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+---
+title: "My Grandparents\' House: A Sociological Perspective"
+authors: ["abdelsadeq.md"]
+abstract: 
+keywords: ["Nubia", "resettlement", "architecture"]
+---
+
+**Introduction**
+
+For more than fifteen centuries, Nubians lived in the Nile Valley
+between the First Cataract at Aswan in southern Egypt and the Fourth
+Cataract at Dongola in Sudan. The cataract at Aswan, and the barren
+deserts on either side of the valley isolated Nubians from other
+neighboring groups, enabling them to retain their cohesiveness as an
+ethno-linguistic group with distinguishing cultural traditions. Much of
+the Nubian region consisted of rocky shoreline. The arable lands were
+restricted to a narrow fringe of alluvial deposits, which was not
+encouraging enough for permanent colonization by the empires of ancient
+and medieval times (ancient Egyptian, Roman, Islamic, and so on).
+However, Nubia was perceived as "The Corridor to Africa" by these same
+empires. This permitted the partial independence of Nubia while under
+the political dominance of these empires. This unique situation enabled
+the Nubians to be influenced by the belief systems of neighboring
+empires, which became entangled with long-standing Nubian traditions
+(Smith 2020).
+
+After the construction of Aswan dam in 1902, and its subsequent
+heightenings in 1912 and 1933, Northern Nubian (*Kenuz*) villages, were
+submerged under the Nile waters. This submersion forced the *Kenuz*
+Nubians to rebuild their houses at higher levels each time. Also, most
+of the agricultural land in *Kenuz* villages became inundated for most
+of the year. Cultivation was only possible along a narrow strip of the
+plain for two months during the summer. This impoverishment forced
+Nubian men to migrate to Egyptian cities in search for work, while women
+and children were left behind in Nubia.
+
+Despite the heightenings of Aswan dam, the effects of the Nile flooding
+were devastating along the Valley and the Delta villages causing much
+loss in life and property. Therefore, the new Egyptian regime in 1954
+decided to build the High Dam, a new dam in Aswan higher than the
+already existing one. This meant that the entirety of Nubia was to be
+submerged under the lake created behind the new dam. So, it was decided
+to relocate the Nubians to the Kom Ombo area, 50 km north of Aswan City.
+This resettlement plan compacted the Egyptian Nubia from thirty-nine
+villages along 320 kilometers of the Nile into thirty-three villages
+occupying a 60-kilometer-long crescent away from the Nile in the desert.
+Several studies discussed the challenges of the Nubian resettlement
+after displacement, however, these studies focused on "home-building"
+issues and the wide dissatisfaction among the Nubians towards their new
+houses and resettlements, but these studies say very little on
+"home-making" practices and efforts undertaken by the Nubians aftermath
+their displacement.
+
+The experience of forced displacement deeply unsettles the
+taken-for-granted notions of home. When the displaced person lives in a
+new place, he/ she does not feel like home automatically. Home is much
+more than a house or a shelter, rather it is a complex and multi-layered
+concept. Some of these layers are existential; the "immersion of a self
+in a locality" (Brah 1996). Home is a physical place that embodies the
+state of being-at-home with its particular emotions; privacy,
+familiarity, safety/comfort, control, the expression of personal
+identity and the social norms and values of his community. Thus, home
+does not simply exist but is made and lived. The term home-making
+implies a process that turns a meaningless space into a home. Material
+and social practices of home-making are undertaken to overcome the
+displacement gap by reflecting one's expectations not only in his/ her
+new house, but also the larger public environment in the neighborhood
+and the city. Home is materially made by building structures, placing
+furniture and decorating the house. Home is socially made through both
+routinized and seasonal social practices including; domestic chores,
+caring of the household members, relaxation, celebrating birthdays and
+religious rituals, communicating with neighbors and so on.
+
+In this research, I explore how the people of Abu Hor, a Kenuz Nubian
+village, could remake their homes and homeland aftermath their
+displacement in December 1964. Drawing on the scholarship on home-making
+practices in diverse contexts of displacement, as well as
+auto-ethnographic research based on narratives from elderly people who I
+used to talk, listen, and even gossip with them to understand the
+techniques they had developed to deal with the new home life in
+resettlement, a life that was far from the lives they had already known,
+a life which made different demands that they never had experienced
+before. The research begins with an explanation of the built environment
+of Old Abu Hor and the socio-cultural values that created and ordered
+this environment. Then, the research focuses on the different material
+and social practices that they used to create a sense of home in New Abu
+Hor. Finally, the research ends with an analysis of the home-making
+process based on the framework of Maurice Garcia (2019), who proposed
+that the sense of home can be remade in terms of four aspects: material
+place, familiar landscape, social world and emotional space. The
+conclusion of the research underscores the main outcomes of the
+home-making process with its challenges as well as resolutions,
+continuities as well as discontinuities.
+
+**Before displacement**
+
+My family originated from a small Kenuz Nubian village called (Abu Hor).
+The old Abu Hor was located about sixty kilometers south of the city of
+Aswan, near Kalabsha village and its famous temple. The post steamboat
+was the only means of transportation linking Nubian villages to Egypt,
+starting from the village of Al-Shalal in Aswan to Wadi Halfa on the
+Egyptian-Sudanese border, passing through all the Egyptian Nubian
+villages. This steamboat used to pass by our village on Wednesdays
+coming from Aswan and on Mondays returning from Halfa. It carried
+passengers, goods, letters, and money orders from migrating men to their
+families in the village.
+
+Kawthar Abd El-Rasoul and Mohamed Riad visited the village in 1962 and
+described it. Their description is worth quoting at length:
+
+> "This was the first time we saw Abu Hor on a summer morning, and the
+> view was beautiful, (...) , the Nile had dropped below its winter
+> level by about twenty meters or a little less, and we were in Little
+> Linda raising our eyes to a rock wall more than fifty meters high, and
+> at the foot of the rock wall, there was a green strip no more than
+> fifty meters wide, and on top of the rocks were scattered high houses,
+> and due to the height, we could only see the edges of their decorated
+> walls for long distances.
+>
+> After about half an hour, the rock wall of Abu Hor retreated in a
+> large arc, and opened up into a small agricultural basin whose depth
+> did not exceed one hundred and fifty meters inward. The cultivated
+> areas in this small plain did not exceed several narrow strips, while
+> green grass covered the remaining areas. Numbers of camels, perhaps
+> more than twenty-five camels, and numbers of goats and sheep spread
+> throughout the area.
+>
+> A little before four o\'clock we reached the hamlets of Abu Hor; The
+> Nile is much narrower, the eastern plateau is high and continuous for
+> kilometers, the western bank is less high and continuous and consists
+> of groups of unconnected hills. (...) We rested a little on the west
+> bank and saw many flying fish (2014, 68, 132)."
+
+![Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962 showing camels in front of the village.](../static/images/sadeq/fig1.jpg "Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962. Source: Riad, M. and Abdel-Rasoul, K. (2014), A journey in the time of Nubia.")
+
+**~~Figure 1. Photograph of Old Abu Hor in 1962. Source: Riad, M. and Abdel-Rasoul, K. (2014), A journey in the time of Nubia.~~**
+
+
+Abu Hor extended for ten kilometers and included twenty-three hamlets
+built on the rugged lands at the eastern and western fringes of the
+valley, leaving the narrow plain for agriculture. These hamlets extended
+thinly along the Nile and were separated from each other by topographic
+features like *khor*[^1] and steep hills. During the summer, as the
+water level of the Nile used to recede, *khor* lands became visible and
+people often moved between the hamlets by donkey or on foot. In winter,
+the water of the Aswan reservoir filled the valley and backed up into
+the *khor*s, making hamlets sites like peninsulas, so small felucca
+sailboats ferried the people across the hamlets.
+
+Since most social relations were associated with hamlets, the village
+lacked the real structure of a social unit. Even so, the village had a
+role of cohesiveness. It served as an administrative unit under the
+supervision of a governmental appointed mayor (Arabic: *omda*) whose
+guesthouse was the place where the people of Abu Hor gathered to make
+crucial decisions that concerned the entire village. The old village had
+three primary schools, a telegraph office, and a health center. These
+facilities were distributed among the different hamlets, and served not
+only the people of Abu Hor, but also the adjacent villages.
+
+![Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.](../static/images/sadeq/fig2.jpg "Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.")
+
+**~~Figure 2. Map of the hamlets of Abu Hor village in 1930. Source: United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.~~**
+
+The people of Abu Hor belonged to seven tribes, or maximal lineages,
+which were divided among major lineages distributed over hamlets. Each
+hamlet (Arabic: *nag'*) consisted of minor lineages forming a
+patrilineal descent group that had lived in the hamlet for generations
+and shared kinship ties. The *nag'* created a sense of belonging, as
+people used to refer to themselves by their hamlet and particular
+descent group, which were believed to express pride and distinctive
+personalities.
+
+The *nag'* served as the main social unit that formed the Nubian
+society. It was the actual unit of community life that was organized
+through propinquity and kinship bonds and carried important social
+obligations; such as endogamous marriage, purchase on credit, mutual aid
+in times of need, and taking care for the families of migrating men. The
+*nag'* served as the appropriate domain for women to participate in
+social life. While men were more concerned with village affairs and
+could move freely between hamlets and villages, women were restricted to
+their *nag'* where they practiced social and economic activities,
+ranging from subsistence farming and raising livestock to participating
+in *nag'* events such as weddings, funerals, and religious rituals.
+
+The *nag'* offered the pattern of co-residence that maintained the
+isolated and conservative life of the Nubians so as the foreigner could
+be identified easily. Although there was no structural plan, the *nag'*
+was a planned settlement, designed by its occupants according to their
+needs and culture. The placement of the dwellings was based on family
+ties and the natural environment as well. It was customary for
+individuals to build their houses on any even tract of land adjacent to
+their relatives in order to have help nearby in case of need. The
+dwellings that made up the *nag'* followed the natural contours of the
+rocky fringes of the valley. The houses that overlooked the Nile were
+detached, or semi---detached, forming clustered terraces, while the
+houses that extended inland were freestanding and grouped together
+around an open area. Usually there were three or four houses in each of
+these arrangements. In the center of the *nag'*, there was a large open
+space where the mosque and few shops were located. The communal
+guesthouse (Arabic: *sabeel*) which used for the *nag'* men gatherings,
+entertaining and housing male guests from other hamlets or villages was
+also placed in the central open space. Each *nag'* also maintained a
+cemetery and a shrine for the local saint in its hinterland.
+
+The traditional house in Old Nubia was not only a shelter, but it was
+also the center of most Nubian rites. The design of the house had a
+strong connection to the natural environment, especially to the
+topography and the climate. It also reflected Nubian social norms and
+the economic condition of the proprietor. A typical house in old Abu Hor
+might be composed of a big walled courtyard with rooms built at the
+northern part of the courtyard, while the main entrance and the loggia
+were often located in the southern part and were open to the north in
+order to allow the best possible access to north wind. Livestock
+enclosures were found in the southern part of the courtyard as well, but
+with a separate entrance. Guest rooms were not common in Abu Hor houses,
+however, the entrance hall and the bench (Arabic: *mastaba*) built near
+the entrance gate served the purpose of the guest room. The entrance
+hall was a transitional zone between the semi-public, male domain
+outside, and the private, female domain inside the house. The courtyard
+was the vital part of the traditional Nubian house. It was not just an
+empty space; rather, it was the hub for all female activity such as
+baking *dooka* bread, grinding cereals, and raising livestock. The
+courtyard also served as a guest area for women to meet, especially on
+the occasion of weddings, funerals, and other events.
+
+![Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, H. (1973), Notes on Nubian Architecture.](../static/images/sadeq/fig3.jpg "Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, H. (1973), Notes on Nubian Architecture.")
+
+**~~Figure 3. Plan of a house in Abu Hor village in 1964. Source: Jaritz, H. (1973), Notes on Nubian Architecture.~~**
+
+Nubian ceremonies are the most noticeable and distinct feature of the
+Nubian culture. It has reflected its rich and intermingled history
+through the ages. As Muslims, the Nubians celebrated the known Islamic
+feasts; *Eid al-fitr* or the Small Feast and *Eīd* *al-adaha* or the
+Large Feast. In these occasions, the hamlet (*nag'*) was the ritual unit
+where all rites were performed. After, the Eid prayer, the men used to
+make a procession to each house in their own hamlet to congratulate
+their relatives for the feast. However, the Nubians had two ceremonies
+that can be considered as distinctively Nubian; the wedding ceremonies,
+and the local Islamic celebrations *moulid*.
+
+Marriage rituals varied between seven and fourteen days in length; the
+rituals used to start right after a new marriage was arranged and
+announced, all the women and young females living in the *nag'* were
+expected to assemble in the house of the bride\'s family to assist in
+grinding the wheat to make *shaʼreya*[^2], while the men would visit the
+groom to congratulate him.
+
+Before marriage, the bride, dressed in her bridal gown and accompanied
+by an elderly female relative, had to visit all the houses around the
+*nag'* to announce the day for starting the wedding ceremonies. In turn,
+the women offered gifts of *karej*[^3] or a china plate. Then the bride
+would continue on to visit all the major saints\' shrines in the village
+and to *Abu Asha* shrine in the adjacent village, *Murwaw*. The groom,
+dressed in his bridal attire, carrying a whip, riding a camel and
+accompanied by the *arras*[^4], had to visit all the guesthouses in the
+village to invite the men of other hamlets to his wedding. Wedding
+ceremonies were occasions for three days and nights of feasting and
+dancing in both the bride\'s and the groom\'s houses. On the morning of
+the wedding day (the third day of wedding ceremonies), the relatives and
+friends of the groom would bring his *sandouq* *jally* and hung the
+*kojara* in the bride\'s house. After the guests had eaten the *fatta*
+lunch at the groom\'s house, they would form a procession with the
+groom\'s family to the local shrine before going to the bride\'s house,
+passing in front of the *nag'* houses while sessions of singing and
+dancing were carried on accompanied by gunshots and cries of joy.
+
+![A picture of sandouq jally.](../static/images/sadeq/fig4.jpg "A picture of sandouq jally.")
+
+**~~Figure 4. A picture of sandouq jally.~~**
+
+The local Saints (Arabic: *sheikh*) have an important ritual ceremony
+called *moulid*, a festival day designated as the *sheikh's* birthday,
+usually on the fifteenth of the Islamic month of *Shaʼbān*. The *moulid*
+was both a religious and social occasion that was celebrated by men,
+women and children, and reunited many of the city migrants with their
+relatives in the village. The whole *nag'* used to combine their
+financial resources in order to host the ceremonies, demonstrating their
+generosity and prestige among other hamlets. From the early morning of
+the *moulid* day, boatloads of people from neighboring villages along
+with the village residents made long processions to the square of the
+saint\'s shrine, where the men sang *zikr* and danced the *kaff* dance,
+the women offered sacrificial goats and sheep to be slaughtered, cooked
+and eaten in the communal feast afterwards, and the children enjoyed the
+joyful atmosphere and bought sweets and toys from travelling vendors.
+
+**After displacement**
+
+On the 27^th^ of December 1963, the displacement of the people of Abu
+Hor began to their village in New Nubia, where the new Abu Hor is one of
+the five villages that are under the administrative local council of
+Kalabsha, a main village which provides the neighboring villages with
+social, educational and administrative services.
+
+The new Abu Hor was planned according to a grid pattern; the main
+streets were oriented north-south and secondary streets crossed at right
+angles. In the first phase of resettlement, the houses were
+significantly smaller than in Old Nubia and were arranged back-to-back
+in long rows based on four prototypes of houses that ranged from one to
+four bedrooms. These houses were distributed according to family size;
+however, this arrangement ignored the socio-spatial structure
+characteristic of the Nubian villages before displacement. Relatives and
+the elderly who had lived nearby in old Nubia were allocated houses far
+from each other. And women, who were confined to their hamlet, found
+themselves surrounded by strange neighbors from other hamlets. For
+instance, my paternal grandfather (Sayed) was assigned a
+three-bedroom-house away from the house of his grandfather (Ali). Thus,
+the new settings in resettlement disturbed the established social fabric
+of the village.
+
+Moreover, many families didn't even receive a house in the first phase
+of resettlement, so they had to live with relatives in their new small
+houses. This situation was further exacerbated after the 1967 war, when
+the migrant families who were living in Suez, Ismailia, and Port Said
+had to evacuate these cities and moved back to New Abu Hor to live with
+their relatives. This crowdening even worsened the living conditions in
+the new village.
+
+![Layout of New Abu Hor.](../static/images/sadeq/fig6.jpg "Layout of New Abu Hor.")
+
+**~~Figure 6. Layout of New Abu Hor.~~**
+
+
+In 1970, my mother\'s family received their house (Faris' house in
+Figure 6) as one of the second phase typical houses; a
+thirteen-by-twenty-meter house that consisted of a courtyard, two small
+bed rooms, a kitchen, and a bathroom. The walls were made of limestone
+cut from nearby quarries, with 0.40m thickness and 3-meter height, while
+the flat roof was made of reinforced concrete to allow the building of a
+second storey using the bearing walls technique. However, this house
+form disregarded the climatic and social considerations characteristic
+of the traditional Nubian house. The kitchen was so small that there was
+no space to store food and supplies. The rooms were also much smaller
+than their house in Old Abu Hor, which prevented them from having enough
+space for sleeping or socializing. The placement of the rooms along the
+southern side of the house allowed the heat to penetrate into them, in
+addition to the heat that came in from the uninsulated roof. Surrounded
+by other houses on three sides, the northern winds could not reach the
+house, making the living conditions intolerable during the summer
+months.
+
+They had to make alterations in the house in order to suit their way of
+life. A larger kitchen was built to be spacious enough for cooking and
+storing dried food and supplies, while the former kitchen had become a
+bedroom, in addition to building a new room for the children and
+enclosures for goats and chicken. As in Old Nubia, the façade was
+whitewashed, and the low clay bench mastaba was built in front of the
+house, adding more space for hospitality and neighbors\' gatherings.
+Aside from cooking and cleaning the house, the daily activities after
+relocation ranged between fetching water from the installed public taps
+and shopping at Seyalla's weekly market. Occasionally, they spent their
+afternoons on their farmland, where they planted palm trees and a
+Roselle shrub.
+
+![My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.](../static/images/sadeq/fig7.jpg "My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.")
+
+**~~Figure 7. My grandparents\' house before and after alterations.~~**
+
+The people of Abu-Hor tried to recreate the sense of community in their
+new village through undertaking several cooperative projects. Every row
+of houses cooperated in cleaning the street, plastering the facades and
+planting trees. The whole village collected money to build a communal
+guesthouse (*sabeel*) not only for accommodating visitors, but also as a
+gathering place where men can meet in the evening, gather in ritual
+feasts, and hold public meetings. The people of Abu-Hor cooperated in
+celebrating religious rituals
+
+An elderly woman, who was a custodian of a saint's shrine in the Old Abu
+Hor, built a shrine in the new village. Some women, especially in the
+first years after relocation, were visiting this shrine to make vows and
+offer sacrificial sheep and goats as in Old Nubia. Also, the custodian
+of the shrine held moulids for the saint on the fifteen of Shaaban, and
+few people in the village celebrated it. But the biggest moulid after
+relocation was the "Five Domes" moulid in Murwaw village, which hundreds
+of Kenuz men, women, and children celebrated by singing zikr, dancing
+kaff, and communal feast as in Old Nubia.
+
+**Discussion**
+
+The Nubian house was rooted in the natural landscape on which it was
+built. It embodied the social world of Nubian society with its basic
+values and hierarchies. The house was spatially organized to invert the
+fundamental oppositions within Nubia: North/ South, Nile/ mountain,
+public/ private, male/ female, human/ animal. Moreover, the domestic
+spatial divisions enabled inhabitants to practice traditional Nubian
+rituals, especially for women. In wedding ceremonies, for instance, the
+women of the *nag'* gathered in the courtyard of the bride's house to
+participate in a seven-day ritual period of cooking, singing, dancing
+and feminine visitation. Similarly, other life-cycle rituals were
+practiced by women domestically. Thus, the courtyard had to be wide
+enough to accommodate the guests attending these ceremonies. The Nubian
+house functioned as a generative mechanism for the Nubian culture,
+underwriting habitus and reproducing its elements for the inhabitants.
+As Bourdieu and Sayad stated (1964: 26) "the structure of habitat is the
+symbolic projection of the most fundamental structures of a culture."
+
+The Nubian house served as the centerpiece of all Nubian social
+organization. The spatial configurations separated the house from the
+patrilineal agglomeration (*nag'*) and the *nag'* from other
+agglomerations. These divisions reflected the Nubian social hierarchy in
+a unitary symbolic order. Thus, the traditional Nubian house and village
+were the reflection of the Nubian culture, where all life functions
+occur in harmony.
+
+However, the Nubian social life with its infinite rhythm faced a sudden
+and dramatic transformation after the construction of the High Dam in
+1964. The resettlement policies that relocated entire Nubian people
+placed them in a very different social and architectural setting;
+planned villages in the desert removed from the Nile. Displacement as
+experienced by Nubians driven from their homes and from their homeland,
+overturned the Nubian social organization. Such transformations in
+domestic space had an indelible effect on their culture.
+
+Following displacement, as people are forced to leave their homelands, a
+place where they had felt socially, culturally and emotionally embedded,
+they are likely to experience a sense of loss of community, history, and
+identity. Thus, emplacement is not simply re-placing people in new
+place, but it is a continuous process of making one's place in the
+world. Emplacement implies the social processes, relations and
+encounters through which displaced people engage with the new
+environment, and therefore transform the new place into a personalized
+and socialized one. Emplacement emphasizes the concept of place as a
+process of embeddedness and socio-affective attachment, and also
+emphasizes the role of displaced people in place-making processes.
+
+The loss of a home due to displacement is such a socially disorienting,
+disempowering and disruptive process that remaking one involves a
+lengthy effort with no obvious start or end point. The process of
+remaking a home entails more than building a physical place of shelter
+and finding a source of livelihood. It requires inhabitants to establish
+a feeling of being "'at home" (Hage's, 1997: 102). This process of
+feeling at home involves four dimensions; a material place, a familiar
+landscape, a social world, and an emotional and existential place.
+
+The home is not only a place where individuals can satisfy their basic
+needs and protect themselves from harm threatening otherness (weather
+conditions, animals, people). It is also a place where dwellers can take
+control of their own boundaries and express their personal and social
+identities within the home. Living in a place in which individuals have
+no control or ability to express themselves and cannot change the
+furnishings or the decorations can be deeply frustrating. It compromises
+their ability to feel at home. Houses are seldom built by their
+inhabitants. Thus, it is the ornamentation, maintenance, housework,
+identification, and personalization processes that people enact to
+transform a house into a home. According to Bourdieu, domestic space is
+appropriated by the resident according to a system of customs that are
+generated by past residential experience which he called \"habitus\".
+Thus, the acts of appropriation and identification from past experience
+not only connect individuals spatially with the places in which they
+dwell, but also connect them with the past and the future.
+
+Regaining the sense of being at home was also achieved through
+familiarization with the new milieu, including its geographical and
+social features. This is a process whereby strange places and people
+become familiar. This process involved different scales of place, from
+the specific home to the whole village. The meaningless house is
+transformed into a home through daily practices and repetitive behavior
+in everyday life events. The actions create familiarity and therefore a
+sense of home.
+
+> Becoming at home is linked to the "refrain," a form of expression with
+> a different meaning every time it is repeated, as a song ventures
+> forward with each verse before returning to the refrain (Dovey, 2010,
+> 18).
+
+Familiarity is also created when people possess a maximal spatial
+knowledge of the new village and its features become familiar through
+daily movement along the same paths, which Michel de Certeau called "The
+opacity of the body."
+
+> In movement, gesticulating, walking, taking its pleasure, is what
+> indefinitely organizes a here in relation to an abroad, a
+> \"familiarity\" in relation to a \"foreignness\" (Leach, 2016, 299).
+
+As Korac (2009: 42) stresses, "emplacement does not take place in a
+social vacuum; rather it occurs within the context of intra- and
+inter-group relations." Creating a sense of home in New Abu-Hor required
+reconstructing a social world in the new village based on shared
+traditions and values after centuries of belonging to *nag'* kin groups.
+Reconstructing the social world aimed to regaining a sense of belonging
+to a community, where "one recognizes people as 'one's own' and where
+one feels recognized by them as such."
+
+Through everyday social practices, visiting and chatting with neighbors
+in *mastaba*, the people of Abu-Hor could create new social attachments
+within the place of resettlement, thus creating a sense of home.
+Building the village guesthouse (*Sabeel*) was another way the people of
+Abu-Hor could reconstruct their social world, by creating "new material
+forms which symbolize a former community" (Schultze,2020, 291). The
+guesthouse could be conceived as a "memorialized locale" (Lofland, 1998,
+65) which symbolizes the lifestyle of the past culture.
+
+Displacement involved separating from a place that Nubians described as
+"homely," a place where they had felt emotionally embedded. Displacement
+was an experience full of emotional distress; whether grief for the
+place left behind, the struggle of living in the present or worrying for
+the future. This emotional distress of being displaced remained until
+people were able to remake emotional attachments in the new village.
+However, the reconstruction of the emotional feeling of being at home
+did not happen automatically; for a long time, people continued to
+reflect on differences between the old Abu-Hor and the new village.
+
+The people of Abu-Hor could reconstruct the emotional feeling of being
+at home by replicating their social and cultural traditions of Old Nubia
+in the new village; such as life-cycle rituals and celebrating religious
+ceremonies. Although the new setting lacked the geographical features in
+which these traditions were practiced -- the Nile, mountains, old
+shrines, and so on -- creativity and imagination helped them to
+reproduce cultural traditions by evoking the landscape that they were
+forced to abandon. As Obeid writes (2013: 374), "what seems like a
+yearning for the past can contribute very much to the creation of the
+present and the future."
+
+**Conclusion**
+
+For more than fifteen centuries, Egyptian Nubians had lived in isolated
+villages on the banks of the Nile, surviving the harsh environment and
+the competing empires, and had slowly developed a distinctive culture
+that successfully responded to numerous crises. However, the building of
+the High Dam and the subsequent resettlement of Nubians in a desert
+habitat has been the greatest shock to their culture that has been
+characterized by continuity and change. Yet Nubian culture did not
+collapse by the backwaters of the High Dam, the vitality and flexibility
+of the Nubians helped them to adjust to the different natural and social
+milieu while retaining a strong sense of their historical and cultural
+identity.
+
+The idea that Nubia no longer exists made the (re)production of homeland
+as a mythical place necessary for maintaining their identity. This
+research illustrated the varied strategies undertaken by Nubians to
+reconstruct homeland in new settlements. These strategies included
+houses alterations, symbolic recreation of places depicting the places
+in Old Nubia such as the shrine and the community guesthouse, practicing
+Nubian rituals and celebrating religious and social ceremonies. All
+these strategies were significant in transforming the unfamiliar
+resettlement place into a home.
+
+Former narratives of Nubians displacement were often colored by rosy
+view of Old Nubia, which became a mythical place to which Nubians still
+long to return. Such narratives emanates from the static and fixed
+Heideggerian ontology of being-in-the-world, which conceive of home and
+homeland as a place of rootedness. However, the Nubian displacement, and
+other experiences of displacement worldwide, challenge this discourse.
+Even after displacement disrupted people's social worlds-- the
+individuals' sense of being at home and their social relations -- the
+displaced are often able to recreate home, or what Naila Habib (1996)
+calls "the evolving meaning of home" as "a dynamic and constantly
+changing process." This dynamic notion of home denotes that belonging to
+a place can be understood as fluid territorialisation -- in the
+Deleuzian sense -- through giving meaning to the place by individual and
+collective behavior, which reminds us of Appadurai\'s (1995) thesis on
+the production of locality. According to this thesis, a locality is not
+a given, but it is created by social practices, ritual activities, and
+the collective effort of the community in order to socialize the space
+and localize the people. In the case of Abu Hor, villagers turned to
+traditional practices in addition to building of a shrine and a
+community guesthouse in the new village, which illustrates this process
+of (re)construction not only of Abu Hor but also of the bond between the
+people and their new locality.
+
+Indeed, this research does not aim to romanticize nor to underestimate
+the precarious circumstances of Nubian displacement. Instead, the
+intention of this research is to acknowledge the significance of
+Nubians' contributions to produce alternative meanings within the
+modularization of their new top - built environment. Rather than
+associating the Nubian displacement merely with loss and passivity, this
+research discussed the resiliency and the spatial practices through
+which Nubians could contribute to processes of homemaking and
+(re)territorialisation on different spatial scales.
+
+**Bibliography:**
+
+Appadurai, Arjun. "The Production of Locality." In Counterwork: Managing
+the Diversity of Knowledge, edited by Richard Fardon. London: Routledge,
+1995.
+
+Brah, Avtar. *Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities*. London:
+Rouledge, 1996.
+
+Bourdieu, Pierre and Sayad, Abdelmalek. *Le Déracinement. La Crise de
+l'agriculture traditionelle en Algérie*. Paris: Minuit, 1964.
+
+Dovey, Kim. *Becoming Places*. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge,
+2010.
+
+Habib, Naila. "The Search for Home." *Journal of Refugee Studies* 9
+(1996): pp. 96--102.
+
+Hassan, Abu-bakr Mahjoub and Hassan, Mohamed Mahjoub. *Abu- Hor Our
+Homeland*. Khartoum: The Nubian Studies and Documentation Center, 2000.
+
+Jaritz, Horst. "Notes on Nubian Architecture." In *Nubians in Egypt:
+Peaceful People*, edited by Robert A. Fernea. Austin and London:
+University of Texas Press, 1973: pp.
+
+Korac, Maja. *Remaking Home: Reconstructing Life, Place and Identity in
+Rome and Amsterdam*. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2009.
+
+Leach, Neil. "Belonging: Towards a Theory of Identification with Space."
+In *Habitus: A Sense of Place,* edited by Jean Hillier and Emma Rooksby.
+Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2016: pp. 297-313.
+
+Lofland, Lyn H. *The public realm: Exploring the city's quintessential
+social territory. Communication and social order*. Hawthorne and New
+York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1998.
+
+Obeid, Michelle. "Home-Making in the Diaspora Bringing Palestine to
+London." In *Diaspora and Transnational Studies Companion*, edited by
+Ato Quayson, and Girish Daswani. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2013:
+pp. 366--80.
+
+Perez Murcia, Luis Eduardo. "Remaking a Place Called Home Following
+Displacement." In *The* *Routledge Handbook* *of* *Place*, edited by Tim
+Edensor, Ares Kalandides, and Uma Kothari. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY:
+Routledge, 2020: pp. 468-76.
+
+Riad, Mohamed and Abd el-Rasoul, Kawthar. *A journey in the time of
+Nubia*. Windsor: Hindawi Foundation, 2014.
+
+Schultze, Henrik. "The Symbolic Construction of Community Through
+Place." In *The* *Routledge Handbook* *of* *Place*, edited by Tim
+Edensor, Ares Kalandides, and Uma Kothari. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY:
+Routledge, 2020: pp. 285-93.
+
+Smith, Stuart T. "Colonial Entanglements: Imperial Dictates and
+Intercultural Interaction in Nubia." In *Archaeologies* *of Empire:
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+B.S. Düring, and B.J. Parker. Santa Fe, NM: SAR & UNM Press, 2020: pp.
+21-56.
+
+United Nations Archives at Geneva, Survey of Egypt, Kalabsha, 1935.
+<https://archives.ungeneva.org/kalabsha-4>
+
+Hassan Fathy, <https://www.archnet.org/sites/14965>
+
+[^1]: []{dir="rtl"}Khor: an Arabic word stands for a natural swale
+    cutting through the desert plateau at right angles to the Nile.
+
+[^2]: Shaʼreya: a vermicelli-like food with milk and sugar which was
+    served as breakfast to the guests and to the bride and groom after
+    the wedding.
+
+[^3]: []{dir="rtl"}Karej: Nubian traditional plates weaved of brightly
+    colored palm fiber strips.
+
+[^4]: Arras: a young boy relative of the groom who accompanied him
+    everywhere for the whole week prior to the wedding. His role was to
+    serve the groom and "guard" him from his friends\' pranks.
diff --git a/content/author/abdelsadeq.md b/content/author/abdelsadeq.md
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+---
+title: Amany Abdelsadeq Sayed Hussein
+affiliation: Independent researcher
+---
+
+# Biography
+
+Amany Abdelsadeq Sayed Hussein is
\ No newline at end of file
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