new honegger and matic
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@ -14,7 +14,7 @@ article proposes to describe these Kerma archers, and then to look at
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the evolution of funerary rites that show in their own way how a social
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hierarchy emerges that will lead to the birth of a state, in this
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instance the kingdom of Kerma."
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keywords: []
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keywords: ["archers", "warriors", "Kerma", "kingdom", "social stratification"]
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---
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# Introduction
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@ -231,7 +231,7 @@ So far, the battle reliefs of M250 were analyzed by several authors. It
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is Hinkel who published the temple and gave the most detailed
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description and analysis of the relief blocks to date.[^44] According to
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Török, the decoration of the façades had a "historically" formulated
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triumphal aspect.[^45]. Before the publication of the temple by Hinkel,
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triumphal aspect.[^45] Before the publication of the temple by Hinkel,
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Steffen Wenig assigned them to the reign of Aspelta because his stela
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was found on the site. Wenig related the reliefs to the ones from the
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B500 temple of Amun at Gebel Barkal, not knowing at that time that they
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@ -293,7 +293,7 @@ under Akinidad. On the contrary, they were its allies in war with Rome.
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Regarding the representations of women and children as prisoners of war,
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Török found parallels in New Kingdom Egyptian (ca. 1550-1070 BC)
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reliefs[^58], whereas Hinkel found parallels both in New Kingdom
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reliefs,[^58] whereas Hinkel found parallels both in New Kingdom
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Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian reliefs (ca. 911-609 BC).[^59] One must,
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however, stress that in the case of the New Kingdom Egyptian reliefs,
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the parallels are both thematic and iconographic, whereas in the case of
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@ -383,7 +383,7 @@ hieroglyphs on the southern part of the temple pylon, which have thus far
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not been identified with certainty.[^69] In the light of Strabo's
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Geography 17. I. 54, in which he writes that when told that they should
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go to Augustus, the Meroites answered they do not know who that
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was[^70], one has to consider that the Roman dominated world beyond the
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was,[^70] one has to consider that the Roman dominated world beyond the
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province of Egypt was unknown or insufficiently known to the Meroites.
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This explains the empty oval name rings on the northern part of the
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temple pylon. Except for the generic *Arome* referring to Rome[^71] and
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@ -447,7 +447,7 @@ same text when it states "You return having conquered Lower Egypt;
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making bulls into women" (*jw=k jy.tw* *ḥ3q.n=k T3-mḥw* *jr=k k3.w m
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ḥm.wt*).[^84] Bearing in mind that in the Instructions of Ankhsheshonqy
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(X, 20), an Egyptian text of the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BC), bulls are
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contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them[^85], we can argue
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contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them,[^85] we can argue
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that, in both cases, bulls stand for men, or at least masculinity, in
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both the human and animal world. It is interesting that on the Triumphal
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stela of Piye women from the palace of the Lower Egyptian king Nimlot
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@ -542,13 +542,13 @@ depicted delivering harm to foreign women and children, at least in the
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New Kingdom. The king always defeats the supposedly stronger enemy.[^98]
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Although the inclusion of queen Nefertiti smiting female enemies
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alongside scenes of Akhenaten smiting male enemies probably indicates
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the elevation of her status during the period of his rule[^99],
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the elevation of her status during the period of his rule,[^99]
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Nefertiti is nevertheless not the dominant figure in such depictions;
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the dominant figure remains the smiting king because of the gender of
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the enemies he smites. Male enemies were considered more dangerous than
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female. When a female ruler like Hatshepsut (ca. 1479-1458 BC) of the
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18th Dynasty is depicted smiting or trampling male enemies, she
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herself is depicted as a king -a man- and her identity is indicated by
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herself is depicted as a king --a man-- and her identity is indicated by
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the accompanying text that lists her name and royal titles.[^100]
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@ -638,7 +638,7 @@ have been based on an Egyptian pattern. This, then, continued into the
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Meroitic period. In the second case, namely the texts dealing with
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military campaigns, how gender as a frame of war operates can be
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observed in the discursive feminization of enemies in Napatan texts.
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Just like in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian texts[^111], enemies are
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Just like in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian texts,[^111] enemies are
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discursively framed as women or effemininate. This is in fact a
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metaphor found in many cultures in which strength is associated with men
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and weakness is associated with women. Rather than just framing the
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@ -667,7 +667,7 @@ however both could also be found in burials without such associated
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weapons. Nevertheless, one should not exclude the possibility that
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Meroitic queens made military decisions, just like, for example, the
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17th Dynasty queen Ahmose or the 18th Dynasty queen Hatshepsut in
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Egypt[^113], though they probably did not fight in war. The depictions
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Egypt,[^113] though they probably did not fight in war. The depictions
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of Meroitic queens smiting enemies should be seen in the context of
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royal ideology. Unlike Egyptian queens, who are depicted as women
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smiting enemies only when these enemies are also women, both Meroitic
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@ -4,4 +4,9 @@ title: Matthieu Honegger
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# Biography
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Bio.
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Matthieu Honegger is a professor of pre- and protohistoric archaeology at the University of Neuchâtel (Switzerland) and works on periods between the Mesolithic and the Bronze Age.
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He has directed four excavations in Switzerland, in the Alps and on lake dwellings, as well as six excavations in the Kerma region (Sudan) where he has been working since 1994.
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His research topics are material culture and society, funerary archaeology, spatial archaeology, neolithization, social stratification and valorization of the archaeological heritage.
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Between 2004 and 2019, Honegger was responsible for the museographic installation of the Kerma Museum. In 2014, he organized the Thirteenth International Conference
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for Nubian Studies in Neuchâtel and at the same time presented an exhibition entitled "The Origins of the Black Pharaohs: 10,000 Years of Archaeology in Nubia".
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