheless, many Nubians remain resolute in preserving their mother tongues to maintain cultural identity, linguistic heritage, and ideological values. Applying the theory of indexicality, this study explores how both linguistic and non-linguistic elements—including language, dress, occupation, skin color, and character traits—are utilized in media to perpetuate negative stereotypes. It underscores the importance of learning Nubian languages at home to sustain linguistic diversity and preserve cultural values deeply rooted in Nubian homescapes. The study reveals how media producers deliberately create and reinforce negative racial and social indexes, shaping public perceptions of Nubians. It also investigates how Nubian speakers perceive and resist these stereotypes by preserving their language and culture within their households. Nubian homes are presented not merely as physical dwellings but as vibrant embodiments of history, identity, and social structure. While Arabic proficiency is associated with prestige and social status in domains such as education, religion, and media, the paper emphasizes the need for public awareness and counter-narratives to foster positive representations of Nubian language and culture. It concludes that language preservation within the home is crucial for cultural continuity and combating negative portrayals of Nubians in Egyptian media.
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keywords: ["Egypt", "Nubians", "linguistics", "stigmatized", "indexicality", "identity"]
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---
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@ -212,7 +212,7 @@ societal and cultural values and ideologies.
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This article\'s data spans seventy years, including movies, soap operas,
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cartoons, music videos, and documentary movies. Notably, many of the
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documentaries have been filmed in people\'s homes. I posit that
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documentaries have been filmed in peoples' homes. I posit that
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producers utilize three resources to portray Nubians in movies and soap
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operas: linguistic resources, visual resources, and literary resources.
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The examples in this article are derived from well-known Egyptian movies
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@ -264,7 +264,7 @@ and Tracy, discourse analysts, emphasizing that signaling context and
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reinforcing pragmatic signs are crucial for effective communication.
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They define indexicality as "the function by which linguistic and
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nonlinguistic signs point to aspects of context."[^17] According to
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them, indexicality is closely related to deixis and they could even be
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Hughes and Tracy, indexicality is closely related to deixis and they could even be
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"sometimes interchangeable," but they consider deixis to be a specific
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type of indexicality, which helps participants navigate the oral or
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written discourse frame through understanding references. Indexical and
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@ -333,7 +333,7 @@ media creators. These choices are designed not only to reflect and
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reinforce their ideological perspectives, but also to cater to audience
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expectations and stereotypes. By perpetuating these negative portrayals,
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media producers exploit prejudices and biases to attract larger
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viewership and generate higher profits. It also reflects the wider media
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viewership and generate higher profits. These portrayals also reflect the wider media
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assumptions of Nubians' social and political roles in the Egyptian
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society.
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@ -363,7 +363,7 @@ salient visual and literary features of Nubians that carry second-order
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indexes.
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After investigating various Egyptian soap operas and films in terms of
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character roles, traits, dress codes, and visual features, it is evident
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character roles, traits, dress codes, and visual features, I argue
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that consistent patterns and attitudes shape the use of these literary
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and visual elements, along with linguistic features. Nubians, in
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particular, are often depicted in subordinate and inferior roles,
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@ -582,7 +582,7 @@ that non-competent Fadija bilingual speakers had a tendency to add the
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suffix -a to borrowed Arabic words such as *aneeda* 'stubborn.'[^36]
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Nevertheless, do Nubians, considering all the generations that have
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emerged since the early relocations for the Aswan Dam construction in
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emerged since the early relocations because of the Aswan Dam construction in
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1905, still face language proficiency and accuracy issues? Are Nubians
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today merely monolingual speakers of Nubian? Do they still have the
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stereotypical heavy accent of Arabic that is still portrayed in the
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@ -644,7 +644,7 @@ with Fadija Nobiin speakers to show how they perceive the negative
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indexes attributed to themselves and the Nubian language in the Egyptian
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media.
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# Discussion
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# Discussion: Results and findings summary
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To analyze the discussion data, I coded the discussion data and then
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created a graph for each question to organize and categorize the
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@ -652,11 +652,9 @@ collected data visually. This section presents the study discussion
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results, their frequencies, and some of the participants' statements and
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opinions.
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**~~Figure 3. The graph shows the responses of participants regarding the early representation of Nubians in the media.~~**
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## Early Nubian representations in the Egyptian media
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Graph 3 represents the distribution of the first discussion question. As
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The distribution of the first discussion question is presented in Graph 3. As
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Figure 3 reveals there are twenty-one participants stating that the
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early representations of Nubians in the Egyptian media are
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discriminatory and prejudicial (95%), while one participant indicated
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@ -666,6 +664,10 @@ in Cairo, added that the media, including movies, at that time was
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informative about Nubians and their lives. From her point of view,
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Nubians in these movies, for example, were portrayed as trustworthy
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people who are famous for their excellent personal hygiene and honesty.
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**~~Figure 3. The graph shows the responses of participants regarding the early representation of Nubians in the media.~~**
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On the other hand, Dr. Mohammad Ali-Bik asserts that media makers
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consistently presented a stereotypical exaggerated image of Nubians
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portrayed as less sophisticated and naïve, even though, in reality, they
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@ -682,7 +684,8 @@ dramatic narrative that appeals to viewers\' preconceptions and biases,
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making the content more marketable. Consequently, media producers
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benefit financially from the commercial success of their productions,
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reinforcing negative stereotypes and continuing a cycle of profit-driven
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exploitation. Dr. Ali-Bik believes that the government has failed to
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exploitation.
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Dr. Ali-Bik believes that the government has failed to
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protect these minorities, including Nubians, and has not taken
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sufficient steps to include them in Egyptian media production and media
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channels. This exclusion exacerbates the issue, leaving Nubians
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@ -703,7 +706,7 @@ were typical professions occupied by those who migrated to Cairo and
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Alexandria in the early 20th century, particularly during the
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significant relocations for High Dam construction between 1902 and 1964.
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These early migrations were largely influenced by limited educational
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opportunities and the positive character traits associated with Nubians.
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opportunities and the well-earned reputation of Nubians as trustworthy, diligent, hardworking, honest, and faithful individuals.
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However, Nubians continue to be depicted primarily in lower-class jobs,
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overlooking the distinguished and reputable careers they hold today.
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Participants noted that among the discriminatory attitudes reflected in
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@ -712,6 +715,8 @@ unintelligible or incompetent Arabic and their dark skin. The media
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extensively and offensively emphasizes these pejorative images,
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perpetuating negative stereotypes prevalent in Egypt.
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## Have the Nubian representations in the media recently changed?
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Figure 4 shows that 55% of the participants believe that there are still
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negative representations of Nubians in the media channels. In
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comparison, 32% think there is a slightly positive attitude in their
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@ -742,12 +747,9 @@ the representation of Nubians in movies and soap operas. Discussions of
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media platforms such as social media are outside the scope of this
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paper.
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**~~Figure 5. The graph presents Nubians views regarding their portrayals in movies and soap operas.~~**
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## Portrayals of Nubians in movies and soap operas
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As shown in Figure 5, there is a total consensus among Nubians that
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there is a high prejudice and bigotry in Egyptian soap operas and
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movies. A sixty-year-old speaker asserts that "not only there is
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There is a total consensus among Nubians that there is a high prejudice and bigotry in Egyptian soap operas and movies as shown in Figure 5. A sixty-year-old speaker asserts that "not only there is
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bullying and mockery, but also direct insults and slurs on films and
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soap operas." Another female speaker in her thirties mentioned that
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non-Nubian Egyptians are ignorant of Nubians, their culture, and their
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@ -766,6 +768,9 @@ and attitudes in film and showed productions, including racism,
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belittling, generalization, and bias that stigmatize and defame their
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reputations.
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**~~Figure 5. The graph presents Nubians views regarding their portrayals in movies and soap operas.~~**
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Alternatively, Nubian representations in documentary movies are very
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objective, as shown in Figure 6 below. The widespread consensus
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responses indicate that the documentary movies represent authentic
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@ -782,12 +787,9 @@ Notable examples include *aj-ga ʤilli* 'Remember me',[^38] uploaded in
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2011 and *Sono* 'roots' in 2020,[^39] both of them offering viewers a
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more accurate and respectful look at the richness of Nubian culture.
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## Depictions of Nubians in documentary movies
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**~~Figure 6. The graph exhibits objective Nubian portrayal in documentary movies.~~**
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Similarly, music videos have an essential and promising role in
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Similarly, music video clips have an essential and promising role in
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maintaining the Nubian language and cultural heritage.[^40] These music
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videos are also accessible on YouTube and discuss vital issues such as
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migration, relocation, family bonds, solidarity, religion, and other
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@ -798,10 +800,10 @@ Nubian representations in music videos amounts to 18% compared to the
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frequency of the ingenuine representations of Nubians in YouTube video
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clips.
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**~~Figure 6. The graph exhibits objective Nubian portrayal in documentary movies.~~**
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**~~Figure 7. The graph shows responses of Nubian participants about their portrayal in music videos.~~**
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## How are the Nubians portrayed in music video cips?
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Participant 22, a young male in his twenties, explained that Nubian
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music videos have "Touched the hearts and souls of millions of
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@ -818,23 +820,28 @@ culture and preserving both language and tradition. Moreover, they have
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had a positive impact on both Nubian and non-Nubian Egyptians, helping
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to keep the Nubian music and folklore alive.
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**~~Figure 7. The graph shows responses of Nubian participants about their portrayal in music videos.~~**
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## The role played by Mounir and his songs in promoting Nubian culture and language
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While discussing their portrayal in the videotaped songs, all Nobiin
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participants referred to Mohamed Mounir, a popular and accomplished
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Fadija Nobiin singer and actor. With that mentioned, I was eager to know
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what the participant thinks about his role in promoting and preserving
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the Nubian culture and language. Mounir sings in Arabic and Nobiin
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languages integrating various genres into his music including Egyptian,
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Nubian, blues, jazz, and reggae. He is considered an iconic singer, and
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he is known by his fans in Egypt and Germany as *il-malik* 'the king' in
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reference to a play. He is among the Nubians who had to relocate to
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Cairo following the floods and Aswan Dam construction. Throughout his
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songs, he addresses various philosophical, social, and political issues.
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In total, he performed in twelve movies, four TV shows, and three plays.
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Mounir has about ten Nubian songs out of 350 and has over twenty-four
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albums. Some of Mounir's Nubian songs are translated into Arabic and
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accessible on YouTube and social media. In addition, he was the lead
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actor on a TV show titled *il-muɣani* 'the singer,' which aired on
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television and YouTube in 2016. The TV show revolves around Mounir's
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Fadija Nobiin singer and actor. Mounir, who sings in both Arabic and Nobiin
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incororates diverse musical genres into his work, including Egyptian,
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Nubian, blues, jazz, and reggae. Widely regarded as an iconic artist,
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he is affectionately known by his fans in both Egypt and Germany as *il-malik* 'the king',
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a title inspired by one of his popular plays.
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Mounir is among the Nubians who were displaced to
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Cairo following the floods and the construction of the Aswan High Dam.
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He addresses prfound philosophical, social, and political issues throughout his songs.
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Over his career, he has performed in twelve movies, four TV shows, three plays, and released more than 24 albums.
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Of his 350 songs, approximately ten are in the Nubian language,
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some of which have been translated into Arabic and are
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accessible on platforms YouTube and social media.
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In 2016, Mounir starred in the TV show titled *il-muɣani* 'the singer,' which aired on
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television and YouTube. The TV show revolves around Mounir's
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personal and professional life, his Nubian heritage, and raising
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important issues for Nubians in Egypt including Nubian forced
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relocations, the sacredness of the Nile River to Nubians, and various
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@ -858,7 +865,7 @@ this question, Mounir asserts that he does not
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> tragedy the free soldiers committed against the Nubians. They drove
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> them out of their homes and didn't attempt to preserve their culture.
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As shown in Figure 9, below, the total of speakers who believe that
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With that mentioned, I was eager to know what the participant thinks about his role in promoting and preserving the Nubian culture and language. As shown in Figure 9, the total of speakers who believe that
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Mohamed Mounir plays a crucial role in supporting the Nubian language,
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culture, and people is 73% or sixteen participants. In comparison, 23%
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(five participants) stated that his role is only partially crucial, with
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@ -870,7 +877,8 @@ Mounir "deforms the traditional Nubian music by mixing up different
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genres and tones, however, he slightly helped in raising awareness of
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our language and culture". On the other hand, participant 10, a male in
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his fifties, elaborated that Mounir "plays a tremendous role in
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increasing awareness about Nubians. Non-Nubian Egyptians know some of
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increasing awareness about Nubians.
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Non-Nubian Egyptians know some of
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his songs by heart even without understanding them. He further explained
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that Mounir's music often incorporates traditional Nubian rhythms and
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themes, which resonate with listeners across different backgrounds."
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@ -878,6 +886,7 @@ themes, which resonate with listeners across different backgrounds."
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**~~Figure 9. The graph reflects the participants' views about Mounir's role.~~**
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## The authenticity of the white galabia for men and the blacxk gargaar for women used in music video clips and documentaries
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The traditional Nubian clothing is white *galabia*, "a white garment"
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for males, and a black *gargaar*, "a black dress, usually colored
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@ -888,8 +897,8 @@ headscarves. Discussion question seven aimed to show how the
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participants feel about the recurring pattern of clothing authenticity
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in the production of songs and documentary movies.
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**~~Figure 10. The picture portrays a woman and man wearing traditional Nubian clothing. Source: Twitter (2000).~~**
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**~~Figure 10. The picture portrays a woman and a man wearing traditional Nubian clothing. Source: Twitter (2000).~~**
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The survey found that 77% of the participants concluded that the white
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@ -909,20 +918,21 @@ the participants are from urban (Cairo) or non-urban cities (Aswan and
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Luxor), age differences, and whether they are native or heritage
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speakers of Nobiin.
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Interestingly, the age range of the five participants who believe that
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**~~Figure 11. The graph compares the distribution of the clothing authenticity utilized in music songs and documentaries.~~**
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Figure 11 shows the
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frequency of participants' responses to the authenticity of Nubian
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clothing representations in music videos and documentary movies. Interestingly, the age range of the five participants who believe that
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clothing authenticity in music videos is partially true to life,
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amounting to 23% of clothing authenticity in music videos data, is from
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the twenties to forties and they are all heritage Nubian speakers, born
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and raised in Cairo. The traditional national Nubian clothing is still
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used nowadays and is a unique part of the Nubian culture, so visually
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presenting the traditional apparel in media productions is a remarkable
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and distinctive feature to honor the culture. Figure 11 shows the
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frequency of participants' responses to the authenticity of Nubian
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clothing representations in music videos and documentary movies.
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**~~Figure 11. The graph compares the distribution of the clothing authenticity utilized in music songs and documentaries.~~**
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and distinctive feature to honor the culture.
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## Nubian costumes used by music bands on YouTube and TV shows
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Moving from the apparel represented and utilized in videotaped songs and
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documentaries, we are now in a position to present the discussion
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@ -958,6 +968,7 @@ programs.
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**~~Figure 13. The graph shows the communal agreement of the costume unauthenticity.~~**
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## The portrayal of Nubians in the *Bakkar* cartoon
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The last discussion question was dedicated to learning about the
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opinions of the participating speakers in a famous Egyptian cartoon show
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