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---
title: "Booker T. Washington’s Challenge for Egyptology: African-Centered Research in the Nile Valley"
authors: ["vanessadavies.md"]
abstract:
keywords: ["colonialism"]
abstract:In 1909, Egyptologist James Henry Breasted sent a letter to Booker T. Washington, along with a copy of an article Breasted had recently published in The Biblical World. To fully understand the short correspondence between the two scholars, this article delves into three related topics: Washington’s philosophy of industrial education and its complementarity with the educational program of his contemporary W. E. B. Du Bois; Washington’s prominent standing in educational, political, and social circles, including his professional relationship with the president of the University of Chicago William Rainey Harper and his advisory role to US president Theodore Roosevelt; and Breasted’s perspective on race and Egyptology. Washington, unlike Breasted, considered connections between ancient Nile Valley cultures and cultures elsewhere in Africa, a point of inquiry that has recently gained momentum in a variety of fields. In the correspondence between Washington and Breasted, we see demonstrations of precarity and privilege as related to scientific research, an imbalance seen also in the infamous syphilis study carried out at Tuskegee. This article points out the continued need to interrogate benefit by asking who constructs research questions and whom does research benefit.
keywords: ["Booker T. Washington", "James Henry Breasted", "W. E. B. Du Bois", "William Rainey Harper", "Theodore Roosevelt", "Egyptology", "ancient Nile Valley cultures", "Africa"]
---
In her autobiography, Mary Church Terrell recounts an event that filled

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@ -111,14 +111,14 @@ The taking of prisoners of war is a well-attested ancient war
practice.[^19] Enemies of different gender, age, and status were also
imprisoned during war in ancient Nubia. Although the practice surely
must have been older, the first textual attestations come from the reign
of Taharqa (690-664 BC), and continue until the Meroitic period. The
of Taharqa (690-664 BCE), and continue until the Meroitic period. The
mentioning of men, women, and children as prisoners of war is mostly
part of the lists of spoils of war. Since there is no space in this
paper to thoroughly analyze these lists and present them in a systematic
manner, I will concentrate only on prisoners of war, and especially on
women and children, since they are often entirely neglected.[^20]
The Kawa III stela of Taharqa informs us that the king provided the
The Kawa III stela of Taharqa (Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek I.N. 1707, Columns 22-23) informs us that the king provided the
temple of Amun with male and female servants, and the children of the
rulers (*wr.w*) of Tjehenu (Libyans).[^21] The Kawa VI (Khartoum SNM
2679, line 20-21) stela informs us that the temple of Amun in Kawa was
@ -128,13 +128,13 @@ land.[^22] A granite stela from Karnak (line 3), attributed to Taharqa
by Donald B. Redford, also mentions children of rulers, and later (lines
11-13) refers to the settling of a population with its cattle in
villages. This possibly refers to the settlement of the prisoners of
war among which the above-mentioned children.[^23] A more
war among which were the above-mentioned children.[^23] A more
securely-dated example of men and women (total: 544), seemingly presented
as spoils of war during the reign of Taharqa, and enumerated according
to ethnonyms or toponyms, can be found in his long inscription from
Sanam.[^24]
On the Enthronement stela of Anlamani (late 7th century BC) from Kawa
On the Enthronement stela of Anlamani (late 7th century BCE) from Kawa
(Kawa VIII, lines 19-20, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Æ.I.N. 1709),
it is stated that his soldiers gained control of all the women,
children, small cattle and property in the land Bulahau
@ -143,13 +143,13 @@ female servants of the gods.[^25] This indicates that Anlamani, like
Taharqa, appointed at least some prisoners of war to the temples.[^26]
In the Annals of Harsiyotef (Cairo JE 48864, lines 68-70) from his
35th regnal year in the early 4th century BC, the king states that
35th regnal year in the early 4th century BCE, the king states that
he gave booty (*ḥ3ḳ*) to Amun of Napata, 50 men, 50 women, together
making 100.[^27] The text (line 87-88) further states that the king
took, among others, male and female servants in the land of Metete.[^28]
Likewise, in the Annals of Nastasen (Stela Berlin ÄMP 2268, lines
44-46), from his 8th regnal year in the last third of the 4th century
BC, the king states that he gave a total of 110 men and women to Amun of
BCE, the king states that he gave a total of 110 men and women to Amun of
Napata.[^29] As noted by Jeremy Pope, there is no reason to impose here
an artificial distinction between a donation text and a record of
war.[^30] In fact, there is also no such division in ancient Egyptian
@ -189,16 +189,16 @@ rather generally that all women of the enemy were taken, instead of
providing a number like in earlier sources.
Currently, the textual evidence written in Merotic script is very
scarce, and our current understanding of the language is not on a level
scarce, and our understanding of the language is not on a level
which allows for a detailed reading for most preserved texts.
Nevertheless, several experts in Meroitic language and script have
recognized the mentioning of prisoners of war in the Hamadab Stela of
Amanirenas and Akinidad (British Museum 1650) from the late 1st
century BC.[^38] According to the new reading of Claude Rilly, the
century BCE.[^38] According to the new reading of Claude Rilly, the
second (small) Hamadab stela (REM 1039) mentions Akinidad and the sites
where the Roman prefect Petronius fought against the Meroites, namely
Aswan (Meroitic "Sewane"), Qasr Ibrim (Meroitic "Pedeme"), and Napata
("Npte"). According to Rilly, the stela also mentions the beginning of
(Meroitic "Npte"). According to Rilly, the stela also mentions the beginning of
the war in its 3rd and 4th lines: "the Tmey have enslaved all the men,
all the women, all the girls and all the boys".[^39] Interestingly, if
Rilly´s reading is correct, this would mean that when Meroitic folk were
@ -218,10 +218,10 @@ about 1km to the east-southeast of the centre of the city of Meroe. John
Garstang first investigated the temple in 1910-1911 together with
Archibald H. Sayce. The temple M250 was investigated further by
Friedrich Hinkel from 1984 to 1985. He dated it to the late 1st century
BC and early 1st century AD because of the royal cartouches of Akinidad
BCE and early 1st century CE because of the royal cartouches of Akinidad
found on fallen blocks of the cella's north wall.[^40] The earliest temple
on the site, which is northwest of M250, had probably already been built
in Aspelta's reign (the beginning of the 6th century BC) in the form of
in Aspelta's reign (the beginning of the 6th century BCE) in the form of
a cella on top of a podium.[^41] According to László Török, the
temple was dedicated in its later form to the cult of Re or, more
precisely, to the unification of Amun with Re.[^42] Hinkel interpreted
@ -265,10 +265,10 @@ south wall depicts a conflict with some population that the
Meroites encountered in Lower Nubia.[^53] However, if Meroe is
understood as the centre of the axis, then the enemies depicted on the
southern wall are unlikely to depict Lower Nubians. We know that during the
last decades of the 1st century BC Lower Nubia was not hostile to
last decades of the 1st century BCE Lower Nubia was not hostile to
Meroe, but on the contrary, that it rebelled against Rome. Gaius
Cornelius Gallus reports in his trilingual stela from Philae, erected in
29 BC, that he placed a local tyrant to govern Triakontaschoinos (Lower
29 BCE, that he placed a local tyrant to govern Triakontaschoinos (Lower
Nubia), which became part of the province of Egypt and established a
personal patron/client relationship with the king of Meroe.[^54] This
arrangement obliged inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos to pay taxes.[^55]
@ -276,10 +276,10 @@ Roman emperor Augustus then ordered Lucius Aelius Gallus, the second
prefect of Egypt, to prepare a military expedition against province
Arabia Felix. Aelius Gallus regrouped the forces stationed in Egypt and
took c. 8000 of the 16800 men in three legions and 5500 of the
auxiliary forces. The expedition was carried out in 26-25 BC and ended
auxiliary forces. The expedition was carried out in 26-25 BCE and ended
with Roman defeat. The inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos received the
news of Aelius Gallus' failure in Arabia and revolted in the summer of
25 BC. The aim of the revolt was to end the previously established
25 BCE. The aim of the revolt was to end the previously established
status of Triakontaschoinos and the obligation of paying tax to Rome.
Concurrent with this revolt, there were local rebellions against the
pressure of taxation in Upper Egypt.[^56] The rebels might also have
@ -291,10 +291,10 @@ depicted on the walls of temple M250 represents Lower Nubians. They were
not hostile toward Meroe at the time before the building of the temple M250
under Akinidad. On the contrary, they were its allies in war with Rome.
Regarding the representations of women and children as prisoners of war,
Török found parallels in New Kingdom Egyptian (ca. 1550-1070 BC)
Regarding the representations of women and children as prisoners of war in temple M250,
Török found parallels in New Kingdom Egyptian (ca. 1550-1070 BCE)
reliefs,[^58] whereas Hinkel found parallels both in New Kingdom
Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian reliefs (ca. 911-609 BC).[^59] One must,
Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian reliefs (ca. 911-609 BCE).[^59] One must,
however, stress that in the case of the New Kingdom Egyptian reliefs,
the parallels are both thematic and iconographic, whereas in the case of
Neo-Assyrian reliefs, the parallels are strictly general and thematic
@ -352,8 +352,8 @@ women are depicted as prisoners of war next to children (Figure 2).
Unlike the women from the north wall, the women from the south wall are
half-dressed. The breasts depicted on some of them (fragments 188, 214,
136, 943, 185, 222, 199, 847, 849, 811) indicate their gender, while the
gender of some of the children figures is depicted via smaller breasts
136, 943, 185, 222, 199, 847, 849, 811) indicate their sex, while the
sex of some of the children figures is depicted via smaller breasts
(fragment 236). Some of the women from the south wall are carrying
baskets with children on their backs, held with the help of a tumpline
(fragment 943, 849). In New Kingdom Egyptian iconography, this is a
@ -371,7 +371,7 @@ row being tied on the same rope (fragments 136, 943, 189, 34, 102, 39,
Hinkel related the construction of the M250 temple to the treaty that
the Meroites negotiated with Augustus on Samos in 21/20 BC. He relates
the Meroites negotiated with Augustus on Samos in 21/20 BCE. He relates
the taking of women and children as prisoners on the north wall to the
sacking of Philae, Elephantine, and Syene by the Meroites,[^66] as
reported by Strabo in Geography, 17. I. 54.[^67] The context of the war
@ -387,9 +387,9 @@ was,[^70] one has to consider that the Roman dominated world beyond the
province of Egypt was unknown or insufficiently known to the Meroites.
This explains the empty oval name rings on the northern part of the
temple pylon. Except for the generic *Arome* referring to Rome[^71] and
*Tmey* referring to the north,[^72] we do not know of any other Roman
*Tmey* referring to the Northeners,[^72] we do not know of any other Roman
toponyms from Meroe so far and it is likely that in the first century
BC and first century AD the Meroites indeed did not know of any others.
BCE and first century CE the Meroites indeed did not know of any others.
If the reliefs on the northern walls of the temple depict a Meroitic
raid on the First Cataract sites, then we have to take into account that
they imprisoned the local population, consisting also of women and
@ -420,7 +420,7 @@ in Kushite war discourse.
One attestation for the feminization of enemies without parallels, to the best of my
knowledge, is found on the Triumphal Stela of Piye (Cairo
JE 48862, 47086-47089, lines 149-150), the founder of the 25th Dynasty
of Egypt, who ruled between 744-714 BC: "Now these kings and counts of
of Egypt, who ruled between 744-714 BCE: "Now these kings and counts of
Lower Egypt came to behold His Majesty's beauty, their legs being the
legs of women." *js gr nn \<n\> nswt ḥ3(tj)w-^c^ nw T3-mḥw jj r m33 nfrw
ḥm=f rdwj=sn m rdwj ḥm.wt.*[^76] Nicolas-Christophe Grimal has
@ -428,7 +428,7 @@ translated this part of the text in a way that suggests that the legs of
the kings and counts of Lower Egypt trembled like those of women.[^77]
One has to stress that the adjective *tremblant* (French trembling) is
not written in the text, but is rather assumed by Grimal. On the other
hand, Hans Goedicke's translates rdwj=sn not as legs, but knees
hand, Hans Goedicke's translates *rdwj=sn* not as legs, but knees
instead.[^78] According to Robert K. Ritner, this means
that they were trembling in fear,[^79] and similarly, according to Amr
el Hawary, this could indicate that enemies of Piye had their legs
@ -446,7 +446,7 @@ the legs of women.[^83] Another case is possibly alluded to later in the
same text when it states "You return having conquered Lower Egypt;
making bulls into women" (*jw=k jy.tw* *ḥ3q.n=k T3-mḥw* *jr=k k3.w m
ḥm.wt*).[^84] Bearing in mind that in the Instructions of Ankhsheshonqy
(X, 20), an Egyptian text of the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BC), bulls are
(X, 20), an Egyptian text of the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BCE), bulls are
contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them,[^85] we can argue
that, in both cases, bulls stand for men, or at least masculinity, in
both the human and animal world. It is interesting that on the Triumphal
@ -458,7 +458,7 @@ counts of Lower Egypt failed to do this, or at least the text wants us
to believe that. The failed masculinity of Nimlot in the text of the
stela was extensively studied most recently by Mattias Karlsson. Next to
the motives already mentioned, additional arguments are rich and
complex. Piye (Piankhi) is representing ideal masculinity, contrasted
complex. Piye is representing ideal masculinity, contrasted
with failed masculinity of Nimlot. This can be observed both in the text
and in the iconography of the stela. For example, Nimlot is holding a
sistrum, a musical instrument usually linked to women (e.g. priestesses
@ -488,11 +488,11 @@ sources.[^89]
# Meroitic Non-royal and Royal Women in War
In Diodorus Siculus (1st century BC), Agatharchides reports how the
In Diodorus Siculus (1st century BCE), Agatharchides reports how the
Ethiopians employed women in war: "They also arm their women, defining
for them a military age. It is customary for most of these women to have
a bronze ring through one of their lips".[^90] This is repeated by
Strabo in first century AD.[^91]
Strabo in first century CE.[^91]
The conflict between Meroe and Rome was mentioned in the discussion of
the iconography of temple M250. One interesting aspect of this conflict
@ -524,7 +524,7 @@ but referred to her as everyone else.
The smiting of an enemy scene originates from ancient Egyptian
iconography, with its earliest known evidence found in tomb 100 in
Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt, dated to the Naqada IIC period, around
3500 BC. In Egypt, the motif has remained in the decoration of temple
3500 BCE. In Egypt, the motif has remained in the decoration of temple
pylons, private and royal stelae, and small finds for more than 3500
years. Its latest known appearance is found on temple reliefs from the
Roman period when emperors Domitian, Titus, and Trajan are depicted
@ -546,7 +546,7 @@ the elevation of her status during the period of his rule,[^99]
Nefertiti is nevertheless not the dominant figure in such depictions;
the dominant figure remains the smiting king because of the gender of
the enemies he smites. Male enemies were considered more dangerous than
female. When a female ruler like Hatshepsut (ca. 1479-1458 BC) of the
female. When a female ruler like Hatshepsut (ca. 1479-1458 BCE) of the
18th Dynasty is depicted smiting or trampling male enemies, she
herself is depicted as a king --a man-- and her identity is indicated by
the accompanying text that lists her name and royal titles.[^100]
@ -558,7 +558,7 @@ the accompanying text that lists her name and royal titles.[^100]
The Meroitic case is interesting precisely because certain royal women
can be depicted smiting and spearing male enemies. Amanishakheto (1st
century AD) is depicted spearing enemies on the pylon of her pyramid
century CE) is depicted spearing enemies on the pylon of her pyramid
Begrawiya North 6 in Meroe, both to the left and right of the pylon
entrance (Figure 4). On the left, she holds a bow, arrow, and rope
in her left hand and a spear in her right hand. The rope in her left
@ -578,9 +578,9 @@ bound enemies.[^102]
Bound enemies are additionally depicted under the throne of the queen on
the north wall of pyramid Begrawiya North 11 attributed to
Shanakdakheto, ca. 170-125 BC (Figure 5).[^103] Nine bows, the
Shanakdakheto, ca. 170-125 BCE (Figure 5).[^103] Nine bows, the
traditional symbol for enemies originating from ancient Egypt, are
depicted under the throne of Amanitore of the 1st century AD (Figure
depicted under the throne of Amanitore of the 1st century CE (Figure
6), just as they are depicted under the throne of Natakamani in the
pyramid Begrawiya North 1 of queen Amanitore.[^104]
@ -614,7 +614,7 @@ creation of these scenes can be seen in the specific status of royal
women in Meroitic ideology.[^107] However, we also have to bear in mind
that, considering the number of known Napatan and Meroitic royal women,
the smiting scenes of Amanishakheto and Amanitore in the 1st century
AD are an exception rather than rule. Interestingly, the smiting and
CE are an exception rather than rule. Interestingly, the smiting and
trampling scenes of Tiye and Nefertiti are also an exception rather than
the rule, and this exception in ancient Egyptian iconography has so far
been explained as a consequence of the increasing importance of royal
@ -666,7 +666,7 @@ potential traces of trauma on the skeletons would be more indicative,
however both could also be found in burials without such associated
weapons. Nevertheless, one should not exclude the possibility that
Meroitic queens made military decisions, just like, for example, the
17th Dynasty queen Ahmose or the 18th Dynasty queen Hatshepsut in
17th Dynasty queen Ahhotep or the 18th Dynasty queen Hatshepsut in
Egypt,[^113] though they probably did not fight in war. The depictions
of Meroitic queens smiting enemies should be seen in the context of
royal ideology. Unlike Egyptian queens, who are depicted as women
@ -722,6 +722,10 @@ AD, vols. I-- III*. Bergen: University of Bergen, 1994-1998.
# Bibliography
Breyer, Francis. *Einführung in die Meroitistik*.
Einführungen und Quellentexte zur Ägyptologie 8. Berlin: LIT Verlag,
2014.
Burstein, Stanley. "The Nubian Slave Trade in Antiquity: A Suggestion."
In *Graeco-Africana: Studies in the History of Greek Relations with
Egypt and Nubia*. New Rochelle, NY, Athens & Moscow: Aristide D. Caratzas, 1995: pp.
@ -734,16 +738,12 @@ Butler, Judith. *The Force of Non-Violence. An
Ethico-Political Bind*. London and New York: Routledge, 2020.
Bourdieu, Pierre. *Masculine Domination*, trans. by
Richard NICE. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001.
Richard Nice. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001.
Bourdieu, Pierre. "Symbolic Violence." In *Violence in War
and Peace. An Anthology*, edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes
and Philippe Bourgois, pp. 339--342. Oxford: Blackwell, 2004.
Breyer, Francis. *Einführung in die Meroitistik*.
Einführungen und Quellentexte zur Ägyptologie 8. Berlin: LIT Verlag,
2014.
Chapman, Suzanne E. and Dows Dunham.
*Decorated Chapels of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*. The
Royal Cemeteries of Kush III. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1952.
@ -772,10 +772,10 @@ Dieleman, Jacco. "Fear of Women? Representations of Women
in Demotic Wisdom Texts." *Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur* 25 (1998):
pp. 7--46.
Dowson, T. A. "Why Queer Archaeology? An Introduction."
Dowson, Thomas A. "Why Queer Archaeology? An Introduction."
*World Archaeology* 32.2 (2000): pp. 161--165.
Gamer-Wallert. *Der Löwentempel von Naqa in der Butana
Gamer-Wallert, Ingrid. *Der Löwentempel von Naqa in der Butana
(Sudan) III. Die Wandreliefs. 2. Tafeln*. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983.
Gilchrist, Roberta. *Gender and Archaeology*. *Contesting
@ -803,14 +803,14 @@ Hafsaas-Tsakos, Henriette. "Edges of bronze and
expressions of masculinity: The emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in
Sudan" *Antiquity* 87 (2013): pp. 79--91.
Hall, Emma Swan. *The Pharaoh Smites His Enemy*. Munich:
Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1986.
el Hawary, Amr. *Wortschöpfung*, *Die Memphitische
Theologie und die Siegesstele des Pije-zwei Zeugen kultureller
Repäsentation in der 25. Dynastie*. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 243.
Fribourg and Göttingen: Academic Press Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010.
Hall, Emma Swan. *The Pharaoh Smites His Enemy*. Munich:
Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1986.
Hinkel, Friedrich W. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250*.
Forschungs-Archiv F. W. Hinkel. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan
Supplement I. 1. Berlin: Selbstverlag des Hrsg., 2001.
@ -851,7 +851,7 @@ Studies in Antiquity* 2 (2001): pp. 1--25.
Lavik, Marta Høyland. *A People Tall and Smooth-Skinned. The Rhetoric of
Isaiah 18*. Vetus Testamentum, Supplements 112. Leiden: Brill, 2006.
Lepsius, K. R. *Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien*.
Lepsius, Karl R. *Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien*.
Taffelband 10: Aethiopien, hrsg. von Eduard Naville, bearbeitet von
Walter Wreszinski, Leipzig 1913. Nachdruck. Osnabrück: Verlagsgruppe
Zeller, 1970.
@ -898,7 +898,7 @@ Matić, Uroš. "Die \'\'römische\'\' Feinde in
der meroitischen Kunst." *Der Antike Sudan. Mitteilungen der
Sudanarchäologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin* 26 (2015): pp. 251--262.
Matić, Uroš. "Children on the move: ms.w wr.w in the New
Matić, Uroš. "Children on the move: *ms.w wr.w* in the New
Kingdom procession scenes." In *There and Back Again -- the Crossroads
II Proceedings of an International Conference Held in Prague, September
15--18, 2014*, edited by Jana Mynářová, Pavel
@ -927,7 +927,7 @@ Matić, Uroš. "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and Children
in NK Battle Scenes." In *Tradition and Transformation. Proceedings of
the 5th International Congress for Young Egyptologists , Vienna, 15-19
September 2015*. Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie 84. Contributions to
the archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant 6, edited by Andrea
the Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant 6, edited by Andrea
Kahlbacher and Elisa Priglinger, pp. 245--260. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2019.
@ -1160,7 +1160,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^10]: Bourdieu, *Masculine Domination*, 1--2; Bourdieu,
"Symbolic Violence" 339--342; Žižek, *Violence. Six
Sideways Reflections,* 1--2; For the application of these concepts
Sideways Reflections,* 1--2; for the application of these concepts
in archaeology and Egyptology, see Jensen &
Matić, "Introduction: Why do we need archaeologies of
gender and violence, and why now?" 1--23; Matić,
@ -1206,12 +1206,11 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
"Pharaonic Plunder Economy".
[^21]: Macadam, *The Temples of Kawa I. Text,* 9;
Macadam, *The Temples of Kawa I. Plates*, Pls. 5-6;
FHN I, 175.
Macadam, *The Temples of Kawa I. Plates*, Pls. 5-6.
[^22]: Macadam. *The Temples of Kawa I*. *Text*, 36;
Macadam, *The Temples of Kawa I.* *Plates*, Pls.
11--12; FHN I, 173.
11--12; FHN I, 172--173.
[^23]: Redford, "Taharqa in Western Asia and Libya." 190.
The stela actually does not bear the name of Taharqa and Jean Revez
@ -1351,7 +1350,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^65]: For example, in tribute scenes from the tombs of Useramun-TT 131,
Rekhmire-TT 100, Horemhab-TT 78 but also the Beit el-Wali temple of
Ramesses II, Matić, "Children on the move: ms.w wr.w
Ramesses II, Matić, "Children on the move: *ms.w wr.w*
in the New Kingdom procession scenes." 378--379, Fig. 12.
[^66]: Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 189.
@ -1435,9 +1434,9 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
[^96]: Hall, *The Pharaoh Smites His Enemy*, 44.
[^97]: Queen Tiye (ca. 1398-1338 BC) of the 18th Dynasty is depicted
[^97]: Queen Tiye (ca. 1398-1338 BCE) of the 18th Dynasty is depicted
trampling over enemies in the guise of a female sphinx. Queen
Nefertiti (ca. 1370-? BC) of the same dynasty is depicted both
Nefertiti (ca. 1370-? BCE) of the same dynasty is depicted both
smiting enemies and trampling over them in the guise of a sphinx. I
argued that we can observe a clear gender structure behind such
images, and that the status of queens smiting enemies is lower than
@ -1480,7 +1479,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
116--117.
[^109]: For exceptionality and the possible divinization of Amanirenas
(1st century AD) see Zach, "A Remark on the 'Akinidad'
(1st century CE) see Zach, "A Remark on the 'Akinidad'
Stela REM 1003 (British Museum EA 1650)." 149.
[^110]: Matić, "Pharaonic Plunder Economy".
@ -1494,7 +1493,7 @@ York: Picador, 2008.
me that she considers investigating this topic further and maybe
revising her conclusions.
[^113]: For the military activities of Ahmose and Hatshepsut see,
[^113]: For the military activities of Ahhotep and Hatshepsut see,
Matić, *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*;
Taterka, "Military expeditions of King Hatshepsut."
90--106.

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content/author/vanessadavies.md
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@ -4,4 +4,4 @@ title: Vanessa Davies
# Biography
Bio
Vanessa Davies is the author of Peace in Ancient Egypt and co-editor of the first modern handbook of Egyptian epigraphy and paleography. Her recent work examines the reception of ancient Nile Valley cultures in the writings of twentieth-century African descended intellectuals in the US.