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@ -47,27 +47,27 @@ with the sole focus on men. The participation of women and their
experiences are rarely addressed.[^11] War and violence in ancient Sudan
are fields still largely dominated by male authors.[^12] This
androcentric perspective rarely takes into account gender as a social
category, and tends to implicitly a focus only on combatant men. As a
category and tends to implicitly focus only on combatant men. As a
result, we are left with numerous valuable contributions on Kushite
representations of war, enemies, weaponry etc. However, a gender
perspective is lacking in almost all of them. This does not mean that
the effort to find women in such contexts or to relate them to women is
that which is lacking, although this is true too. What is missing is a
the effort to find women in such contexts or to relate these contexts to women is
that which is lacking, although this is true too. What is missing, is a
perspective on both masculinity and femininity as socio-culturally
determined categories coming from a specific gender system. Until
recently, this was also the case in Egyptology. However, some recent
studies focusing on war in ancient Egypt have shown the potential of
implementing ideas and concepts coming from gender studies.[^13] One of
these concepts is the frames of war. The concept of the frames of war
these concepts is the 'frames of war'. The concept of the frames of war
was developed by American philosopher Judith Butler, who demonstrated
the way some political forces frame violence in the modern media. Frames
the way some political forces frame violence in modern media. Frames
of war are operations of power which seek to contain, convey, and
determine what is seen and what is real.[^14] They are the ways of
selectively carving up experience as essential to the conduct of
war.[^15] Butler argues that, by regulating perspective in addition to
content, state authorities are clearly interested in controlling the
visual modes of participation in war.[^16] The study by Butler on frames
of war is essential for our understanding of how the modern media
of war is essential for our understanding of how modern media
creates the experience of war, whether and where they find a place for
non-combatants, and how victory and defeat are presented. In this
process, different genders are represented as differently positioned,
@ -81,10 +81,10 @@ Napatan and Meroitic periods. I will first focus on non-combatants in
texts, by analysing the attestations of prisoners of war of differing
ages and genders. The lists of spoils of war demonstrate a structure
based on a hierarchy based on status, age, and gender intersectionality.
The term intersectionality is one of the central tenets of black
Intersectionality is one of the central tenets of black
feminist theory. It is based on the fact that oppression is not
monocausal, as for example in the USA it is not based either on race or
on gender. Rather, an intersection of race and gender makes some more
on gender. Rather, an intersection of race and gender makes some individuals more
oppressed or oppressed in a different way than others.[^18] This
analysis of the attestations of non-combatants is followed by an
analysis of a currently unique representation of women and children as
@ -94,12 +94,12 @@ texts in order to demonstrate how gender was used to structure hierarchy
and to position the Kushite king as masculine and his enemies as
feminine. I argue that, in this way, gender framed both relations in war
and hierarchies within the society of ancient Sudan. I also discuss
evidence for the participation of Kushite royal women in war, and stress
evidence for the participation of Kushite royal women in war and stress
that the sources at our disposal are providing us with an outsider
(Graeco-Roman) perspective, rather than a local perspective. Finally, I
(Graeco-Roman) perspective rather than a local perspective. Finally, I
discuss the specifics of scenes in which Meroitic royal women are
smiting enemies by comparing these scenes to others from ancient Egypt.
I argue that the observed differences are related to a different
I argue that the observed differences relate to a different
understanding of the relation between kingship and queenship in these
two societies.
@ -107,7 +107,7 @@ two societies.
## Textual Evidence
The taking of prisoners of war is a well attested ancient war
The taking of prisoners of war is a well-attested ancient war
practice.[^19] Enemies of different gender, age, and status were also
imprisoned during war in ancient Nubia. Although the practice surely
must have been older, the first textual attestations come from the reign
@ -128,8 +128,8 @@ land.[^22] A granite stela from Karnak (line 3), attributed to Taharqa
by Donald B. Redford, also mentions children of rulers, and later (lines
11-13) refers to the settling of a population with its cattle in
villages. This possibly refers to the settlement of the prisoners of
war, among which were the above-mentioned children.[^23] A more
securely-dated example of men and women (total: 544) seemingly presented
war among which the above-mentioned children.[^23] A more
securely-dated example of men and women (total: 544), seemingly presented
as spoils of war during the reign of Taharqa, and enumerated according
to ethnonyms or toponyms, can be found in his long inscription from
Sanam.[^24]
@ -153,10 +153,10 @@ BC, the king states that he gave a total of 110 men and women to Amun of
Napata.[^29] As noted by Jeremy Pope, there is no reason to impose here
an artificial distinction between a donation text and a record of
war.[^30] In fact, there is also no such division in ancient Egyptian
records of war, and the Kushite records of war bear many similarities to
records of war and the Kushite records of war bear many similarities to
those of ancient Egypt, especially when lists of spoils of war are
concerned. Nastasen also claims (lines 46-49) that he captured Ayonku,
the ruler connected to the rebels, and that he took all the women, all
the ruler connected to the rebels and that he took all the women, all
the cattle, and much gold. The list mentions 2,236 women.[^31] Compared
to the number of men and women given to the temple of Amun at Napata,
this is a significantly larger number, which indicates that a majority
@ -178,10 +178,10 @@ men, women and children. No difference is made between male and female
children. This demonstrates an intersectional hierarchy based on status,
gender, and age. The enemy ruler was the most valued, then came enemy
men, women and children, in that same order. An interesting question is
if this intersectional hierarchy mirrors that of the ancient Sudanese
society, or if it was only imposed on its enemies. That male and female
prisoners of war together with children, including even those of the
foreign rulers, were donated to the temples, comes as no surprise. The
if this intersectional hierarchy mirrors that of ancient Sudanese
society or if it was only imposed on its enemies. That male and female
prisoners of war feature together with children, including even those of
foreign rulers donated to temples, comes as no surprise. The
individual temples of Amun in Kush also functioned as centres of
territorial government and redistribution.[^37] Some lines in the Annals
of Nastasen refer to imprisoned women in a rhetorical manner, stating
@ -190,7 +190,7 @@ providing a number like in earlier sources.
Currently, the textual evidence written in Merotic script is very
scarce, and our current understanding of the language is not on a level
which would allow a detailed reading of most of the preserved texts.
which allows for a detailed reading for most preserved texts.
Nevertheless, several experts in Meroitic language and script have
recognized the mentioning of prisoners of war in the Hamadab Stela of
Amanirenas and Akinidad (British Museum 1650) from the late 1st
@ -201,8 +201,8 @@ Aswan (Meroitic "Sewane"), Qasr Ibrim (Meroitic "Pedeme"), and Napata
("Npte"). According to Rilly, the stela also mentions the beginning of
the war in its 3rd and 4th lines: "the Tmey have enslaved all the men,
all the women, all the girls and all the boys".[^39] Interestingly, if
Rilly´s reading is correct, this would mean that when Meroitic folk are
taken as prisoners by enemies, a gender differentiation is made even for
Rilly´s reading is correct, this would mean that when Meroitic folk were
taken as prisoners by enemies, a gender differentiation was made among
children and/or adolescents. The following discussion will focus on the
possible iconographic evidence of the conflict between Meroe and Rome.
@ -219,76 +219,76 @@ Garstang first investigated the temple in 1910-1911 together with
Archibald H. Sayce. The temple M250 was investigated further by
Friedrich Hinkel from 1984 to 1985. He dated it to the late 1st century
BC and early 1st century AD because of the royal cartouches of Akinidad
found on fallen blocks of the cella north wall.[^40] The earliest temple
found on fallen blocks of the cella's north wall.[^40] The earliest temple
on the site, which is northwest of M250, had probably already been built
in Aspelta's reign (the beginning of the 6th century BC) in the form of
a cella on the top of a podium.[^41] According to László Török, the
a cella on top of a podium.[^41] According to László Török, the
temple was dedicated in its later form to the cult of Re or, more
precisely, to the unification of Amun with Re.[^42] Hinkel interpreted
it more carefully as a temple of Amun.[^43]
So far, the battle reliefs of M250 were analyzed by several authors. It
is Hinkel who published the temple and gave the most detailed
description and analysis of the relief blocks to-date.[^44] According to
Török, the decoration of the facades had a "historically" formulated
description and analysis of the relief blocks to date.[^44] According to
Török, the decoration of the façades had a "historically" formulated
triumphal aspect.[^45]. Before the publication of the temple by Hinkel,
Steffen Wenig assigned them to the reign of Aspelta because his stela
was found on the site. Wenig related the reliefs to the ones from the
B500 temple of Amun at Gebel Barkal, not knowing at that time that they
predate M250.[^46] Inge Hofmann analysed the war reliefs in detail
predate M250.[^46] Inge Hofmann analyzed the war reliefs in detail
regarding the weapons and equipment worn by the Meroites and emphasized
that the weapons they use are post-Napatan. Based on the kilts and hair
feathers worn by some of the enemies of Meroites in these scenes, she
concluded that they are southerners but that they cannot be identified
with any specific Sudanese tribe.[^47] This type of enemy wearing a kilt
concluded that they are southerners, but that they cannot be associated
with any specific Sudanese community.[^47] This type of enemy wearing a kilt
and feathers is also found as a bound prisoner on the pylon of the tomb
chapel of Begrawiya North 6 (the tomb of Amanishakheto).[^48] It is also
depicted on the east wall painting from the small temple M292, better
known because of the head of a statue of Augustus which was buried in
front of its entrance, as well as a representation of the so called
known because of the head of a statue of Augustus, which was buried in
front of its entrance, as well as a representation of the so-called
Roman prisoner on the same wall painting.[^49] According to Florian Wöß,
this type of enemy can be classified as an Inner African Type. It is
most numerous among Meroitic depictions of enemies, and Wöß argues that
most numerous among Meroitic depictions of enemies and Wöß argues that
it could have therefore represented a real threat to the Meroites.[^50]
This conclusion corresponds well with the interpretation of the Meroitic
kingdom having a heartland in the Nile Valley, at Keraba, and perhaps
also the southland, Meroitic kingdom was surrounded by various
neighbouring communities that could have made a real threat and were
This conclusion resonates well with the interpretation of the Meroitic
kingdom as having a heartland in the Nile Valley, at Keraba, and perhaps
also the southland. The Meroitic kingdom was surrounded by various
neighbouring communities that could have posed a real threat and were
only occasionally under Kushite control.[^51] As we have already seen,
numerous texts refer to conflicts with these communities outside the
realm of the Kushite kingdom.
Hinkel has already concluded that the north wall of M250 depicts women
and children taken by the Meroites in their raid of the first cataract,
as reported by Strabo in *Geography* (17. I. 54),[^52] and that the
and children taken by the Meroites in their raid of the First Cataract,
as reported by Strabo in *Geography* (17. I. 54),[^52], and that the
south wall depicts a conflict with some southern population that the
Meroites encountered in Lower Nubia.[^53] However, if Meroe is
understood as the centre of the axis, then the enemies depicted on the
south wall are unlikely to depict Lower Nubians. We know that during the
last decades of the 1st century BC, Lower Nubia was not hostile to
Meroe, and that, rather the contrary, it rebelled against Rome. Gaius
Cornelius Gallus reports in his trilingual stela from Philae erected in
29 BC that he placed a local tyrant to govern Triakontaschoinos (Lower
southern wall are unlikely to depict Lower Nubians. We know that during the
last decades of the 1st century BC Lower Nubia was not hostile to
Meroe, but on contrary, that it rebelled against Rome. Gaius
Cornelius Gallus reports in his trilingual stela from Philae, erected in
29 BC, that he placed a local tyrant to govern Triakontaschoinos (Lower
Nubia), which became part of the province of Egypt and established a
personal patron/client relationship with the king of Meroe.[^54] This
arrangement obliged inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos to pay taxes.[^55]
Roman emperor Augustus then ordered Lucius Aelius Gallus, the second
prefect of Egypt, to prepare a military expedition against province
Arabia Felix. Aelius Gallus regrouped the forces stationed in Egypt and
took c. 8000 of the 16.800 men in three legions and 5500 of the
took c. 8000 of the 16800 men in three legions and 5500 of the
auxiliary forces. The expedition was carried out in 26-25 BC and ended
with Roman defeat. The inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos received the
news of Aelius Gallus' failure in Arabia and revolted in the summer of
25 BC. The aim of the revolt was to end the previously established
status of Triakontaschoinos and the obligation of paying tax to Rome.
Concurrently with this revolt, there were local rebellions against the
Concurrent with this revolt, there were local rebellions against the
pressure of taxation in Upper Egypt.[^56] The rebels might also have
received help from the king of Meroe. Meroe probably tried to use the
opportunity presented by the revolt in Triakontaschoinos and Upper Egypt
to establish the northern frontier in the region of the First
Cataract.[^57] Therefore, it is unlikely that the southern enemy
depicted on the walls of temple M250 represents Lower Nubians. They were
not hostile to Meroe at the time before the building of the temple M250
not hostile toward Meroe at the time before the building of the temple M250
under Akinidad. On the contrary, they were its allies in war with Rome.
Regarding the representations of women and children as prisoners of war,
@ -323,26 +323,26 @@ in front of them, after which comes one more group of nude women and
children. They are approached by oppositely-oriented men, probably in a
battle. After them, the register continues in an east-west orientation
towards a columned building, which is presumably a representation of a
temple.[^61] Behind this columned building in the continuation of the
register. There is a break here, after which comes poorly preserved
temple.[^61] The register continues behind this columned building and
there is a break here, after which comes poorly preserved
representations of round huts and trees.[^62] Only the lower parts of
the figures of women and children are preserved on the north wall, so it
is hard to say more about them. However, the women and children seem to
be nude. The gender of the children cannot be identified because the
representations were later damaged in the genital area. There are two
groups and in-between them there are cattle. The groups are flanked with
groups and in between them there are cattle. The groups are flanked with
men who lead them forward.
The south wall blocks with representations of women and children are not
found *in situ,* but rather in the vicinity of the south wall. Some of
them can be joined, and some of these joints present evidence for at
The blocks of the southern wall, with representations of women and children, are not
found *in situ*, but rather in the vicinity of the south wall. Some of
them can be joined and some of these joints present evidence for at
least two registers. In one case, the upper register of the two depicts
both women and children as prisoners of war, while the lower register
depicts ship-fragments 198, 322, 323, 319 and 190.[^63] The figures in
the two registers are differently oriented. Additionally, one more boat
representation with a head of a ram possibly indicates a relation to
Amun (fragments 113 and 106).[^64] It is oriented in the same direction
as the previous boat. On the blocks of the south wall, both men and
as the previous boat. On the blocks of the south wall both men and
women are depicted as prisoners of war next to children (Figure 2).
![Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250](../static/images/matic/fig2.jpg "Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250")
@ -377,9 +377,9 @@ sacking of Philae, Elephantine, and Syene by the Meroites,[^66] as
reported by Strabo in Geography, 17. I. 54.[^67] The context of the war
reliefs on the northern wall of the temple indeed indicates a northern
conflict. It is interesting that the oval name rings for the toponyms or
ethnonyms of the defeated enemies are left blank on the northern part of
ethnonyms of defeated enemies are left blank on the northern part of
the temple pylon (Figure 3),[^68] and were only filled in with Meroitic
hieroglyphs on the south part of the temple pylon, which have thus far
hieroglyphs on the southern part of the temple pylon, which have thus far
not been identified with certainty.[^69] In the light of Strabo's
Geography 17. I. 54, in which he writes that when told that they should
go to Augustus, the Meroites answered they do not know who that
@ -388,16 +388,16 @@ province of Egypt was unknown or insufficiently known to the Meroites.
This explains the empty oval name rings on the northern part of the
temple pylon. Except for the generic *Arome* referring to Rome[^71] and
*Tmey* referring to the north,[^72] we do not know of any other Roman
toponyms from Meroe so far, and it is likely that in the first century
BC and first century AD, the Meroites indeed did not know of any others.
toponyms from Meroe so far and it is likely that in the first century
BC and first century AD the Meroites indeed did not know of any others.
If the reliefs on the northern walls of the temple depict a Meroitic
raid on the First Cataract sites, then we have to take into account that
they imprisoned the local population, consisting also of women and
children, and not only of men. These women and children could also have
been local and not necessarily incomers after the Roman taking of Egypt.
children and not only of men. These women and children could also have
been local and not necessarily immigrants after the Roman takeover of Egypt.
The iconographic evidence from M250 corresponds well with the textual
attestations for the taking of prisoners of war of different ages and
genders and allocating them to temples of Amun. Interestingly, just like
genders, and allocates them to temples of Amun. Interestingly, just like
in ancient Egyptian iconography of the New Kingdom, there is an absence
of violence against women and children.[^73] Bearing in mind the idea
that frames of war regulate what is reported and represented in various
@ -405,20 +405,20 @@ media, we can consider the possibility that some realities of war such
as violence against non-combatants were censured due to socially
determined taste. Hurting women and children was probably considered a
form of illegitimate violence and although it probably occurred, it was
not communicated to local audience.
not communicated to local audiences.
# Feminization of Enemies in Texts
The feminization of enemies is a common cross-cultural motif of war
discourses, both textual and visual. As anthropologist Marilyn Strathern
The feminization of enemies is a common cross-cultural motif in war
discourse, both textual and visual. As anthropologist Marilyn Strathern
argued, "relations between political enemies stand for relations between
men and women".[^74] Numerous examples are known for this from ancient
Egypt and Neo-Assyria, and these are extensively dealt with
Egypt and Neo-Assyria and these are extensively dealt with
elsewhere.[^75] Here, the focus will be on the feminization of enemies
in Kushite war discourse.
One attestation for the feminization of enemies, with, to the best of my
knowledge, no parallels, is found on the Triumphal Stela of Piye (Cairo
One attestation for the feminization of enemies without parallels, to the best of my
knowledge, is found on the Triumphal Stela of Piye (Cairo
JE 48862, 47086-47089, lines 149-150), the founder of the 25th Dynasty
of Egypt, who ruled between 744-714 BC: "Now these kings and counts of
Lower Egypt came to behold His Majesty's beauty, their legs being the
@ -428,47 +428,47 @@ translated this part of the text in a way that suggests that the legs of
the kings and counts of Lower Egypt trembled like those of women.[^77]
One has to stress that the adjective *tremblant* (French trembling) is
not written in the text, but is rather assumed by Grimal. On the other
hand, Hans Goedicke translates the text so that instead of legs, he
interprets it as knees.[^78] According to Robert K. Ritner, this means
hand, Hans Goedicke's translates rdwj=sn not as legs, but knees
instead.[^78] According to Robert K. Ritner, this means
that they were trembling in fear,[^79] and similarly, according to Amr
el Hawary, this could indicate that the enemies of Piye had their legs
el Hawary, this could indicate that enemies of Piye had their legs
bent at the knees from fear.[^80] However, David O'Connor and Stephen
Quirke understand the text as a metaphor for the femininity of Piye's
enemies, because the legs of women are smooth skinned.[^81] Yet,
enemies, because the legs of women are smooth-skinned.[^81] Yet,
although both men and women shaved in Egypt and Nubia, we cannot assume
that body hair removal was restricted only to women. For Nubia at least
that body hair removal was restricted only to women. For Nubia, at least,
this is indicated by the description of Kushites in the Bible as tall
and smooth-skinned people (Isaiah 18: 7).[^82] Later in the text, it is
stated that three of these kings and counts stayed outside the palace
"because of their legs" (*r rdwj=sn*), and only one entered. el Hawary
"because of their legs" (*r rdwj=sn*), and only one entered. El Hawary
postulates that this could be related to the previous comparison with
the legs of women.[^83] Another case is possibly alluded to later in the
same text, when it is stated "You return having conquered Lower Egypt;
same text when it states "You return having conquered Lower Egypt;
making bulls into women" (*jw=k jy.tw* *ḥ3q.n=k T3-mḥw* *jr=k k3.w m
ḥm.wt*).[^84] Bearing in mind that in the Instructions of Ankhsheshonqy
(X, 20), an Egyptian text of the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BC), bulls are
contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them[^85], we can argue
that, in both cases, bulls stand for men, or at least masculinity, in
both the human and animal world. It is interesting that on the Triumphal
stela of Piye, women of the palace of the Lower Egyptian king Nimlot did
pay homage to Piye "after the manner of women" (*m* *ḫt* *ḥmwt*).[^86]
stela of Piye women from the palace of the Lower Egyptian king Nimlot
paid homage to Piye "after the manner of women" (*m* *ḫt* *ḥmwt*).[^86]
Maybe this indicates that there was also a manner in which men are
supposed to pay homage to the king, and that the defeated kings and
counts of Lower Egypt failed to do this, or at least the text wants us
to believe that. The failed masculinity of Nimlot in the text of the
stela was extensively studied most recently by Mattias Karlsson. Next to
the motives already mentioned, additional arguments are rich and
complex. Piye (Piankhi) is representing ideal masculinity contrasted
complex. Piye (Piankhi) is representing ideal masculinity, contrasted
with failed masculinity of Nimlot. This can be observed both in the text
and in the iconography of the stela. For example, Nimlot is holding a
sistrum, a musical instrument usually linked to women (e.g., priestesses
of Hathor), and he stands behind his wife and usually the men are
frontal figures. His wife speaks for him and appears as the head of his
household.[^87] To these arguments, one can also add the fact that the
sistrum, a musical instrument usually linked to women (e.g. priestesses
of Hathor), while he is standing behind his wife and not depicted in the
usual front-facing manner. His wife speaks for him and appears as the head of his
household.[^87] To these arguments one can also add the fact that the
silhouette of the defeated Egyptian princes in proskynesis differs in
shape from usual representations of men. Their bodies seem to be curvier
as in Kushite depictions of women. An allusion of sexual domination is
not directly communicated but it might be that it was implied.
not directly communicated, but it might have been implied.
There are other attestations of the feminization of enemies in texts
composed for the Kushite kings. In the Annals of Harsiyotef (Cairo JE
@ -478,8 +478,8 @@ of Mededet was sent to Harsiyotef, saying: "You are my god. I am your
servant. I am a woman. Come to me" (*ntk p(3)=j* *nṯr* *jnk p(3)=k b3k*
*jnk* *sḥmt* *my j-r=j*).[^88] In this attestation, we have a direct
speech of the enemy, who, according to the text, identifies himself with
a woman. Of course, we are safe to assume that these words were put in
his mouth by the composer of the text of the stela. el Hawary has
a woman. Of course we are safe to assume that these words were put in
his mouth by the composer of the text of the stela. El Hawary has
already made a connection between the passage from the Annals of
Harsiyotef and this passage from the Triumphal stela of Piye, describing
the homage to Piye in a womanly manner. Interestingly, no such
@ -501,11 +501,11 @@ participation of a Meroitic queen in war against Rome, describing Queen
*Kandake* here as "a manly woman who had lost one of her eyes".[^92] We
should be careful with crediting such descriptions much value. Not only
did Strabo confuse a Meroitic royal title that probably indicated a
mother of a king[^93], but there is also a tendency among Graeco-Roman
authors to depict foreign women as masculine, thus creating an inverted
mother of a king,[^93] but there is also a tendency among Graeco-Roman
authors to depict foreign women as masculine thus creating an inverted
image to gender expectations in their own society. Such inversions could
have served the purpose of shocking their audience and enhancing the
otherness of the foreign lands and peoples. This is evidently an example
have served the purposes of shocking their audience and enhancing the
otherness of foreign lands and peoples. This is evidently an example
of ideological gender inversion used as a sign of barbarism, especially
towards foreign women, in the works of Strabo.[^94]
@ -527,8 +527,8 @@ Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt, dated to the Naqada IIC period, around
3500 BC. In Egypt, the motif has remained in the decoration of temple
pylons, private and royal stelae, and small finds for more than 3500
years. Its latest known appearance is found on temple reliefs from the
Roman period, where emperors Domitian, Titus, and Trajan are depicted
smiting. Kushite kings are also depicted smiting enemies, and the motif
Roman period when emperors Domitian, Titus, and Trajan are depicted
smiting. Kushite kings are also depicted smiting enemies and the motif
was adopted from ancient Egyptian art.[^96]
What differentiates the use of this motif in ancient Nubia during the
@ -543,13 +543,13 @@ New Kingdom. The king always defeats the supposedly stronger enemy.[^98]
Although the inclusion of queen Nefertiti smiting female enemies
alongside scenes of Akhenaten smiting male enemies probably indicates
the elevation of her status during the period of his rule[^99],
Nefertiti is nevertheless not the dominant figure in such depictions.
The dominant figure remains the smiting king because of the gender of
Nefertiti is nevertheless not the dominant figure in such depictions;
the dominant figure remains the smiting king because of the gender of
the enemies he smites. Male enemies were considered more dangerous than
female. When a female ruler like Hatshepsut (ca. 1479-1458 BC) of the
18th Dynasty is depicted smiting or trampling male enemies, she
herself is depicted as a king- a man- and her identity is indicated by
the accompanying text containing her name and royal titles.[^100]
herself is depicted as a king -a man- and her identity is indicated by
the accompanying text that lists her name and royal titles.[^100]
![Amanishakheto spearing enemies](../static/images/matic/fig4.jpg "Amanishakheto spearing enemies")
@ -560,15 +560,15 @@ The Meroitic case is interesting precisely because certain royal women
can be depicted smiting and spearing male enemies. Amanishakheto (1st
century AD) is depicted spearing enemies on the pylon of her pyramid
Begrawiya North 6 in Meroe, both to the left and right of the pylon
entrance (Figure 4). On the left she holds a bow, an arrow, and a rope
in her left hand, and a spear in her right hand. The rope in her left
hand extends to the necks of the enemies, to which they are tied. Seven
entrance (Figure 4). On the left, she holds a bow, arrow and rope
in her left hand and a spear in her right hand. The rope in her left
hand extends to the necks of the enemies to which it is tied. Seven
enemies are depicted with rope tied around their necks and with their
arms tied behind their backs. On the right, Amanishakheto holds a rope
in her left hand, to which four enemies are bound around their necks.
in her left hand which binds four enemies around their necks.
Their arms are also bound behind their backs. In her right hand, she
holds a spear with which she spears the enemies.[^101] On her stela from
Naqa, she is depicted before the enthroned Lion God above a group of
Naqa she is depicted before the enthroned Lion God above a group of
bound enemies.[^102]
![Shanakdakheto sitting on a throne with bound enemies underneath](../static/images/matic/fig5.jpg "Shanakdakheto sitting on a throne with bound enemies underneath")
@ -580,7 +580,7 @@ Bound enemies are additionally depicted under the throne of the queen on
the north wall of pyramid Begrawiya North 11 attributed to
Shanakdakheto, ca. 170-125 BC (Figure 5).[^103] Nine bows, the
traditional symbol for enemies originating from ancient Egypt, are
depicted under the throne of Amanitore, of the 1st century AD (Figure
depicted under the throne of Amanitore of the 1st century AD (Figure
6), just as they are depicted under the throne of Natakamani in the
pyramid Begrawiya North 1 of queen Amanitore.[^104]
@ -598,18 +598,18 @@ pyramid Begrawiya North 1 of queen Amanitore.[^104]
Amanitore is depicted smiting enemies on the pylon of the Lion Temple in
Naga.[^105] There, she is paired with Natakamani, who is also depicted
smiting enemies (Figure 7). Natalia Pomerantseva interpreted this as
"hero worshiping of the woman-image" adding that "it is impossible to
"hero worshiping of the woman-image", adding that "it is impossible to
imagine the frail Egyptian woman's figure in the part of chastisement of
enemies".[^106] Yet, as we have seen, some Egyptian royal women are
depicted in violent acts such as the smiting and trampling of female
enemies, and the reason they are not depicted doing the same to male
enemies is status related. If they would be depicted as women smiting or
enemies and the reason they are not depicted doing the same to male
enemies is status-related. If they would be depicted as women smiting or
trampling male enemies, this would elevate their status to the one of
kings. Clearly, attention was paid to avoid this. In the case of the
kings; clearly, attention was paid to avoid this. In the case of the
Meroitic queens, the gender of the enemy was not an issue. Jacke
Phillips has also emphasized that the smiting of the enemies by Merotic
queens is among the corpus of scenes which were formerly restricted to
kings, but did not take the argument further. The reason for the
Phillips has also emphasized that the smiting of enemies by Merotic
queens is among the corpus of scenes, which were formerly restricted to
kings, but Phillips did not take the argument further. The reason for the
creation of these scenes can be seen in the specific status of royal
women in Meroitic ideology.[^107] However, we also have to bear in mind
that, considering the number of known Napatan and Meroitic royal women,
@ -626,26 +626,26 @@ times certain exceptional women rose to unparalleled positions.[^109]
# Conclusion
Gender as a frame of war has structured both Napatan and Meroitic texts,
from lists of the spoils of war to texts dealing with military
from lists enumerating the spoils of war to texts dealing with military
campaigns. In the first case, this is observable in the order that
different categories of prisoners of war are listed, namely enemy rulers
(men), then enemy men, women and children. This same structure for
prisoners of wars is found with only slight differences in ancient
Egyptian spoils of war examples,[^110] which is hardly a coincidence.
Egyptian spoils of war examples,[^110] which can hardly be taken as a coincidence.
Since the earlier Napatan texts were written in Egyptian, their
structure, at least when lists of spoils of war are concerned, could
have been based on an Egyptian pattern. This then continued into the
have been based on an Egyptian pattern. This, then, continued into the
Meroitic period. In the second case, namely the texts dealing with
military campaigns, the working of gender as a frame of war is
observable in the discursive feminization of enemies in Napatan texts.
military campaigns, how gender as a frame of war operates can be
observed in the discursive feminization of enemies in Napatan texts.
Just like in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian texts[^111], enemies are
discursively framed as women, or as being feminine. This is in fact a
discursively framed as women or effemininate. This is in fact a
metaphor found in many cultures in which strength is associated with men
and weakness is associated with women. Rather than just framing the
power relations between the Kushite kings and their enemies, such
metaphors strengthen the gender structure of the society itself,
privileging the men and masculinity. By discursively taking away
masculinity from the enemies, these texts are framing them as
privileging men and masculinity. By discursively taking away
masculinity from the enemy, these texts are framing them as
subordinate and thus legitimizing the subordination of women to men.
Unfortunately, the present state of knowledge of the Meroitic language
does not allow us to investigate possible feminizations of enemies in
@ -658,7 +658,7 @@ ideology and the figure of *kandake*. We should, however, not entirely
exclude the possibility that women could have participated in war,
although we do not have any explicit ancient Nubian textual attestations
for this. We also do not have any burials attributed to "warrior women"
or "warrior queens," based on the placement of weapons as grave goods in
or "warrior queens", based on the placement of weapons as grave goods in
graves of women.[^112] Even if such burials were to be found, one would
have to be cautious in assigning military activity to women (or men)
simply because of the associated weapons. Muscular stress markers or
@ -672,19 +672,19 @@ of Meroitic queens smiting enemies should be seen in the context of
royal ideology. Unlike Egyptian queens, who are depicted as women
smiting enemies only when these enemies are also women, both Meroitic
kings and certain Meroitic queens are shown smiting and spearing enemy
men. There is no difference in the gender of the enemy, and therefore no
men. There is no difference in the gender of the enemy and therefore no
hierarchy. This can be explained with an elevated status of queenship in
Kush in comparison to ancient Egypt. Unlike in Egypt, where a ruling
Kush, in comparison to ancient Egypt. Unlike in Egypt, where a ruling
woman like Hatshepsut had to be depicted as a man when smiting enemies,
a ruling woman in Meroe could be depicted as a woman smiting male
enemies.
Clearly, gender was one of the frames of war in ancient Nubia, with a
tradition spanning several centuries and possibly even having ancient
Egyptian roots, at least when the structure of the spoils of war lists
and some metaphors for enemies are concerned. However, as I have shown,
Egyptian roots, at least where the structure for listings of the spoils
of war and some metaphors for enemies are concerned. However, as I have shown,
there are certain expressions without parallels in ancient Egyptian
texts which testify to an independent but equally male-privileging
texts, which testify to an independent, but equally male-privileging
discourse. Gender as a frame of war (sensu Judith Butler) justified
state violence against enemies by discursively representing them as
women. In this manner, asymmetrical power relations in one domain (war)
@ -695,13 +695,13 @@ subordinate to Kushite men are naturalized through a reference to a
subordination of enemy men to Kushite men. Simultaneously, the lack of
explicit violence conducted against enemy women and children was in a
way "the cosmetic treatment of war", to use the words of Jean
Baudrillard. The frame of war such as this one, clearly influenced how
Baudrillard. The frame of war such as this one clearly influenced how
war and violence is represented and consequently experienced by local
audience which did not participate in war. Some forms of violence are
communicated to the local audience in a specific manner, relying on
audiences who did not participate in war. Some forms of violence are
communicated to local audiences in specific manners relying on
asymmetrical power relations of gender. Other forms of violence which
probably occurred, such as violence against non-combatants, are
carefully avoided in texts and images. It was probably hard to justify
carefully avoided in texts and images as it was probably hard to justify
them.
# Acknowledgments