added italics everywhere for translit.
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3 changed files with 269 additions and 270 deletions
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@ -79,18 +79,18 @@ The first person singular subject pronoun in East Sudanic, first set out by Gree
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| Branch | Language(s) | Form |
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| Branch | Language(s) | Form |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| Nubian | Nobiin | ay |
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| Nubian | Nobiin | *ay* |
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| Nara | Nara | ag |
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| Nara | Nara | *ag* |
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| Nyima | Ama | a(i) |
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| Nyima | Ama | *a(i)* |
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| Taman | All | wa, wo |
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| Taman | All | *wa, wo* |
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| Surmic | Didinga | a |
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| Surmic | Didinga | *a* |
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| Surmic | Kwegu | aan |
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| Surmic | Kwegu | *aan* |
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| Eastern Jebel | Gaahmg | aan |
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| Eastern Jebel | Gaahmg | *aan* |
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| Temein | Ronge | nan |
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| Temein | Ronge | *nan* |
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| Daju | Nyala | aaga |
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| Daju | Nyala | *aaga* |
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| West Nilotic | Dinka | an |
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| West Nilotic | Dinka | *an* |
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| East Nilotic | Masai, Turkana, Nandi, Teso | nanu |
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| East Nilotic | Masai, Turkana, Nandi, Teso | *nanu* |
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| South Nilotic | Pokot | anii |
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| South Nilotic | Pokot | *anii* |
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**~~Table 3. First person singular subject pronoun in East Sudani[^103]~~**
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**~~Table 3. First person singular subject pronoun in East Sudani[^103]~~**
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@ -106,11 +106,11 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| Nara | | líí |
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| Nara | | *líí* |
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| Nubian | Dilling | di |
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| Nubian | Dilling | *di* |
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| Nubian | Midob | tìì |
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| Nubian | Midob | *tìì* |
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| Nyima | Ama | lì |
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| Nyima | Ama | *lì* |
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| Taman | Proto-Taman | \*li(y)- |
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| Taman | Proto-Taman | *\*li(y)-* |
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**~~Table 4. Ek lexical isogloss, “drink,” *\*dii*[^t4]~~**
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**~~Table 4. Ek lexical isogloss, “drink,” *\*dii*[^t4]~~**
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@ -120,11 +120,11 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| Nubian | Midob | kàr |
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| Nubian | Midob | *kàr* |
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| Nubian | Nyala | aare |
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| Nubian | Nyala | *aare* |
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| Nara | | wǒl |
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| Nara | | *wǒl* |
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| Nyima | Ama | wel |
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| Nyima | Ama | *wel* |
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| Taman | Tama | wal |
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| Taman | Tama | *wal* |
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**~~Table 5. Ek lexical isogloss, “house,” *\*kəl*[^t5]~~**
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**~~Table 5. Ek lexical isogloss, “house,” *\*kəl*[^t5]~~**
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@ -134,11 +134,11 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| Nubian | Andaandi | agil |
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| Nubian | Andaandi | *agil* |
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| Nara | | aùlò |
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| Nara | | *aùlò* |
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| Nyima | Ama | ŋàl |
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| Nyima | Ama | *ŋàl* |
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| Taman | Abu Sharib | awl |
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| Taman | Abu Sharib | *awl* |
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| E Jebel | Gaahmg | ag |
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| E Jebel | Gaahmg | *ag* |
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**~~Table 6. Ek lexical isogloss, “mouth,” *\*aŋəl*[^t6]~~**
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**~~Table 6. Ek lexical isogloss, “mouth,” *\*aŋəl*[^t6]~~**
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@ -148,12 +148,12 @@ Bender, Ehret, Rilly, and Starostin agree that at least Nubian, Nara, Tama, and
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| Nubian | Haraza | auri-yah |
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| Nubian | Haraza | *auri-yah* |
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| Nubian | Old Nubian | uwo |
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| Nubian | Old Nubian | *uwo* |
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| Nubian | Karko | ārè |
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| Nubian | Karko | *ārè* |
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| Nara | | ari-ga |
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| Nara | | *ari-ga* |
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| Nyima | Proto-Nyima | \*arm- |
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| Nyima | Proto-Nyima | *\*arm-* |
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| Taman | Proto-Taman | \*wari |
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| Taman | Proto-Taman | *\*wari* |
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**~~Table 7. Ek lexical isogloss, “two,” *\*wari(m)*[^t7]~~**
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**~~Table 7. Ek lexical isogloss, “two,” *\*wari(m)*[^t7]~~**
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@ -165,12 +165,12 @@ Though the En languages share overlapping isoglosses, they do not share enough c
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| Subgroup | Language | Attestation |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| Surmic | Murle | **ɓɔ**lɔ́ɔ́k |
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| Surmic | Murle | ***ɓɔ****lɔ́ɔ́k* |
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| E Jebel | Aka | **bəəb**a |
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| E Jebel | Aka | ***bəəb****a* |
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| Temein | Temein | **pɔ̀p**áʈɪ̀ʈ |
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| Temein | Temein | ***pɔ̀p****áʈɪ̀ʈ* |
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| Daju | Liguri | ku**ɓu**du |
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| Daju | Liguri | *ku****ɓu****du* |
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| E Nilotic | Lopit | a.**bob**.io |
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| E Nilotic | Lopit | *a*.***bob***.*io* |
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| E Nilotic | Maa | a.**bob**.oki |
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| E Nilotic | Maa | *a*.***bob***.*oki* |
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**~~Table 8. En lexical isogloss, “bark n.,” *\*-bob-*~~**
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**~~Table 8. En lexical isogloss, “bark n.,” *\*-bob-*~~**
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@ -182,7 +182,7 @@ In the light of these problems with the lexicon, it may be that a better case fo
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* Singulative *-t*
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* Singulative *-t*
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* Plural *-k*
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* Plural *-k*
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* Plural -N
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* Plural *-N*
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The majority of languages she uses to exemplify this principle would now be classified as East Sudanic. Greenberg calls moveable *k-* a “stage III article”[^302] while Ehret calls it both an “adjective suffix” and a “noun particularizing prefix.”[^303] Bender, who considers it a “noun-class formative remnant,”[^304] notes that it is widespread but not universal in Nilo-Saharan. Also included are some Cushitic languages, but the extension of the “substratum” is somewhat strained. The T-affix in Afroasiatic is a widespread marker of feminine gender and a deep level connection with Nilo-Saharan through semantic shift is not impossible. Bender also discusses N-affixes in Nilo-Saharan,[^305] reprising observations by Tucker & Bryan.[^306] Storch also takes up the issue of N/K and T/K alternations in relation to Nilotic noun morphology.[^307]
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The majority of languages she uses to exemplify this principle would now be classified as East Sudanic. Greenberg calls moveable *k-* a “stage III article”[^302] while Ehret calls it both an “adjective suffix” and a “noun particularizing prefix.”[^303] Bender, who considers it a “noun-class formative remnant,”[^304] notes that it is widespread but not universal in Nilo-Saharan. Also included are some Cushitic languages, but the extension of the “substratum” is somewhat strained. The T-affix in Afroasiatic is a widespread marker of feminine gender and a deep level connection with Nilo-Saharan through semantic shift is not impossible. Bender also discusses N-affixes in Nilo-Saharan,[^305] reprising observations by Tucker & Bryan.[^306] Storch also takes up the issue of N/K and T/K alternations in relation to Nilotic noun morphology.[^307]
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@ -206,11 +206,11 @@ Nubian demonstrates strong evidence for tripartite number marking in nouns. Jako
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| sorghum | wèê-t | wèè |
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| sorghum | *wèê-t* | *wèè* |
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| hair | ʈēɽ-ét | tèèl |
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| hair | *ʈēɽ-ét* | *tèèl* |
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| bulrush millet | ɛ̀nɖ-ɛ́t | ɛ̀nɖ |
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| bulrush millet | *ɛ̀nɖ-ɛ́t* | *ɛ̀nɖ* |
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| tooth | jíl-ɖ | jīīl |
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| tooth | *jíl-ɖ* | *jīīl* |
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| breast | ə̄l-ɖ | ɔ̄ɔ̄l |
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| breast | *ə̄l-ɖ* | *ɔ̄ɔ̄l* |
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**~~Table 9. Karko singulatives[^401]~~**
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**~~Table 9. Karko singulatives[^401]~~**
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@ -220,20 +220,20 @@ However, the majority of suffixes denote plurals (**Table 10**). The majority se
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| body | íìl | īl-ɖ |
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| body | *íìl* | *īl-ɖ* |
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| heart | áàl | āl-ɖ |
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| heart | *áàl* | *āl-ɖ* |
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| star | ōnɖ | ōnɖ-ôl |
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| star | *ōnɖ* | *ōnɖ-ôl* |
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| milk | éèj | ēj-ēl |
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| milk | *éèj* | *ēj-ēl* |
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| chicken | kòk | kōk-ôr |
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| chicken | *kòk* | *kōk-ôr* |
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| cat | bùt | bùt-ùr |
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| cat | *bùt* | *bùt-ùr* |
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| blood | ōg | ōg-ōnd |
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| blood | *ōg* | *ōg-ōnd* |
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| fire | úk | ūk-ūnd |
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| fire | *úk* | *ūk-ūnd* |
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| river | ìr | īr-īɲ |
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| river | *ìr* | *īr-īɲ* |
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| rope | ə̀r | ə̄r-ə̄ɲ |
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| rope | *ə̀r* | *ə̄r-ə̄ɲ* |
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| shield | kə̀r | kə̀r-ə̀ŋ |
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| shield | *kə̀r* | *kə̀r-ə̀ŋ* |
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| ostrich | ʈùlɖ | ʈùlɖ-ùŋ |
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| ostrich | *ʈùlɖ* | *ʈùlɖ-ùŋ* |
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**~~Table 10. Karko plural marking[^401a]~~**
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**~~Table 10. Karko plural marking[^401a]~~**
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@ -243,11 +243,11 @@ Proto-Nubian may have had a fully functional tripartite system, which has now er
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| thing | sáar | sàartì |
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| thing | *sáar* | *sàartì* |
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| house | ə̀d | ə̀ttì |
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| house | *ə̀d* | *ə̀ttì* |
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| child | úccí | ùccédí |
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| child | *úccí* | *ùccédí* |
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| woman | íddí | ìddédí |
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| woman | *íddí* | *ìddédí* |
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| cow | tə̀ə | tə̀yítì |
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| cow | *tə̀ə* | *tə̀yítì* |
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**~~Table 11. Midob nominal plurals[^402]~~**
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**~~Table 11. Midob nominal plurals[^402]~~**
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@ -257,8 +257,8 @@ The restricted corpus for Meroitic and the absence of reliable grammatical infor
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| Gloss | Transliteration | Approx. pronunciation |
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| Gloss | Transliteration | Approx. pronunciation |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| sister | *kdise, kdite* | kaɖiɕ, kaɖit |
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| sister | *kdise, kdite* | /kaɖiɕ, kaɖit/ |
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| life | *pwrite* | bawarit |
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| life | *pwrite* | /bawarit/ |
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**~~Table 12. Meroitic glosses showing singulative marking[^403]~~**
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**~~Table 12. Meroitic glosses showing singulative marking[^403]~~**
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@ -270,18 +270,18 @@ Nominal plurals in Nara are created through suffixing and sporadic gemination of
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| Suffix | | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | Semantics |
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| Suffix | | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) | Semantics |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| -ka | -K | fox | kerfe | kerefka | animals |
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| *-ka* | -K | fox | *kerfe* | *kerefka* | animals |
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| | | animal | oof | oofka | |
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| | | animal | *oof* | *oofka* | |
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| -ta | -T | heart | asma | asimta | body parts|
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| *-ta* | -T | heart | *asma* | *asimta* | body parts|
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| | | meat | nooti | noota | |
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| | | meat | *nooti* | *noota* | |
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| -a | -V | ear | tus | tusa | animals and plants |
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| *-a* | -V | ear | *tus* | *tusa* | animals and plants |
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| | | thorn | keer | keera | |
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| | | thorn | *keer* | *keera* | |
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| -tta | -T | blood | kito | kitotta | collectives(?) |
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| *-tta* | -T | blood | *kito* | *kitotta* | collectives(?) |
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| | | grass | sum | sumitta | |
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| | | grass | *sum* | *sumitta* | |
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| -CCa | -I | bride | solobi | solobba | people, animals |
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| *-CCa* | -I | bride | *solobi* | *solobba* | people, animals |
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| | | goat | bele | bella | |
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| | | goat | *bele* | *bella* | |
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| -ʤʤa | -S | gland | foʤi | foʤʤaa | internal secretions |
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| *-ʤʤa* | -S | gland | *foʤi* | *foʤʤaa* | internal secretions |
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| | | milk course | ngiʤi | ngiʤʤaa | |
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| | | milk course | *ngiʤi* | *ngiʤʤaa* | |
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**~~Table 13. Nara number marking in nouns[^404]~~**
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**~~Table 13. Nara number marking in nouns[^404]~~**
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| person, [pl]({sc}) people | wodáŋ | wàá |
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| person, [pl]({sc}) people | *wodáŋ* | *wàá* |
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| child | wodéŋ | ɖúriŋ |
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| child | *wodéŋ* | *ɖúriŋ* |
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**~~Table 14. Suppletive plural forms in Ama~~**
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**~~Table 14. Suppletive plural forms in Ama~~**
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| Gloss | Attestation |
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| Gloss | Attestation |
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| :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- |
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| river | kwɔlək |
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| river | *kwɔlək* |
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| dura sorghum | mənək |
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| dura sorghum | *mənək* |
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| scorpion | ŋwunək |
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| scorpion | *ŋwunək* |
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| grave | tirik |
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| grave | *tirik* |
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| lightning | arsək |
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| lightning | *arsək* |
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| salt | ɔrdik |
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| salt | *ɔrdik* |
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| spear | mətsək |
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| spear | *mətsək* |
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**~~Table 15. The fossil affix _-Vk_ in Dinik[^405]~~**
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**~~Table 15. The fossil affix _-Vk_ in Dinik[^405]~~**
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| Gloss | Factative | Progressive |
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| Gloss | Factative | Progressive |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| build | t̪-ùɡ-è | k-ūɡ |
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| build | *t̪-ùɡ-è* | *k-ūɡ* |
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| dig | t̪-īw-ò | k-íw |
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| dig | *t̪-īw-ò* | *k-íw* |
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| light (fire) | t̪-ūɕ-ē | k-úɕ-ín |
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| light (fire) | *t̪-ūɕ-ē* | *k-úɕ-ín* |
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| build | tuɡɛ̀ | kwò |
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| build | *tuɡɛ̀* | *kwò* |
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| chop | tàiɔ̀ | kaì |
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| chop | *tàiɔ̀* | *kaì* |
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| dig | tìwò | kìù |
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| dig | *tìwò* | *kìù* |
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**~~Table 16. T/K marking on Ama verb stems[^t16]~~**
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**~~Table 16. T/K marking on Ama verb stems[^t16]~~**
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| Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) | Gloss |
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| Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) | Gloss |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
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| -t | mèya-t | -k | mèya-k | blacksmith |
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| *-t* | *mèya-t* | *-k* | *mèya-k* | blacksmith |
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| -t | wɪ̀gɪ-t | -ɛ | wɪ̀gɪ-ɛ | bird |
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| *-t* | *wɪ̀gɪ-t* | *-ɛ* | *wɪ̀gɪ-ɛ* | bird |
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| -V | áunyò | -(V)k | áunyò-k | elbow |
|
| *-V* | *áunyò* | *-(V)k* | *áunyò-k* | elbow |
|
||||||
| -∅ | gaan | -(V)k | gaan-ɪk | tree |
|
| -∅ | *gaan* | *-(V)k* | *gaan-ɪk* | tree |
|
||||||
| -∅ | wal | -V | wal-u | house |
|
| -∅ | *wal* | *-V* | *wal-u* | house |
|
||||||
| -k | taɽ-ak | -V | taɽ-o | chief |
|
| *-k* | *taɽ-ak* | *-V* | *taɽ-o* | chief |
|
||||||
| -X | iɲ-o | -(V)ɲ | iɲ-iɲ | pot |
|
| *-X* | *iɲ-o* | *-(V)ɲ* | *iɲ-iɲ* | pot |
|
||||||
| -∅ | áwór | -(V)ŋ | áwór-oŋ | knee |
|
| -∅ | *áwór* | *-(V)ŋ* | *áwór-oŋ* | knee |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 17. Tama nominal number-marking[^407]~~**
|
**~~Table 17. Tama nominal number-marking[^407]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -372,8 +372,8 @@ Surmic displays abundant evidence for three-term number marking. **Table 18** sh
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Generic | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Generic | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| gazelle | boronit | boron- | boronua |
|
| gazelle | *boronit* | *boron-* | *boronua* |
|
||||||
| nail | gurmaloʧ | gurmal- | gurmaleeta |
|
| nail | *gurmaloʧ* | *gurmal-* | *gurmaleeta* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 18. Tripartite number marking in Laarim[^t18]~~**
|
**~~Table 18. Tripartite number marking in Laarim[^t18]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -383,16 +383,15 @@ Yigezu & Dimmendaal focus on Baale and **Table 19** shows its number marking sys
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| arm, hand | -∅ | ayí | -NV | ayinná |
|
| arm, hand | -∅ | *ayí* | *-NV* | *ayinná* |
|
||||||
| moon | -∅ | ɲʊlʊ́ | -KV | ɲɔlɔgɛ́ |
|
| moon | -∅ | *ɲʊlʊ́* | *-KV* | *ɲɔlɔgɛ́* |
|
||||||
| man, person | -∅ | éé | -TV | eet̤á |
|
| man, person | -∅ | *éé* | *-TV* | *eet̤á* |
|
||||||
| goat | -∅ | ɛ́ɛ́s | -TV | ɛ́ɛ́ta |
|
| goat | -∅ | *ɛ́ɛ́s* | *-TV* | *ɛ́ɛ́ta* |
|
||||||
| head | -A | ɔwá | -TV | ooti |
|
| head | *-A* | *ɔwá* | *-TV* | *ooti* |
|
||||||
| face, forehead | -A | ŋʊmmá | -TV | ŋuundí |
|
| face, forehead | *-A* | *ŋʊmmá* | *-TV* | *ŋuundí* |
|
||||||
| stomach | -A | kɛŋŋá | -TV | keendi |
|
| stomach | *-A* | *kɛŋŋá* | *-TV* | *keendi* |
|
||||||
| ear | -NV | ɪtááni | -NV | ɪnná |
|
| ear | *-NV* | *ɪtááni* | *-NV* | *ɪnná* |
|
||||||
| rope | -S | mɔssájí | -N | mɔɔssɛ́n |
|
| rope | *-S* | *mɔssájí* | *-N* | *mɔɔssɛ́n* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 19. Baale number marking and affixes[^t19]~~**
|
**~~Table 19. Baale number marking and affixes[^t19]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -408,16 +407,16 @@ To judge by the data in Bender,[^410] Aka has a richer system of number marking
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| tongue | -∅ | kala | -A, -T | kala.ati |
|
| tongue | -∅ | *kala* | *-A, -T* | *kala.ati* |
|
||||||
| knee | -∅ | kʊsu | -N | kʊsuu.ŋi |
|
| knee | -∅ | *kʊsu* | *-N* | *kʊsuu.ŋi* |
|
||||||
| belly | -∅ | ɛllɛ | -T | ɛllɛ.ti |
|
| belly | -∅ | *ɛllɛ* | *-T* | *ɛllɛ.ti* |
|
||||||
| ear | -∅ | sigii | -T | sigii.de |
|
| ear | -∅ | *sigii* | *-T* | *sigii.de* |
|
||||||
| fish | -∅ | ʔʊʊgu | -T | ʔʊʊgu.ði |
|
| fish | -∅ | *ʔʊʊgu* | *-T* | *ʔʊʊgu.ði* |
|
||||||
| dog | -∅ | kɛle | -V | kɛle.i |
|
| dog | -∅ | *kɛle* | *-V* | *kɛle.i* |
|
||||||
| bone | -K | gamoo.ka | -N | gamoo.ɲi |
|
| bone | *-K* | *gamoo.ka* | *-N* | *gamoo.ɲi* |
|
||||||
| egg | -K | ʔʊmuu.ke | -T | ʊʊmʊ.ti |
|
| egg | *-K* | *ʔʊmuu.ke* | *-T* | *ʊʊmʊ.ti* |
|
||||||
| horn | -K | kɔsʊl.ge | -V | kɔsʊʊl.i |
|
| horn | *-K* | *kɔsʊl.ge* | *-V* | *kɔsʊʊl.i* |
|
||||||
| cloud | -V | aabuga | -T | aabug.adi |
|
| cloud | *-V* | *aabuga* | *-T* | *aabug.adi* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 20. Examples of Aka number marking on nouns[^t20]~~**
|
**~~Table 20. Examples of Aka number marking on nouns[^t20]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -434,10 +433,10 @@ Temein consists of three languages, Temein, Keiga Jirru, and These.[^412] Surfac
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
Language | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) |
|
Language | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
Temein | dura | mórɪŋɪnʈɛʈ (one grain) | mórɪŋɪs (head of grain) | mórɪŋ (dura plant) |
|
Temein | dura | *mórɪŋɪnʈɛʈ* (one grain) | *mórɪŋɪs* (head of grain) | *mórɪŋ* (dura plant) |
|
||||||
Keiga Jirru | meat | bɪlanḑàk (one piece) | ɪnɖàk | kɪnɖaɖɪ̀k |
|
Keiga Jirru | meat | *bɪlanḑàk* (one piece) | *ɪnɖàk* | *kɪnɖaɖɪ̀k* |
|
||||||
Keiga Jirru | medicine | móreḑàk | | komórò (roots) |
|
Keiga Jirru | medicine | *móreḑàk* | | *komórò* (roots) |
|
||||||
These | fat (n.) | nányɛ́ɖə̀k | nányàʔ | kɪnányàʔ |
|
These | fat (n.) | *nányɛ́ɖə̀k* | *nányàʔ* | *kɪnányàʔ* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 21. Tripartite number marking in the Temein cluster~~**
|
**~~Table 21. Tripartite number marking in the Temein cluster~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -457,10 +456,10 @@ In the Temein cluster *k-* is strongly associated with plurals and can occur bef
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| belly | óòm | kómɪk |
|
| belly | *óòm* | *kómɪk* |
|
||||||
| big | ḿbù | kɪmbɪk |
|
| big | *ḿbù* | *kɪmbɪk* |
|
||||||
| hill, stone | kúrɛʈ | kukúrɛʈ |
|
| hill, stone | *kúrɛʈ* | *kukúrɛʈ* |
|
||||||
| shield | wór | kwòráʔ |
|
| shield | *wór* | *kwòráʔ* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 22. Temein *-Vk, kV-* nominal affixes~~**
|
**~~Table 22. Temein *-Vk, kV-* nominal affixes~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -468,10 +467,10 @@ This affix has an allomorph *–Vk* that can mark singulative as in These (**Tab
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked |
|
| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| firewood | márɛnyɪk | márɛŋ |
|
| firewood | *márɛnyɪk* | *márɛŋ* |
|
||||||
| ear | ŋwánɪk | kwɛɛŋ |
|
| ear | *ŋwánɪk* | *kwɛɛŋ* |
|
||||||
| eye | náánɪk | kɛnyɪŋ |
|
| eye | *náánɪk* | *kɛnyɪŋ* |
|
||||||
| fish | kɛlɛɖak | káála |
|
| fish | *kɛlɛɖak* | *káála* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 23. These *-Vk* singulative affix~~**
|
**~~Table 23. These *-Vk* singulative affix~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -483,9 +482,9 @@ Less common is *–NI* or *-IN* in final position. Temein examples are shown in
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| friend | wórɪnyà | kórɪnyànɪ̀ |
|
| friend | *wórɪnyà* | *kórɪnyànɪ̀* |
|
||||||
| hanging frame | sɛsɪlàŋ | sɛsɪlàŋì |
|
| hanging frame | *sɛsɪlàŋ* | *sɛsɪlàŋì* |
|
||||||
| moon | kóù | kikówɪn |
|
| moon | *kóù* | *kikówɪn* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 24. Temein -IN, -NI plural affix~~**
|
**~~Table 24. Temein -IN, -NI plural affix~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -503,30 +502,30 @@ This is shown for two glosses in **Table 25**:
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) (countable) |
|
| Gloss | [sg]({sc}) | Unmarked | [pl]({sc}) (countable) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| egg | gilis-ic | gilis | gilis-u
|
| egg | *gilis-ic* | *gilis* | *gilis-u* |
|
||||||
| worm | ox-uic | ox | ox-uij-iny |
|
| worm | *ox-uic* | *ox* | *ox-uij-iny* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
Shatt and Laggori at least have considerable diversity of surface affixes marking number, either singulative or plural with suffixes as well as replacing word endings.[^415] Boyeldieu describes the number marking in Shatt Damman in some detail (**Table 26**).
|
Shatt and Laggori at least have considerable diversity of surface affixes marking number, either singulative or plural with suffixes as well as *replacing word endings.[^415] Boyeldieu describes the number marking in Shatt Damman in some detail (**Table 26**).
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^415]: Boyeldieu, *La qualification dans les langues africaines*; Alamin Mubarak, “An Initial Description of Laggori Noun Morphology and Noun Phrase.”
|
[^415]: Boyeldieu, *La qualification dans les langues africaines*; Alamin Mubarak, “An Initial Description of Laggori Noun Morphology and Noun Phrase.”
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Category | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Category | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| [sg]({sc})/pl. alternation | -V | -u |
|
| [sg]({sc})/pl. alternation | *-V* | *-u* |
|
||||||
| | -x | -ɲ |
|
| | *-x* | *-ɲ* |
|
||||||
| | -c | -ɲ, or -ic / -iɲ, or -d(d)ic / -d(d)iɲ |
|
| | *-c* | *-ɲ, -ic/-iɲ, -d(d)ic/-d(d)iɲ* |
|
||||||
| | -ic | -u |
|
| | *-ic* | *-u* |
|
||||||
| | -(ɨ)c | -ta/-d(d)a |
|
| | *-(ɨ)c* | *-ta/-d(d)a* |
|
||||||
| [pl]({sc}) only | | -iɲ |
|
| [pl]({sc}) only | | *-iɲ* |
|
||||||
| | | -u |
|
| | | *-u* |
|
||||||
| | | -ta/-d(d)a |
|
| | | *-ta/-d(d)a* |
|
||||||
| | | -ti/-d(d)i |
|
| | | *-ti/-d(d)i* |
|
||||||
| | | -tiɲ |
|
| | | *-tiɲ* |
|
||||||
| | | -dɨk |
|
| | | *-dɨk* |
|
||||||
| [sg]({sc}) only | -ic | |
|
| [sg]({sc}) only | *-ic* | |
|
||||||
| | -tic/-d(d)ic | |
|
| | *-tic/-d(d)ic* | |
|
||||||
| | -c | |
|
| | *-c* | |
|
||||||
| | -sɨnic/-zɨnɨc | |
|
| | *-sɨnic/-zɨnɨc* | |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 26. Number-marking suffixes in Shatt Damman[^t26]~~**
|
**~~Table 26. Number-marking suffixes in Shatt Damman[^t26]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -540,10 +539,10 @@ The alternating nominal suffixes of Dar Daju described by Aviles present a far s
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Class | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) |
|
| Class | Gloss | [sg]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| 1 | elder | ɉam-ne |
|
| 1 | elder | *ɉam-ne* |
|
||||||
| 2 | liver | cacaw-ce |
|
| 2 | liver | *cacaw-ce* |
|
||||||
| 3 | mouth | uk-e |
|
| 3 | mouth | *uk-e* |
|
||||||
| 4 | car | watiɾ-i |
|
| 4 | car | *watiɾ-i* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 27. Singulative suffixes in Dar Daju[^t27]~~**
|
**~~Table 27. Singulative suffixes in Dar Daju[^t27]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -559,24 +558,24 @@ The principal overview of noun morphology in West Nilotic is presented by Storch
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Semantics | Mayak | Mabaan | Jumjum | Dinka | Nuer | Anywa | Päri |
|
| Semantics | Mayak | Mabaan | Jumjum | Dinka | Nuer | Anywa | Päri |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| general | -(V)k | -k(ʌ̃) | -kV | -k, -V | | -k, -Ci, Cè | -ki, -ke |
|
| general | *-(V)k* | *-k(ʌ̃)* | *-kV* | *-k, -V* | | *-k, -Ci, Cè* | *-ki, -ke* |
|
||||||
| general | -(V)n | -Cin̪ | -ni | -N, -V | -ní, -V̪ | -Ci?, -Cè? | -Neʔ |
|
| general | *-(V)n* | *-Cin̪* | *-ni* | *-N, -V* | *-ní, -V̪* | *-Ci*?, *-Cè*? | *-Neʔ* |
|
||||||
| round, mass, small | | -ǎn̪ | | | | -i | -e |
|
| round, mass, small | | *-ǎn̪* | | | | *-i* | *-e* |
|
||||||
| body | | -kù | | | -c | -Ci | -ì |
|
| body | | *-kù* | | | *-c* | *-Ci* | *-ì* |
|
||||||
| space| | | | | (\*-N?) | | |
|
| space| | | | | (*\*-N*?) | | |
|
||||||
| unspecified | | -λ | | | -y | -è | |
|
| unspecified | | *-λ* | | | *-y* | *-è* | |
|
||||||
| unspecified | -it̪ | -t̪ǎn | | -t̪ | -t̪ | -t, -Cè | -rí, -te |
|
| unspecified | *-it̪* | *-t̪ǎn* | | *-t̪* | *-t̪* | *-t, -Cè* | *-rí, -te* |
|
||||||
| -ḓín | | | | | | |
|
| -ḓín | | | | | | |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Semantics | Shilluk | Lüwo | Thuri | Belanda Bor | S. Lwoo | Labwor |
|
| Semantics | Shilluk | Lüwo | Thuri | Belanda Bor | S. Lwoo | Labwor |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| general | \*-k | -kʌ̀ | -k | | -k(V), -ke | -gV |
|
| general | *\*-k* | *-kʌ̀* | *-k* | | *-k(V), -ke* | *-gV* |
|
||||||
| general | -V(N) | -V, -ɛ, -NVɛ́ | -Ni, -in, -Nɛ́, -ɛ́n | | -ni, -n(í)n, -ne | -ni, -né |
|
| general | *-V(N)* | *-V, -ɛ, -NVɛ́* | *-Ni, -in, -Nɛ́, -ɛ́n* | | *-ni, -n(í)n, -ne* | *-ni, -né* |
|
||||||
| round, mass, small | (.ˋ), (ʾ) | -ɛ́ | -ɛ́ | | -e | -é, i |
|
| round, mass, small | (.ˋ), (ʾ) | *-ɛ́* | *-ɛ́* | | *-e* | *-é, -i* |
|
||||||
| body | | -ì | -ì | | -i | -i |
|
| body | | *-ì* | *-ì* | | *-i* | *-i* |
|
||||||
| space| | | | | | |
|
| space| | | | | | |
|
||||||
| unspecified | [.ˋ] | | | | | |
|
| unspecified | [.ˋ] | | | | | |
|
||||||
| unspecified | -Vdi | -t̪ | -d̪i | | \*-ti, -(t)àʔ | -(C)áʔ |
|
| unspecified | *-Vdi* | *-t̪* | *-d̪i* | | *\*-ti, -(t)àʔ* | *-(C)áʔ* |
|
||||||
| abstract| | | | | | |
|
| abstract| | | | | | |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 28. Number marking affixes in West Nilotic[^418]~~**
|
**~~Table 28. Number marking affixes in West Nilotic[^418]~~**
|
||||||
|
@ -596,16 +595,16 @@ The only survey of East Nilotic lexicon remains Voßen's,[^419] and this can pro
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| cattle tick | -T(T) | mɨ́sɨ́r.ɨtɨ́t | -∅ | másɛ̂r |
|
| cattle tick | *-T(T)* | *mɨ́sɨ́r.ɨtɨ́t* | -∅ | *másɛ̂r* |
|
||||||
| black ant | -T | múkúɲ.êt | -∅ | múkûn |
|
| black ant | *-T* | *múkúɲ.êt* | -∅ | *múkûn* |
|
||||||
| Bari | -N + -T | bari.nɪ́t | -∅ | barɪ |
|
| Bari | *-N + -T* | *bari.nɪ́t* | -∅ | *barɪ* |
|
||||||
| hippo | -∅ | yárɔ́ | -S + -N | yárɔ́.Ɉɪn |
|
| hippo | -∅ | *yárɔ́* | *-S + -N* | *yárɔ́.Ɉɪn* |
|
||||||
| school | -∅ | sukúlu | -K | sukúlu.kíʔ |
|
| school | -∅ | *sukúlu* | *-K* | *sukúlu.kíʔ* |
|
||||||
| nose | -∅ | kʊmɛ́ | -S | kʊmɛ́.sɪʔ |
|
| nose | -∅ | *kʊmɛ́* | *-S* | *kʊmɛ́.sɪʔ* |
|
||||||
| cheek | -∅ | ŋɛ́bɪ́ | -T | ŋɛ́bɪ́.at |
|
| cheek | -∅ | *ŋɛ́bɪ́* | *-T* | *ŋɛ́bɪ́.at* |
|
||||||
| speck | -∅ | bɛ́rɛt | -N | bɛ́rɛt.án |
|
| speck | -∅ | *bɛ́rɛt* | *-N* | *bɛ́rɛt.án* |
|
||||||
| hedgehog | -∅ | leɲɨpúɗut | -T + -M | leɲɨpúɗu(t)lɨ́n|
|
| hedgehog | -∅ | *leɲɨpúɗut* | *-T + -M* | *leɲɨpúɗu(t)lɨ́n*|
|
||||||
| knife | -∅ | wálɪ́ | -V | wálɪ́.a |
|
| knife | -∅ | *wálɪ́* | *-V* | *wálɪ́.a* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 29. Kuku singulatives and plural markers[^420]~~**
|
**~~Table 29. Kuku singulatives and plural markers[^420]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -621,12 +620,12 @@ There are two published reconstructions of South Nilotic.[^421] Rottland include
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | Affix | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| the calf | -Tv | mɔ̀ɔ̀ɣ.tâ | -V | mòóɣ.eeʔ |
|
| the calf | *-Tv* | *mɔ̀ɔ̀ɣ.tâ* | *-V* | *mòóɣ.eeʔ* |
|
||||||
| the duiker | -Tv | cèptǐrkìc.tä́ | -kV | cèptǐrkìc.kä̂ |
|
| the duiker | *-Tv* | *cèptǐrkìc.tä́* | *-kV* | *cèptǐrkìc.kä̂*|
|
||||||
| the flea | -VN + -Tv | kə̀mə̀tyàán.tɛ́ɛ́ | -kV | kəmə́t.kä̂ |
|
| the flea | *-VN + -Tv* | *kə̀mə̀tyàán.tɛ́ɛ́* | *-kV* | *kəmə́t.kä̂*|
|
||||||
| the spear | -Tv | ŋɔ̀t.ə́t | -V, -V(V) | ŋät.w.éè |
|
| the spear | *-Tv* | *ŋɔ̀t.ə́t* | *-V, -V(V)* | *ŋät.w.éè* |
|
||||||
| the lover | -VN + -Tv | cä̀míín.téè | -V | cä̀m.í |
|
| the lover | *-VN + -Tv* | *cä̀míín.téè* | *-V* | *cä̀m.í |
|
||||||
| the barred door | -V | mä̀rä̀n.èéʔ | -kV | mä̀rä̂n.kä̂ |
|
| the barred door | *-V* | *mä̀rä̀n.èéʔ* | *-kV* | *mä̀rä̂n.kä̂*|
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 30. Examples of Pokot number marking[^422]~~**
|
**~~Table 30. Examples of Pokot number marking[^422]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -638,14 +637,14 @@ The number system of Endo, another language of the Markweeta (Marakwet) group, i
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| Gloss | Affix | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| cloud | -tV | pool.ta | pool |
|
| cloud | *-tV* | *pool.ta* | *pool* |
|
||||||
| woman | -ka | kāār.kā | kāār |
|
| woman | *-ka* | *kāār.kā* | *kāār* |
|
||||||
| grasshopper | -wa | taalim.wa | taalim |
|
| grasshopper | *-wa* | *taalim.wa* | *taalim* |
|
||||||
| cedar | -wa | tārāāk.wā | taraak |
|
| cedar | *-wa* | *tārāāk.wā* | *taraak* |
|
||||||
| patch of grass | -wa + -Vn | sīūs.wāān | sūūs |
|
| patch of grass | *-wa + -Vn* | *sīūs.wāān* | *sūūs* |
|
||||||
| medicine | -wa + -Vn | saakit.yaan | saakit |
|
| medicine | *-wa + -Vn* | *saakit.yaan* | *saakit* |
|
||||||
| European | -Vn | chūmp.īīn | chumpa |
|
| European | *-Vn* | *chūmp.īīn* | *chumpa* |
|
||||||
| shoe | -V | kwēēr.ā | kwēēr |
|
| shoe | *-V* | *kwēēr.ā* | *kwēēr* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 31. Endo singulative suffixes[^t30]~~**
|
**~~Table 31. Endo singulative suffixes[^t30]~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
|
|
@ -444,11 +444,11 @@ Another trilled suffix *-ir* marks motion in progress.[^55] It can be added to a
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| [fact]({sc}) | [prog]({sc}) | Gloss |
|
| [fact]({sc}) | [prog]({sc}) | Gloss |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| bwìɡ | buɡìr | overtake |
|
| *bwìɡ* | *buɡìr* | overtake |
|
||||||
| nɪfɛ̀ɡ | nɪfìr | fall |
|
| *nɪfɛ̀ɡ* | *nɪfìr* | fall |
|
||||||
| tɛnɛ̀ | kɛndìr | climb |
|
| *tɛnɛ̀* | *kɛndìr* | climb |
|
||||||
| tɪjɛ | jeìr | shoot |
|
| *tɪjɛ* | *jeìr* | shoot |
|
||||||
| ánasa | ánasor | take down |
|
| *ánasa* | *ánasor* | take down |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 15. Progressive stems ending in a trill~~**
|
**~~Table 15. Progressive stems ending in a trill~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
|
|
@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
|
||||||
---
|
---
|
||||||
title: "Personal Markers and Verbal Number in Meroitic"
|
title: "Personal Markers and Verbal Number in Meroitic"
|
||||||
authors: ["clauderilly.md"]
|
authors: ["clauderilly.md"]
|
||||||
abstract: "Thanks to the use of linguistic comparison and analyses of new inscriptions, Meroitic, the extinct language of the kingdom of Meroe, Sudan, has become increasingly well known. The present article deals with the identification of personal markers and verbal number. It shows how Meroitic, like many other languages, used a former demonstrative, *qo*, as a 3rd person independent pronoun. An in-depth analysis of the royal chronicles of the kings and princes of Meroe, compared with their Napatan counterparts written in Egyptian, further yields the [1sg]({sc}) dependent pronoun *e-* (later variant *ye-)*, which can be compared with [1sg]({sc}) found in related languages. A stela of Candace Amanishakheto found in Naga is the starting point for identifying the [2sg]({sc}) and [2pl]({sc}) independent pronouns *are* and *deb*. These two morphemes are linked with the most recent reconstructions of Proto-Nubian pronouns and confirm the narrow genetic relation between Nubian and Meroitic. Finally, the reassessment of the so-called “verbal dative” *‑xe/‑bxe* shows that this morpheme is simply a former verbal number marker with integrated case endings. This makes it a rare instance of transcategorisation in the cross-linguistic typology of verbal number."
|
abstract: "Thanks to the use of linguistic comparison and analyses of new inscriptions, Meroitic, the extinct language of the kingdom of Meroe, Sudan, has become increasingly well known. The present article deals with the identification of personal markers and verbal number. It shows how Meroitic, like many other languages, used a former demonstrative, *qo*, as a 3rd person independent pronoun. An in-depth analysis of the royal chronicles of the kings and princes of Meroe, compared with their Napatan counterparts written in Egyptian, further yields the 1st person singular dependent pronoun *e-* (later variant *ye-)*, which can be compared with 1st person singular pronoun found in related languages. A stela of Candace Amanishakheto found in Naga is the starting point for identifying the 2nd person singular and plural independent pronouns *are* and *deb*. These two morphemes are linked with the most recent reconstructions of Proto-Nubian pronouns and confirm the narrow genetic relation between Nubian and Meroitic. Finally, the reassessment of the so-called “verbal dative” *‑xe/‑bxe* shows that this morpheme is simply a former verbal number marker with integrated case endings. This makes it a rare instance of transcategorisation in the cross-linguistic typology of verbal number."
|
||||||
keywords: ["Meroitic", "Meroe", "Kush", "Napata", "pronouns", "Egyptian", "decipherment", "verbal morphology", "pronominal morphology", "person", "comparative linguistics", "Old Nubian", "Nobiin", "Andaandi", "Ama", "Nara", "Taman", "Mattokki", "Karko"]
|
keywords: ["Meroitic", "Meroe", "Kush", "Napata", "pronouns", "Egyptian", "decipherment", "verbal morphology", "pronominal morphology", "person", "comparative linguistics", "Old Nubian", "Nobiin", "Andaandi", "Ama", "Nara", "Taman", "Mattokki", "Karko"]
|
||||||
---
|
---
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -631,26 +631,26 @@ Note that only the passages where at least the verb *ked* is present are taken i
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Text | Lines | Example | "kill" | "seize" (*vel sim.*) |
|
| Text | Lines | Example | "kill" | "seize" (*vel sim.*) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| REM 1044 | 5 | | e-ked | erk (< e- + er-k) |
|
| REM 1044 | 5 | | *e-ked* | *erk* (< *e- + er-k*) |
|
||||||
| | 130–131 | | e-ked-td | er-td (< e- + er-td) |
|
| | 130–131 | | *e-ked-td* | *er-td* (< *e- + er-td*) |
|
||||||
| | 143 | (42) | e-kede-to | |
|
| | 143 | (42) | *e-kede-to* | |
|
||||||
| | 144 | | e-kede-to | |
|
| | 144 | | *e-kede-to* | |
|
||||||
| | 149–151 | (43) | e-kede-b-to | |
|
| | 149–151 | (43) | *e-kede-b-to* | |
|
||||||
| REM 0092 | 6–8 | | kede-to | are-de-to |
|
| REM 0092 | 6–8 | | *kede-to* | *are-de-to* |
|
||||||
| | 12–14 | | kede-to | are-de-to |
|
| | 12–14 | | *kede-to* | *are-de-to* |
|
||||||
| REM 1003 | 4–5 | (35) | ye-ked-i | tk-k; yerki (< ye- + er-k-i) |
|
| REM 1003 | 4–5 | (35) | *ye-ked-i* | *tk-k; yerki* (< *ye- + er-k-i*) |
|
||||||
| | 9 | | ye-ked-i | erk (< e- + er-k) |
|
| | 9 | | *ye-ked-i* | *erk* (< *e- + er-k*) |
|
||||||
| | 11 | (36) | ye-ked | tk-k |
|
| | 11 | (36) | *ye-ked* | *tk-k* |
|
||||||
| | 14 | | ye-ked | tk-k |
|
| | 14 | | *ye-ked* | *tk-k* |
|
||||||
| REM 1333 | 6 | | ye-ked | |
|
| REM 1333 | 6 | | *ye-ked* | |
|
||||||
| | 13 | | ked | |
|
| | 13 | | *ked* | |
|
||||||
| | 14 | | ked | kbxelo (< kb-bxe-l-o) |
|
| | 14 | | *ked* | *kbxelo* (< *kb-bxe-l-o*) |
|
||||||
| | 16–17 | (20) | ked | arohe-bx; tk-bxe-l-o |
|
| | 16–17 | (20) | *ked* | *arohe-bx*; *tk-bxe-l-o* |
|
||||||
| | 18 | | ye-ked | |
|
| | 18 | | *ye-ked* | |
|
||||||
| | 20 | | ked | |
|
| | 20 | | *ked* | |
|
||||||
| | 24 | | kede-bx | |
|
| | 24 | | *kede-bx* | |
|
||||||
| REM 0094 | 11 | | kede-bxe | |
|
| REM 0094 | 11 | | *kede-bxe* | |
|
||||||
| | 20–21 | | kede-bx | kb-b-te |
|
| | 20–21 | | *kede-bx* | *kb-b-te* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 2. Forms of the verbs "kill" and "seize" (*vel. sim*) in REM 1044, 0092, 1003, 1333, and 0094.~~**
|
**~~Table 2. Forms of the verbs "kill" and "seize" (*vel. sim*) in REM 1044, 0092, 1003, 1333, and 0094.~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -699,15 +699,15 @@ In light of the above, it seems certain, first, that the verbs in the narratives
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
If the form of the Meroitic marker matches its cognates in other NES languages, its syntactic use shows a substantial difference to them. In all these languages, the subject pronoun is located at the beginning of the sentence and the verb at the end (SOV word order) as in these examples from Nobiin and Ama.[^ex46]
|
If the form of the Meroitic marker matches its cognates in other NES languages, its syntactic use shows a substantial difference to them. In all these languages, the subject pronoun is located at the beginning of the sentence and the verb at the end (SOV word order) as in these examples from Nobiin and Ama.[^ex46]
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^ex46]: Example (46) is based on Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 291.
|
[^ex46]: Example (45) is based on Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 291.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(46)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(45)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Nobiin**
|
{r} **Nobiin**
|
||||||
{g} *ày*,[1sg]({sc})|*tùuɲì-n*,boys-[gen]({sc})|*mèdrèsá-l*,school-[loc]({sc})|*júù-r*,go-[1sg]({sc})|
|
{g} *ày*,[1sg]({sc})|*tùuɲì-n*,boys-[gen]({sc})|*mèdrèsá-l*,school-[loc]({sc})|*júù-r*,go-[1sg]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “I go to the boys’ school.”
|
{r} “I go to the boys’ school.”
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(47)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(46)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Ama**
|
{r} **Ama**
|
||||||
{g} *à*,[1sg]({sc})|*ɲúfà-ŋ*,father.[2sg.gen-dat]({sc})|*ēlò-ɔ̀*,milk-[acc]({sc})|*têg*,give.[ipfv]({sc})|
|
{g} *à*,[1sg]({sc})|*ɲúfà-ŋ*,father.[2sg.gen-dat]({sc})|*ēlò-ɔ̀*,milk-[acc]({sc})|*têg*,give.[ipfv]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “I give (some) milk to your father.”
|
{r} “I give (some) milk to your father.”
|
||||||
|
@ -718,13 +718,13 @@ The only NES-languages which have personal prefixes appended to the verb are the
|
||||||
[^75]: These prefixes (where *V* stands for a variable vowel) are the same for the singular and plural persons.
|
[^75]: These prefixes (where *V* stands for a variable vowel) are the same for the singular and plural persons.
|
||||||
[^76]: The data are cited from the unpublished Tama grammar of Pierre Palayer.
|
[^76]: The data are cited from the unpublished Tama grammar of Pierre Palayer.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(48)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(47)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Tama**
|
{r} **Tama**
|
||||||
{g} *dʊ́t*,big|*n-ànᵻ́*,[1sg]({sc})-be|
|
{g} *dʊ́t*,big|*n-ànᵻ́*,[1sg]({sc})-be|
|
||||||
{r} “I am big.”
|
{r} “I am big.”
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(49)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(48)" >}}
|
||||||
{g} *wâ*,[1sg]({sc})|*tàmʊ́t*,Tama|*n-ànᵻ́*,[1sg]({sc})-be|
|
{g} *wâ*,[1sg]({sc})|*tàmʊ́t*,Tama|*n-ànᵻ́*,[1sg]({sc})-be|
|
||||||
{r} “I am a Tama.”
|
{r} “I am a Tama.”
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
@ -735,44 +735,44 @@ This structure seems an innovation of the Taman group within the NES languages.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
Instead of *(y)e-,* an alternative prefix *w-* appears before the verbal forms of *er-k* “take, capture,” *kb* “seize, and *bqo* “take control” within the royal texts REM 1044, 1003, and 0094. It never occurs with *ked* “kill,” as can be seen in the examples below.[^ex77]
|
Instead of *(y)e-,* an alternative prefix *w-* appears before the verbal forms of *er-k* “take, capture,” *kb* “seize, and *bqo* “take control” within the royal texts REM 1044, 1003, and 0094. It never occurs with *ked* “kill,” as can be seen in the examples below.[^ex77]
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^ex77]: In (50), the reading of the first signs was made possible thanks to excellent photos and interpretation by Gilda Ferrandino in her doctoral thesis, *Studio dei testi reali meroitici,* p. 65 and pl. 29.1. For the archaic sign conventionally transcribed *H,* see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 353. In all likelihood, the form *kbxte* comes from *kb-bx-te* after haplography, as the object seems to be a plural and, accordingly, should be marked in the verb by the suffix *bx*.
|
[^ex77]: In (49), the reading of the first signs was made possible thanks to excellent photos and interpretation by Gilda Ferrandino in her doctoral thesis, *Studio dei testi reali meroitici,* p. 65 and pl. 29.1. For the archaic sign conventionally transcribed *H,* see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 353. In all likelihood, the form *kbxte* comes from *kb-bx-te* after haplography, as the object seems to be a plural and, accordingly, should be marked in the verb by the suffix *bx*.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
In (51), the word *tdxsene* includes the noun phrase *t-dx-* meaning “child (of a mother)” but the following sequence *-se-ne* is obscure. It ultimately might be a proper name, Tadakhesene, with an ending *-ne* that is common in the Meroitic personal names.
|
In (50), the word *tdxsene* includes the noun phrase *t-dx-* meaning “child (of a mother)” but the following sequence *-se-ne* is obscure. It ultimately might be a proper name, Tadakhesene, with an ending *-ne* that is common in the Meroitic personal names.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
Examples (52) and (53) differ only in the spellings of *(y)emoqe* “belongings (?)”and *(e)qebese* “their’.
|
Examples (51) and (52) differ only in the spellings of *(y)emoqe* “belongings (?)”and *(e)qebese* “their’.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
In (54), a direct genitive *Aqtoye mtekdi 2* “the two daughters of Aqatoye” should be expected for unalienable possession (cf. Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 525–527). However, the inscription REM 0094, engraved for the Blemmyan kinglet Khamaradoye after the fall of Meroe, is very late (c. 420 CE) and includes some strange features that could have resulted from language contact with Old Nubian and Blemmyan (Old Beja dialect), in which no distinction was made between alienable and unalienable possession (for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* p. 40).
|
In (53), a direct genitive *Aqtoye mtekdi 2* “the two daughters of Aqatoye” should be expected for unalienable possession (cf. Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 525–527). However, the inscription REM 0094, engraved for the Blemmyan kinglet Khamaradoye after the fall of Meroe, is very late (c. 420 CE) and includes some strange features that could have resulted from language contact with Old Nubian and Blemmyan (Old Beja dialect), in which no distinction was made between alienable and unalienable possession (for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* p. 40).
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(50)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(49)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Meroitic**
|
{r} **Meroitic**
|
||||||
{g} *heHle*,?|*qoleb :*,[3pl]({sc})|*ahtero-l*,?|*am*,?|***w***-*k*[*b*]-*bx-te*,[pm]({sc})-seize-[vnm-tam]({sc})|
|
{g} *heHle*,?|*qoleb :*,[3pl]({sc})|*ahtero-l*,?|*am*,?|***w***-*k*[*b*]-*bx-te*,[pm]({sc})-seize-[vnm-tam]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “? seized ? them ???” (REM 1044/68–70)
|
{r} “? seized ? them ???” (REM 1044/68–70)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(51)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(50)" >}}
|
||||||
{g} *qorte*,palace(?).[gen]({sc})|*dxe-leb :*,child-[det-pl]({sc})|*wide-bese*,brother-[3pl.gen]({sc})|*aroqitm*,Aruqitama|*tdxsene*,Tadakhesene(?)|***w***-*er-k*,[pm]({sc})-take-[plc]({sc})|
|
{g} *qorte*,palace(?).[gen]({sc})|*dxe-leb :*,child-[det-pl]({sc})|*wide-bese*,brother-[3pl.gen]({sc})|*aroqitm*,Aruqitama|*tdxsene*,Tadakhesene(?)|***w***-*er-k*,[pm]({sc})-take-[plc]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “? captured the children of the palace (and) their brothers Aruqitama (and) Tadakhesene(?)”
|
{r} “? captured the children of the palace (and) their brothers Aruqitama (and) Tadakhesene(?)”
|
||||||
(syntax uncertain; REM 1044/152–155)
|
(syntax uncertain; REM 1044/152–155)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(52)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(51)" >}}
|
||||||
{g} *kdi-se-l-w :*, woman-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*abr-se-l-w :*,man-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*yemoqe :*,belongings(?)|*eqebese-wit :*,[3pl.gen-det]({sc})(?)|***w***-*kb-te*,[pm]({sc})-seize-[tam]({sc})|
|
{g} *kdi-se-l-w :*, woman-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*abr-se-l-w :*,man-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*yemoqe :*,belongings(?)|*eqebese-wit :*,[3pl.gen-det]({sc})(?)|***w***-*kb-te*,[pm]({sc})-seize-[tam]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “? seized each man, each woman (and) their belongings(?)” (REM 1003/23–24)
|
{r} “? seized each man, each woman (and) their belongings(?)” (REM 1003/23–24)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(53)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(52)" >}}
|
||||||
{g} *kdi-se-l-w :*, woman-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*abr-se-l-w :*,man-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*emoqe :*,belongings(?)|*eqebese-wit :*,[3pl.gen-det]({sc})(?)|***w***-*kb-te*,[pm]({sc})-seize-[tam]({sc})|
|
{g} *kdi-se-l-w :*, woman-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*abr-se-l-w :*,man-each-[det-acc]({sc})|*emoqe :*,belongings(?)|*eqebese-wit :*,[3pl.gen-det]({sc})(?)|***w***-*kb-te*,[pm]({sc})-seize-[tam]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “? seized each man, each woman (and) their belongings(?)” (REM 1003/31–35)
|
{r} “? seized each man, each woman (and) their belongings(?)” (REM 1003/31–35)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(54)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(53)" >}}
|
||||||
{g} *wedi*,?|*dxe*,child|*mte-kdi*,young-woman|*Aqtoye : -se*,Aqatoye-[gen]({sc})|*2*,2|***w***-*bqo-b-te*,[pm]({sc})-take.control-[vnm-tam]({sc})|
|
{g} *wedi*,?|*dxe*,child|*mte-kdi*,young-woman|*Aqtoye : -se*,Aqatoye-[gen]({sc})|*2*,2|***w***-*bqo-b-te*,[pm]({sc})-take.control-[vnm-tam]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “? took control of ??? the two young daughters of Aqatoye” (REM 0094/24)
|
{r} “? took control of ??? the two young daughters of Aqatoye” (REM 0094/24)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
There is no doubt that the prefixed element *w-,* which is paradigmatically parallel to the morpheme *(y)e-,* is also a person subject marker. We should expect it to mark a different person, which can only be the 1st plural or the 3rd singular or plural, since there is no interlocutor in these sections of the royal inscriptions. Unfortunately, the context of these passages with *w-* does not provide much information, chiefly because of our scanty knowledge of Meroitic, but also because of the poor preservation of some parts of the stelae REM 1044 and 1003. However, it seems that these passages are the continuity of the sentences where the subject is in the first person, either explicitly or implicitly. The passage below precedes (51) in Taneyidamani’s stela (REM 1044/141–155). The lines that follow are unfortunately badly eroded.
|
There is no doubt that the prefixed element *w-,* which is paradigmatically parallel to the morpheme *(y)e-,* is also a person subject marker. We should expect it to mark a different person, which can only be the 1st plural or the 3rd singular or plural, since there is no interlocutor in these sections of the royal inscriptions. Unfortunately, the context of these passages with *w-* does not provide much information, chiefly because of our scanty knowledge of Meroitic, but also because of the poor preservation of some parts of the stelae REM 1044 and 1003. However, it seems that these passages are the continuity of the sentences where the subject is in the first person, either explicitly or implicitly. The passage below precedes (50) in Taneyidamani’s stela (REM 1044/141–155). The lines that follow are unfortunately badly eroded.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(55)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(54)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} *Ahotone qorte : drteyose-l :* ***e***-*kede-to :*
|
{r} *Ahotone qorte : drteyose-l :* ***e***-*kede-to :*
|
||||||
{r} “I killed Akhutune, the ??? of the palace(?).
|
{r} “I killed Akhutune, the ??? of the palace(?).
|
||||||
{r} *Nhror wide-l :* ***e***-*kede-to :*
|
{r} *Nhror wide-l :* ***e***-*kede-to :*
|
||||||
|
@ -787,11 +787,11 @@ There is no doubt that the prefixed element *w-,* which is paradigmatically para
|
||||||
{r} ? captured the children of the palace(?) (and) their brothers Aruqitama and Tadakhesene(?).” (= ex. 51)
|
{r} ? captured the children of the palace(?) (and) their brothers Aruqitama and Tadakhesene(?).” (= ex. 51)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
Three of these sentences include the subject pronoun marker *e-* “I” in the verbal compounds *e-kede-to* (twice) and *e-ked-b-to.* In two other sentences, the prefixed pronoun is absent, but implicit, in *dnetro*(?) and *tk-to.* It is difficult to account for the subject shift in the last sentence (51), where the prefixed pronoun *w-* replaces *e-*. No solution is fully satisfactory, but the most acceptable is to assume that the antecedent of the prefixed pronoun is one of the nouns of the same sentence that would be placed as its topic. These topicalized constructions are well documented in Meroitic.[^x34] They can also be found, under Meroitic influence, in the Egyptian texts of the late Napatan royal inscriptions, as in this example from king Nastasen’s stela (ll. 12–13, after *FHN* II: p. 478):
|
Three of these sentences include the subject pronoun marker *e-* “I” in the verbal compounds *e-kede-to* (twice) and *e-ked-b-to.* In two other sentences, the prefixed pronoun is absent, but implicit, in *dnetro*(?) and *tk-to.* It is difficult to account for the subject shift in the last sentence (50), where the prefixed pronoun *w-* replaces *e-*. No solution is fully satisfactory, but the most acceptable is to assume that the antecedent of the prefixed pronoun is one of the nouns of the same sentence that would be placed as its topic. These topicalized constructions are well documented in Meroitic.[^x34] They can also be found, under Meroitic influence, in the Egyptian texts of the late Napatan royal inscriptions, as in this example from king Nastasen’s stela (ll. 12–13, after *FHN* II: p. 478):
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^x34]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 547–548.
|
[^x34]: Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 547–548.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(56)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(55)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Egyptian**
|
{r} **Egyptian**
|
||||||
{r} *jr=w šn jr=j rmt-ꜥꜣ, ḥ(m)-ntr Jmn dr=w*
|
{r} *jr=w šn jr=j rmt-ꜥꜣ, ḥ(m)-ntr Jmn dr=w*
|
||||||
{r} “They made obeisance to me, (to wit) all the notables and priests of Amun
|
{r} “They made obeisance to me, (to wit) all the notables and priests of Amun
|
||||||
|
@ -799,7 +799,7 @@ Three of these sentences include the subject pronoun marker *e-* “I” in the
|
||||||
{r} They blessed me, (to wit) every mouth.”
|
{r} They blessed me, (to wit) every mouth.”
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
If so, the tentative translation of (51) suggested above must be thoroughly corrected. A singular object is expected, because there is no plural object marker at the end of the verbal compound. Maybe the translation should be “(as for) the children of the palace (?) (and) their brother Aruqitama, they captured Tadakhesene.” If this solution is syntactically acceptable, it is less so morphologically. A plural marker would be expected, like in *qe-be-se* “of them” ([3.2](#ii2) above). In addition, an element *w-* is attested in the late text REM 0094 as a variant of the singular 3rd person pronoun *qo/qe* “he/she, this” (cf. [3.1](#ii1)). Instead of *qe-se, qo-se* "his/her” (lit. “of him/her”), a form *w-se,* with variants *we-se,* and even *w-si,* in the same text, is attested: *semle: w-si* “his wife,” *ste: wese* “his mother” (line 26). Finally, no cognate can be found in other NES-languages, all of which have for “they” at least traces of a plural element *\*-gV.* In conclusion, the prefixed element *w-* in verbal compounds remains unexplained and needs further examination.
|
If so, the tentative translation of (50) suggested above must be thoroughly corrected. A singular object is expected, because there is no plural object marker at the end of the verbal compound. Maybe the translation should be “(as for) the children of the palace (?) (and) their brother Aruqitama, they captured Tadakhesene.” If this solution is syntactically acceptable, it is less so morphologically. A plural marker would be expected, like in *qe-be-se* “of them” ([3.2](#ii2) above). In addition, an element *w-* is attested in the late text REM 0094 as a variant of the singular 3rd person pronoun *qo/qe* “he/she, this” (cf. [3.1](#ii1)). Instead of *qe-se, qo-se* "his/her” (lit. “of him/her”), a form *w-se,* with variants *we-se,* and even *w-si,* in the same text, is attested: *semle: w-si* “his wife,” *ste: wese* “his mother” (line 26). Finally, no cognate can be found in other NES-languages, all of which have for “they” at least traces of a plural element *\*-gV.* In conclusion, the prefixed element *w-* in verbal compounds remains unexplained and needs further examination.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
# The Second Person Markers {#iv}
|
# The Second Person Markers {#iv}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -809,12 +809,12 @@ In all these inscriptions, the requests to the gods use verbal moods that fit wi
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
## Second Person Verbal Suffixes in Optatives and Imperatives {#iv1}
|
## Second Person Verbal Suffixes in Optatives and Imperatives {#iv1}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
The final prayers of the funerary texts, which Griffith termed “benedictions,” amount to thirteen different types, classified with uppercase letters from A to L, plus a formula “X” added by Hofmann.[^82] The general scheme for benedictions A to D, by far the most frequent, is presented in (57).[^83]
|
The final prayers of the funerary texts, which Griffith termed “benedictions,” amount to thirteen different types, classified with uppercase letters from A to L, plus a formula “X” added by Hofmann.[^82] The general scheme for benedictions A to D, by far the most frequent, is presented in (56).[^83]
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^82]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* pp. 42–53; Hofmann, *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* pp. 198–200; synthesis in Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–183 and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 68–74. A further type of benediction was used in a stela recently found in Sedeinga, Exc. No II S 055, cf. Rilly \& Francigny, “Excavations of the French Archaeological Mission in Sedeinga, Campaign 2011,” pp. 70–71. It remains unattested elsewhere.
|
[^82]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* pp. 42–53; Hofmann, *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* pp. 198–200; synthesis in Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163–183 and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 68–74. A further type of benediction was used in a stela recently found in Sedeinga, Exc. No II S 055, cf. Rilly \& Francigny, “Excavations of the French Archaeological Mission in Sedeinga, Campaign 2011,” pp. 70–71. It remains unattested elsewhere.
|
||||||
[^83]: For benedictions A and B, see also (11)–(14) above.
|
[^83]: For benedictions A and B, see also (11)–(14) above.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(57)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(56)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} Formula A
|
{r} Formula A
|
||||||
{g} *ato*,water|*mhe*,plentiful|*pVsV-/yi-*,[caus]({sc})|*he*,drink|*-x(e)/bx(e)*,[vnm.sg/pl]({sc})|*-k(e)te*,[opt.2pl]({sc})|
|
{g} *ato*,water|*mhe*,plentiful|*pVsV-/yi-*,[caus]({sc})|*he*,drink|*-x(e)/bx(e)*,[vnm.sg/pl]({sc})|*-k(e)te*,[opt.2pl]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “May you [pl]({sc}) make her/him/them drink plentiful water”
|
{r} “May you [pl]({sc}) make her/him/them drink plentiful water”
|
||||||
|
@ -829,17 +829,17 @@ The final prayers of the funerary texts, which Griffith termed “benedictions,
|
||||||
{r} “May you [pl]({sc}) present her/him/them (or have her/him/them presented) with a large meal”
|
{r} “May you [pl]({sc}) present her/him/them (or have her/him/them presented) with a large meal”
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
The prefixed elements *pVsV-* or *yi-,* which obviously have a causative value but are not yet fully understood, have been studied above in [4.3](#iii3). The element *-x(e)* in the singular, *-bx(e)* in the plural, is a verbal number marker that has been analysed in section [3.3](#ii3). As the funerary benedictions are basically prayers to the gods, imperative or optative in the 2nd person plural are expected. The verbal TAM ending here is *-k-te* or *-ke-te* with a plural suffix *-k(e).* The singular TAM ending is *-te,* as seen in examples (19), (29)-(31), each of which contains a prayer to a single god. Cross-linguistically, the singular imperative is generally a simple verbal stem, e.g., English *see!,* Latin *vide!,* and Middle Egyptian *m3!* This is also true for the living NES languages: Nobiin *nàl!,* Midob *kóod!,* etc.[^84] For this reason, the verbal form with ending *-te,* which is used in the royal blessings and funerary benedictions, must be regarded as an optative rather than an imperative. However, an optional particle *-se,* which is added to the verbal compound in several funerary inscriptions,[^85] has an Old Nubian parallel in the command marker -ⲥⲟ or -ⲥⲱ.[^x35] Be it related or borrowed, this particle shows the semantic proximity of the Meroitic optative with the Old Nubian imperative.
|
The prefixed elements *pVsV-* or *yi-,* which obviously have a causative value but are not yet fully understood, have been studied above in [4.3](#iii3). The element *-x(e)* in the singular, *-bx(e)* in the plural, is a verbal number marker that has been analysed in section [3.3](#ii3). As the funerary benedictions are basically prayers to the gods, imperative or optative in the 2nd person plural are expected. The verbal TAM ending here is *-k-te* or *-ke-te* with a plural suffix *-k(e).* The singular TAM ending is *-te,* as seen in examples (19), (29)–(31), each of which contains a prayer to a single god. Cross-linguistically, the singular imperative is generally a simple verbal stem, e.g., English *see!,* Latin *vide!,* and Middle Egyptian *m3!* This is also true for the living NES languages: Nobiin *nàl!,* Midob *kóod!,* etc.[^84] For this reason, the verbal form with ending *-te,* which is used in the royal blessings and funerary benedictions, must be regarded as an optative rather than an imperative. However, an optional particle *-se,* which is added to the verbal compound in several funerary inscriptions,[^85] has an Old Nubian parallel in the command marker -ⲥⲟ or -ⲥⲱ.[^x35] Be it related or borrowed, this particle shows the semantic proximity of the Meroitic optative with the Old Nubian imperative.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^x35]: Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* §4.2.
|
[^x35]: Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* §4.2.
|
||||||
[^84]: In the Nubian group, for Nobiin: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 145; for Andaandi: Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian,* pp. 194–195; for Midob: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* pp. 58–59. In the Nara group, for Higir: Thompson, "Nera,” p. 467; for Mogoreeb: Elsadig, *Major Word Categories in Nara,* p. 66. For Tama: Palayer's unpublished grammar, §4.3; for Sungor: Lukas, “Die Sprache der Sungor in Wadai,” pp. 192, 198–199; for Mararit: El-Nazir, *Major Word Categories in Mararit,* pp. 57–58. For Ama: Stevenson, *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* pp. 106, 110 and Stevenson, Rottland \& Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 30; for Afitti: ibid., p. 33. In all these languages, the singular imperative is generally the simple stem of the verb. However, a suffix *-i* is found for some verbs in Nubian, Taman, and Nyima. Suppletive forms for basic verbs are attested in Nara, Taman, and Nyima.
|
[^84]: In the Nubian group, for Nobiin: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 145; for Andaandi: Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian,* pp. 194–195; for Midob: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* pp. 58–59. In the Nara group, for Higir: Thompson, "Nera,” p. 467; for Mogoreeb: Elsadig, *Major Word Categories in Nara,* p. 66. For Tama: Palayer's unpublished grammar, §4.3; for Sungor: Lukas, “Die Sprache der Sungor in Wadai,” pp. 192, 198–199; for Mararit: El-Nazir, *Major Word Categories in Mararit,* pp. 57–58. For Ama: Stevenson, *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* pp. 106, 110 and Stevenson, Rottland \& Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 30; for Afitti: ibid., p. 33. In all these languages, the singular imperative is generally the simple stem of the verb. However, a suffix *-i* is found for some verbs in Nubian, Taman, and Nyima. Suppletive forms for basic verbs are attested in Nara, Taman, and Nyima.
|
||||||
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
|
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM markers which is used instead of the optative in several funerary texts. As shown in the following examples, it occurs either in one or two of the three main benedictions A, B, and C (a further example of *varietas*), or in all of them. Example (58) is drawn from REM 0369, an offering table from Shablul engraved for a single deceased. Example (59) is cited from a stela found in the same cemetery, REM 0381, and engraved for two persons, hence the plural verbal marker at the end of verbal compounds.[^86]
|
The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM markers which is used instead of the optative in several funerary texts. As shown in the following examples, it occurs either in one or two of the three main benedictions A, B, and C (a further example of *varietas*), or in all of them. Example (57) is drawn from REM 0369, an offering table from Shablul engraved for a single deceased. Example (58) is cited from a stela found in the same cemetery, REM 0381, and engraved for two persons, hence the plural verbal marker at the end of verbal compounds.[^86]
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^86]: The verbal plural marker *-bxe* here appears as *-b,* without the objective case marker. See (43) and its comment above.
|
[^86]: The verbal plural marker *-bxe* here appears as *-b,* without the objective case marker. See (43) and its comment above.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(58)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(57)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Meroitic**
|
{r} **Meroitic**
|
||||||
{r} Benediction A
|
{r} Benediction A
|
||||||
{g} *a*<*to*>,water|*mhe*,abundant|*pso-h :*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2]({sc})|
|
{g} *a*<*to*>,water|*mhe*,abundant|*pso-h :*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2]({sc})|
|
||||||
|
@ -852,7 +852,7 @@ The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM marke
|
||||||
{r} “Present her/him with a good meal.”
|
{r} “Present her/him with a good meal.”
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(59)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(58)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} Benediction A
|
{r} Benediction A
|
||||||
{g} *ato*,water|<*m*>*he*,abundant|*pso-he-b :*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2-vnm]({sc})|
|
{g} *ato*,water|<*m*>*he*,abundant|*pso-he-b :*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2-vnm]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “Make her/him drink plentiful water.”
|
{r} “Make her/him drink plentiful water.”
|
||||||
|
@ -872,7 +872,7 @@ Furthermore, a not uncommon variant of the verbal suffix *-te,* found only in th
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^89]: Cf. Griffith, *Karanòg,* p. 48. The alternation *-te/-to* is apparently a phonetic, not morphological, feature. It also occurs in person names. Queen Amanishakheto’s name, for instance, is generally written *(A)mnisxeto,* but is spelled *(A)mnisxete* in REM 0706, 1055, 1293, and 1346.
|
[^89]: Cf. Griffith, *Karanòg,* p. 48. The alternation *-te/-to* is apparently a phonetic, not morphological, feature. It also occurs in person names. Queen Amanishakheto’s name, for instance, is generally written *(A)mnisxeto,* but is spelled *(A)mnisxete* in REM 0706, 1055, 1293, and 1346.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(60)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(59)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} Benediction A
|
{r} Benediction A
|
||||||
{g} *ato*,water|*mhe*,abundant|*pso-he*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2]({sc})|
|
{g} *ato*,water|*mhe*,abundant|*pso-he*,[caus]({sc})-drink.[imp.2]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “Make her/him drink plentiful water.”
|
{r} “Make her/him drink plentiful water.”
|
||||||
|
@ -890,8 +890,8 @@ From the above, it appears that the markers of the Meroitic imperative and optat
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| | [2sg]({sc}) | [2pl]({sc}) | [impp]({sc}) |
|
| | [2sg]({sc}) | [2pl]({sc}) | [impp]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| Imperative | -∅ | -k(e) | (-se) |
|
| Imperative | -∅ | *-k(e)* | (*-se*) |
|
||||||
| Optative | -∅-te/-to | -k(e)-te | (-se) |
|
| Optative | -∅-*te/-to* | *-k(e)-te* | (*-se*) |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 4. Meroitic imperative and optative suffixes.~~**
|
**~~Table 4. Meroitic imperative and optative suffixes.~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -914,7 +914,7 @@ In 1999, the archaeological team of the Berlin Museum in Naga found a small stel
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
On the reverse of the stela, an inscription in Meroitic cursive script is engraved on six lines. The first three lines include the following prayer.
|
On the reverse of the stela, an inscription in Meroitic cursive script is engraved on six lines. The first three lines include the following prayer.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(61)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(60)" >}}
|
||||||
{g} *apedemk :*,Apedemak|*dqri-te-l-i :*,Daqari-[loc-det-voc]({sc})|*amni*[*sxeto :*],Amanishakheto|*qor :* (< *qore-l*),ruler.[det]({sc})|*kdke-l :*,candace-[det]({sc})|*pwrit(e)*,life|*(a)rese :*,[2sg.gen]({sc})|*yel-x-te :*,give-[vnm-opt.2sg]({sc})|*pwrite*,life|*debse :*,[2pl.gen]({sc})|*el-x-te*,give-[vnm-opt.2sg]({sc})|
|
{g} *apedemk :*,Apedemak|*dqri-te-l-i :*,Daqari-[loc-det-voc]({sc})|*amni*[*sxeto :*],Amanishakheto|*qor :* (< *qore-l*),ruler.[det]({sc})|*kdke-l :*,candace-[det]({sc})|*pwrit(e)*,life|*(a)rese :*,[2sg.gen]({sc})|*yel-x-te :*,give-[vnm-opt.2sg]({sc})|*pwrite*,life|*debse :*,[2pl.gen]({sc})|*el-x-te*,give-[vnm-opt.2sg]({sc})|
|
||||||
{r} “O Apedemak (who is) in Daqari, to Amanishakheto, the ruler, the Candace, give the life from you [sg]({sc}), give the life from you [pl]({sc})!” (REM 1293)
|
{r} “O Apedemak (who is) in Daqari, to Amanishakheto, the ruler, the Candace, give the life from you [sg]({sc}), give the life from you [pl]({sc})!” (REM 1293)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
@ -927,9 +927,9 @@ The close connection between *pwrite* and its successive extensions, *arese* and
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
### Egyptian Parallels
|
### Egyptian Parallels
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
This wording was already used in the Egyptian texts of the royal inscriptions engraved for the kings of the 25th Dynasty and their Napatan successors. Example (62) below is cited from the dedication engraved in the Temple of Mut, built by King Taharqo inside the cliff of Jebel Barkal (ca. 680 BCE). Example (63) is a text written on each side of the figure of goddess Mut in the same temple (after *FHN* I: p. 133). Example (64) is an excerpt from a stela of the Napatan king Anlamani (late 7th c. BCE) erected in the temple of Kawa (after *FHN* I: p. 322). In the three texts, the passages of interest to the question under study are in bold characters.
|
This wording was already used in the Egyptian texts of the royal inscriptions engraved for the kings of the 25th Dynasty and their Napatan successors. Example (61) below is cited from the dedication engraved in the Temple of Mut, built by King Taharqo inside the cliff of Jebel Barkal (ca. 680 BCE). Example (62) is a text written on each side of the figure of goddess Mut in the same temple (after *FHN* I: p. 133). Example (63) is an excerpt from a stela of the Napatan king Anlamani (late 7th c. BCE) erected in the temple of Kawa (after *FHN* I: p. 322). In the three texts, the passages of interest to the question under study are in bold characters.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(62)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(61)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Egyptian**
|
{r} **Egyptian**
|
||||||
{r} *dd-mdw n Mwt, nb*<*.t*> *Tꜣ-Sty*
|
{r} *dd-mdw n Mwt, nb*<*.t*> *Tꜣ-Sty*
|
||||||
{r} “Words to be said by Mut, mistress of Nubia:
|
{r} “Words to be said by Mut, mistress of Nubia:
|
||||||
|
@ -943,7 +943,7 @@ This wording was already used in the Egyptian texts of the royal inscriptions en
|
||||||
{r} **all health from me**, like Re, for ever’.” (Temple of Mut, inscription beside of the goddess standing behind Amun)
|
{r} **all health from me**, like Re, for ever’.” (Temple of Mut, inscription beside of the goddess standing behind Amun)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(63)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(62)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} *jr.n=f m mnw=f n mw-t=f Mwt*
|
{r} *jr.n=f m mnw=f n mw-t=f Mwt*
|
||||||
{r} “He made (this) as his monument for his mother Mut,
|
{r} “He made (this) as his monument for his mother Mut,
|
||||||
{r} *nb*<*.t*> *p.t ḥnw.t Tꜣ-Sty*
|
{r} *nb*<*.t*> *p.t ḥnw.t Tꜣ-Sty*
|
||||||
|
@ -956,7 +956,7 @@ This wording was already used in the Egyptian texts of the royal inscriptions en
|
||||||
{r} **all stability from her, and all power from [her]**.” (Temple of Mut, dedication to the goddess)
|
{r} **all stability from her, and all power from [her]**.” (Temple of Mut, dedication to the goddess)
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(64)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(63)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} *ḫꜥ Jmn-Rꜥ Gm-Jtn jw=f ꜥḫꜥ m-bꜣḫ=f*
|
{r} *ḫꜥ Jmn-Rꜥ Gm-Jtn jw=f ꜥḫꜥ m-bꜣḫ=f*
|
||||||
{r} “Amun-Re of Gematon (Kawa) appeared as he (the king) stood before him,
|
{r} “Amun-Re of Gematon (Kawa) appeared as he (the king) stood before him,
|
||||||
{r} *dj ntr pn ḥr=f r=f*
|
{r} *dj ntr pn ḥr=f r=f*
|
||||||
|
@ -969,7 +969,7 @@ This wording was already used in the Egyptian texts of the royal inscriptions en
|
||||||
{r} [**all**] **health from him, and all joy from him**.” (Enthronement stela of Anlamani (Kawa VIII/ 27–28))
|
{r} [**all**] **health from him, and all joy from him**.” (Enthronement stela of Anlamani (Kawa VIII/ 27–28))
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
In all these passages, the Egyptian preposition *ḫr* is used: *ꜥnḫ nb ḫr=j* “all life from me,” *ꜥnḫ nb ḫr=f* “all life from him.” Its primary meaning is “near,” but it can be also used with the agent of a passive verb in which it is usually translated with “by,”[^x44] a closer meaning to the sense of this proposition in examples (62)–(64). In these passages, the deity connected with the gift of life is the source of this gift, but not necessarily the one who provides it. In (63) the goddess gives to the ruler the life which is coming from her, and in (64) Amun is also the source and the giver of life. By contrast, in (62) Mut is asking her husband Amun to give Taharqo the life coming from her.[^93]
|
In all these passages, the Egyptian preposition *ḫr* is used: *ꜥnḫ nb ḫr=j* “all life from me,” *ꜥnḫ nb ḫr=f* “all life from him.” Its primary meaning is “near,” but it can be also used with the agent of a passive verb in which it is usually translated with “by,”[^x44] a closer meaning to the sense of this proposition in examples (61)–(63). In these passages, the deity connected with the gift of life is the source of this gift, but not necessarily the one who provides it. In (62) the goddess gives to the ruler the life which is coming from her, and in (63) Amun is also the source and the giver of life. By contrast, in (61) Mut is asking her husband Amun to give Taharqo the life coming from her.[^93]
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^x44]: Gardiner, *Egyptian Grammar,* pp. 42, 121.
|
[^x44]: Gardiner, *Egyptian Grammar,* pp. 42, 121.
|
||||||
[^93]: The complex distribution of roles in the last sentence, which includes the three grammatical persons together, is rare in this genre of Egyptian texts. Some mistakes in the use of the Egyptian personal suffixes are attested in late Napatan stelae written in poor Egyptian by local scribes. By contrast, the texts engraved in the temple of Mut were prepared by Egyptian scribes working for Taharqo during the heyday of the Kushite power. Consequently, the use of personal suffixes in (32) must be considered correct and deliberate.
|
[^93]: The complex distribution of roles in the last sentence, which includes the three grammatical persons together, is rare in this genre of Egyptian texts. Some mistakes in the use of the Egyptian personal suffixes are attested in late Napatan stelae written in poor Egyptian by local scribes. By contrast, the texts engraved in the temple of Mut were prepared by Egyptian scribes working for Taharqo during the heyday of the Kushite power. Consequently, the use of personal suffixes in (32) must be considered correct and deliberate.
|
||||||
|
@ -998,13 +998,13 @@ On the other hand, Nubian languages have a propensity for intervocalic /r/ to sh
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| Gloss | Proto-Nubian | Old Nubian | Nobiin | Birgid |
|
| Gloss | Proto-Nubian | Old Nubian | Nobiin | Birgid |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| black | \*ur(r)-i | ⲟⲩⲇⲙ | úrúm | úudè |
|
| black | *\*ur(r)-i* | ⲟⲩⲇⲙ | *úrúm* | *úudè* |
|
||||||
| great | \*ŋoor | ⳟⲟⲇ "Lord" | Nóor "Lord" | -gor "old" |
|
| great | *\*ŋoor* | ⳟⲟⲇ "Lord" | *Nóor* "Lord" | *-gor* "old" |
|
||||||
| 24 hours | \*ugur | ⲟⲁ̄ⲣ/ⲟ̄ⲁ̄ⲇⲉ "night" | áwá, [pl]({sc}) àwàrìi "night" | (nergi) |
|
| 24 hours | *\*ugur* | ⲟⲁ̄ⲣ/ⲟ̄ⲁ̄ⲇⲉ "night" | *áwá,* [pl]({sc}) *àwàrìi* "night" | (*nergi*) |
|
||||||
| six | \*gorji | ⲅⲟⲣⳝⲟ | górjò | korʃi |
|
| six | *\*gorji* | ⲅⲟⲣⳝⲟ | *górjò* | *korʃi* |
|
||||||
| sorghum | \*usi | ⲙⲁⲇⲉ | márée | (uze) |
|
| sorghum | *\*usi* | ⲙⲁⲇⲉ | *márée* | (*uze*) |
|
||||||
| sword[^96] | | ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡ | fáráɲ | (ʃíbídí) |
|
| sword[^96] | | ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡ | *fáráɲ* | (*ʃíbídí*) |
|
||||||
| white | \*arr-e | ⲁ̄ⲇⲱ | KD aro[^97] | éelé (M. áddè)[^98] |
|
| white | *\*arr-e* | ⲁ̄ⲇⲱ | KD *aro*[^97] | *éelé* (M. *áddè*)[^98] |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 5. Alternation between intervocalic /r/ and /d/ in Nubian.~~**
|
**~~Table 5. Alternation between intervocalic /r/ and /d/ in Nubian.~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
@ -1069,7 +1069,7 @@ In the 2000 issue of the *Meroitic Newsletter,* I published an article to show t
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
[^110]: Rilly, “Deux exemples de décrets amulétiques oraculaires en méroïtique" and *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 216–226.
|
[^110]: Rilly, “Deux exemples de décrets amulétiques oraculaires en méroïtique" and *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 216–226.
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(67)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(66)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Meroitic**
|
{r} **Meroitic**
|
||||||
{r} **Prefix** ***y(i)-*** (REM 0345, 1096, 1152(?), 1317/1168 (?), 1319, 1321, 1325, 1326)
|
{r} **Prefix** ***y(i)-*** (REM 0345, 1096, 1152(?), 1317/1168 (?), 1319, 1321, 1325, 1326)
|
||||||
{r} Formula A
|
{r} Formula A
|
||||||
|
@ -1080,7 +1080,7 @@ In the 2000 issue of the *Meroitic Newsletter,* I published an article to show t
|
||||||
{g} *mlowi*,health|*y-ni*,[pm-vc]({sc})|*bnebeseni*,?|
|
{g} *mlowi*,health|*y-ni*,[pm-vc]({sc})|*bnebeseni*,?|
|
||||||
{{< /gloss >}}
|
{{< /gloss >}}
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
{{< gloss "(68)" >}}
|
{{< gloss "(67)" >}}
|
||||||
{r} **Prefix** ***d-*** (REM 0361, 1174(?), 1236, 1322, 1323, 1324)
|
{r} **Prefix** ***d-*** (REM 0361, 1174(?), 1236, 1322, 1323, 1324)
|
||||||
{r} Formula A
|
{r} Formula A
|
||||||
{g} noun-*l*,[n-det]({sc})|*wte-li*,life-[det]({sc})|*pke-li*,[n-det]({sc})|*d-irohe-se-l-o-wi*,[pm-vc-det-cop-emp]({sc})|
|
{g} noun-*l*,[n-det]({sc})|*wte-li*,life-[det]({sc})|*pke-li*,[n-det]({sc})|*d-irohe-se-l-o-wi*,[pm-vc-det-cop-emp]({sc})|
|
||||||
|
@ -1102,18 +1102,18 @@ In conclusion, a general table of the personal markers that have been identified
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| | [1sg]({sc}) | [2sg]({sc}) | [3sg]({sc}) | [1pl]({sc}) | [2pl]({sc}) | [3pl]({sc}) |
|
| | [1sg]({sc}) | [2sg]({sc}) | [3sg]({sc}) | [1pl]({sc}) | [2pl]({sc}) | [3pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| **Independent Subject Pronoun** | ? | are (< \*ade) | qo | ? | deb | qoleb |
|
| **Independent Subject Pronoun** | ? | *are* (< *\*ade*) | *qo* | ? | *deb* | *qoleb* |
|
||||||
| **Prefixed Person Marker** | (y)e- | d- | w-(?) | ? | ? | ? |
|
| **Prefixed Person Marker** | *(y)e-* | *d-* | *w-*(?) | ? | ? | ? |
|
||||||
| **Possessive Pronoun** | ? | arese | (a)qese | ? | debse | (a)qebese |
|
| **Possessive Pronoun** | ? | *arese* | *(a)qese* | ? | *debse* | *(a)qebese* |
|
||||||
| **Imperative Person Marker** | – | -∅ | – | – | -k(e) | – |
|
| **Imperative Person Marker** | – | -∅ | – | – | *-k(e)* | – |
|
||||||
| **Optative Person Marker** | ? | -∅-te | ? | ? | -k(e)-te | ? |
|
| **Optative Person Marker** | ? | -∅-*te* | ? | ? | *-k(e)-te* | ? |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 6. Meroitic Person Markers~~**
|
**~~Table 6. Meroitic Person Markers~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
| | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
|
| | [sg]({sc}) | [pl]({sc}) |
|
||||||
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
| :--- | :--- | :--- |
|
||||||
| **Subject** | -∅ | -b |
|
| **Subject** | -∅ | *-b* |
|
||||||
| **Object** | -x(e) | -bx(e) |
|
| **Object** | *-x(e)* | *-bx(e)* |
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
**~~Table 7. Meroitic Verbal Number Markers~~**
|
**~~Table 7. Meroitic Verbal Number Markers~~**
|
||||||
|
|
||||||
|
|
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