diff --git a/content/article/habbob.md b/content/article/habbob.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b6e4338
--- /dev/null
+++ b/content/article/habbob.md
@@ -0,0 +1,1297 @@
+---
+title: "Nubian Architectural and Environmental Features before and after Displacement: The model of the village of Tūmās wa 'Afya"
+authors: ["habbob.md"]
+keywords: ["architecture", "home", "homeland", "household", "homelife", "diaspora", "displacement","Nubia", "Nubian", "Aswan High Dam Campaign", "Tumas wa Afya", "resettlement", "Kom Ombo"]
+---
+
+# Introduction
+
+The Nubians are an ethnic group living for centuries in old Nubia. For a
+long time, the Nubians ruled kingdoms and created an empire. Many years
+later, because of the colonial settings and the division of Egypt and
+Sudan, Nubia was divided into two main regions: Upper Nubia (the
+Sudanese Nubia), and Lower Nubia (The Egyptian Nubia), which stretched
+along a 320-kilometer sector of the Nile Valley between Aswan and
+Adindan that used to connect Egypt with Sudan. The Nubian valley is
+mostly very narrow, lined with mountain slopes, steep above the right
+bank. At the time of resettlement in the early 1960s, an estimated
+50,000 Nubians lived in thirty-nine villages, divided into three basic
+residential areas, settled by three main groups, Kenuz, Arabs, and
+Fadija. Their main economic activities were based on agriculture largely
+in their original homeland.
+
+As overseers of a rich social legacy, Nubians preserved a special
+lifestyle. Their towns were spots of home and focused on social
+connections, well established in family ties, ancestral traditions, and
+the atmosphere of the local area. The engineering of their homes, which
+worked with neighborhood materials, such as mud brick, gave an
+impression of their association with the land and demonstrated their
+cleverness. The relocation and resettlement process during the 1960s
+upset this customary way of life, moving the Nubians to adjust to new
+conditions while endeavoring to keep up with their social character.
+
+The northernmost of these groups, formerly living in the area between
+Aswan and As-Sebua, are the Kenuz. Their close relatives in the
+southernmost Egyptian Nubia, located between Korosko and Adendan, are
+the Fadijja, who often call themselves \"Nubi.\" Between these two
+groups (the Kenuz and Nubi), various Nubian Arab tribes settled down in
+the fourteenth century CE along a thirty-kilometer stretch of the Nile
+Valley lined with hills on the right bank, between Wadi el Arab and
+as-Singari. This settlement cut the Kenuz off from the Fadijja. Another
+ethnic group, the Ababda, originally nomads of the Eastern Desert also
+gradually began settling down, recently in some Kenuz villages and Arab
+villages.
+
+The different settlement examples of these gatherings made rich
+embroidery of societies in Nubia. Each gathering contributed its
+practices, dialects, and customs, yet they shared other components,
+particularly a profound association with the Nile, which supported their
+lifestyle. The Nile was a wellspring of water as well as the core of
+horticultural exercises, supporting a scope of harvests that were
+crucial for their economy. Over the long run, this mixing of various
+Nubian and Bedouin backgrounds encouraged an extraordinary social
+character that survived outside impacts, including dislodging. Today,
+the tradition of this assorted legacy remains critical, giving us an
+understanding of the flexibility and versatility of Nubian culture.
+
+A house (*nog*) is more than a physical object for the Nubians. Feeling
+at home was not questioned by the Nubians before the resettlement. The
+loss of these homes was a traumatic experience for many Nubians. For
+their purposes, a house is profoundly imbued with social importance and
+stands as an image of legacy and personality. Each home addresses the
+heredity of a family, and is designed for shelter as well as for
+protecting customs and building up local area bonds. Worked with
+remarkable compositional components to suit the Nubian way of life,
+these homes were valued spaces where day-to-day existence, festivities,
+and family customs unfurled. The deficiency of these homes was a
+horrendous encounter for some Nubians, as the resettlement evacuated
+them truly as well as cut off the association with these social and
+hereditary spaces, leaving a void that new residences couldn\'t fill.
+
+Familiarity with the house, its history, and knowledge about its parts
+and surroundings facilitated a sense of belonging and attachment to the
+house. Ownership of the house was not only physical, but it was
+emotional and cultural as well. The theme of control was important in
+transforming the house into a home. It ensured safety and security
+through privacy. This was achieved by controlling what was communicated
+to others as well as controlling access and boundaries. The meanings
+communicated by different parts of the house, rooms, furniture, and
+decorations, were all understood by the inhabitants and by the community
+at large. The layout and orientation of each space within the home were
+chosen with purpose, ensuring that the architecture reflected and
+honored the cultural values of the family within.
+
+The newly-built resettlement villages of the 1960s took the same names
+as the former ones, but the names of the hamlets (*najas*) were
+discontinued. These *najas* were essential to the Nubian social
+structure, as each hamlet was typically inhabited by extended families
+or clan members. The discontinuation of these hamlet names, which held
+significant cultural value, represented a loss of identity for many
+Nubians. In Old Nubia, the *najas* were more than just geographical
+locations; they were markers of lineage, community, and shared history.
+In the resettlement villages, however, this intricate social fabric was
+disrupted, as families were grouped based on household size rather than
+kinship. Without the hamlet names, the sense of belonging and continuity
+with past generations was diminished, making the transition to the new
+settlements even more challenging.
+
+The old *najas* were based on family and clan relationships. Each *naja*
+was distinguished from the others. Inhabitants of the *najas* were
+mostly members of the same clan. In the resettlement villages, the
+government planners ignored this important cultural feature. The street
+layouts in the resettlement villages are organized based on house sizes:
+rows of adjacent houses all had the same number of rooms. Hence Nubian
+families ended up with neighbors who shared not family relationships but
+family size.
+
+This paper compares traditional old Nubian houses before relocation and
+the new governmental dwellings built for them following their forced
+displacement. I also find it necessary to situate the relevant events
+and developments in two broader contexts: 
+
+a\) the relevant aspects of Nubian culture that pertain to the meaning
+of home, kinship, and community; and
+
+b\) the specific history of Nubian resettlement.
+
+In my opinion and experience, this two-fold contextualization serves its
+purposes best if it is accompanied by a synopsis of the governmental
+resettlement policies, plans, and difficult interactions between
+government officials and Nubians. This synopsis is of course limited,
+due to the space constraints of this paper.
+
+The Nubian settlements known as *nahyas* (villages) had several unique
+characteristics, in terms of settlement patterns and housing after 1902.
+The reservoir was completed in 1902 and the completion of the
+construction of the old Aswan dam and its elevation took place in 1912
+and 1933. These changes to the landscape disrupted ancestral settlement
+patterns and housing, albeit differently depending upon the settlement.
+I describe the most important characteristics below.
+
+Before the construction of the dam, nonetheless, all Nubian *nahyas*
+firmly looked like the principal design. The network design, with its
+organized lines of homes, represented the profound association of the
+Nubian nation to the Nile, which was integral to their lifestyle. This
+plan not only took into consideration the proficient utilization of room
+on the flatlands but also cultivated a feeling of public living. As
+families resided one next to the other, every family fostered a
+harmonious of day-to-day existence interlaced with that of their
+neighbors. The efficient design mirrored the solidarity and
+relationships among individuals, and it gave a dependable system for
+overseeing assets, land, and the connections that supported their
+networks. After resettlement, nonetheless, these customary arrangements
+were upset, supplanting a natural and socially established structure
+with a more unbending plan that didn\'t completely resonate with the
+Nubian lifestyle.
+
+There were two types of settlement patterns in Old Nubia:
+
+1\) the grid pattern that is usually found in the southern part of Nubia
+on flat lands where dwellings were organized in rows parallel to the
+Nile; and
+
+2\) the free pattern that was usually found in northern Nubia where the
+settlements stood mostly on hills leaving the flat lands for
+agriculture. 
+
+But, before the dam, all Nubian *nahyas* looked like the grid pattern.
+
+# Tūmās wa \'Afya
+
+The old village of Tūmās wa \'Afya was located 220 kilometers upstream,
+south of Aswan, and next to the village of Derr, on the west bank of the
+river. Derr was the capital of Lower Nubia, and the headquarters of the
+Kashefs who were nineteenth-century Nubian \'governors\'. Its name,
+Tūmās wa \'Afya, was derived from a Nubian phrase meaning 'son good,'
+i.e., 'good son.' It epitomized the well-established social upsides of
+family honor and regard in the local area. This town was among the
+numerous in Nubia that held huge verifiable and social significance. The
+place of Derr as the capital further elevated what remained of Tūmās wa
+\'Afya. Such villages, with their solid familial associations,
+confronted significant misfortune with resettlement, as the uprooting
+eliminated individuals from their genealogical terrains as well as
+disturbed the social texture of their networks.
+
+Tūmās wa \'Afya consisted of eight major hamlets: Saab, Mansour,
+Ambaray, Himeriiye, Maarya, Moradaab, Ooba, and cAfya. Each of these
+consisted of smaller *najas*. The two major *najas* were Ooba and cAfya.
+Ooba consisted of Ooba, Bahjoora, Nejariiye, and Karkar, while \'Afya
+was consisted of Faashir, Shibakiiye, Dinabe, Fuudabe, Shagiig, Arab
+Hille, Hinesabe, Jelegaab, and Kheereen. 
+
+Tūmās wa \'Afya was not affected by the construction of the old Aswan
+reservoir in 1902 or by its first heightening in 1912. But by its second
+heightening in 1933, the government classified the Nubian villages
+according to the following classification: 
+
+1\) villages that flooded temporarily during the closing of the
+reservoir gates but when the gates reopened, and the reservoir water
+level went down; people were able to plant for a shorter period; and
+
+2\) villages that flooded permanently and lost any possibility for
+future farming.
+
+In the first category, government compensation was (in principle) paid
+for palm trees and houses, while in the second category; compensation
+was for palm trees, houses, and farmland. 
+
+As a result of the second heightening of the Old Aswan reservoir, the
+government decided in 1933 to expropriate all the territory under the
+level of 122 meters above sea level. The government issued Act No. 6 of
+1933 which excluded from the final expropriation of some villages that
+were located on high lands. This Act was specifically designed to
+undermine the opportunity for Nubians to file claims against the state
+or government. They were deprived of the right to contest and sue the
+authorities, which was permitted under the other existing laws at that
+time. This move contributed to the instability of Nubian rights, as
+Nubian communities found themselves trapped between the legal challenges
+that prevented them from defending their rights and interests in the
+face of government policies regarding land expropriation.
+
+These villages were deemed to be partly safe from flooding for part of
+the year, which might be enough to plant and cultivate for a few months.
+The owners of these lands received compensation for the part of the year
+in which they could not farm due to flooding. That compensation equaled
+half of the assessed value of their land. The land thus partly
+compensated remained, legally speaking, in the ownership of its previous
+owners. Tūmās wa \'Afya was one of the villages that experienced this
+situation. As we shall see, this had some important consequences for how
+the resettlement events unfolded.
+
+About seven families from the hamlet of Moradaab decided to resettle
+north about 270 km to Beheera and Ridasiya (urbanized Rideesiye) in Edfu
+instead of rebuilding on higher grounds in the old location (figure 1). 
+
+![In 1933, seven families from Tūmās wa ʿAfya moved to Edfu.](../static/images/habbob/fig1.jpg "In 1933, seven families from Tūmās wa ʿAfya moved to Edfu.")
+
+**~~Figure 1. In 1933, seven families from Tūmās wa ʿAfya moved to Edfu.~~**
+
+
+In response to complaints from villagers to the effect that they could
+not benefit even partially from their flooded farmlands, the government
+issued a decision in July 1942 to expropriate all the farmland of Tūmās
+wa \'Afya and to pay the remaining half of the compensation of the
+affected lands. As a reaction to this, all landowners in Tūmās wa \'Afya
+withdrew their previous complaint and demanded instead that the
+government either reassess the value of their lands or give the affected
+owners comparable properties in other locations unaffected by the
+heightening of the reservoir.
+
+In 1951 the government approved the expropriation of Tūmās wa \'Afya and
+allocated an area of 8,000 *feddans* near Esna to be sold to the
+affected people.
+
+From that moment, the people of Tūmās wa \'Afya were, somehow, assumed
+by some officials, to be connected to Esna, although they had not, at
+that time, left their homeland. 
+
+Officially, those people owned \"unseen\" agricultural lands in Esna.
+The government issued a decree in 1954 to expropriate their land in the
+old site of Tūmās wa \'Afya. In January 1954, the government held the
+equivalent of 30% of the compensation due to the affected people of
+Tūmās wa \'Afya as a deposit for land reclamation which, as promised,
+would be sold to them in the Esna region. However, the operations were
+put on hold in 1959, for the government decided to stop such sales
+because by that time plans to build the High Dam were firmed up.
+Although the government had, as mentioned above, withheld 30% of the
+compensation, it did not start building the infrastructure needed for
+land reclamation.
+
+The 8,000 *feddans* near Esna came with specific terms that were not
+always made clear to the affected Nubian families. These documents
+highlight the sense of uncertainty and confusion felt by many as they
+navigated this forced sale of land. While the government offered this
+land as compensation, families were often faced with bureaucratic
+challenges that made the acquisition process lengthy and complex.
+Furthermore, there were financial implications attached to the land
+allocation, which required the Nubian families to pay for property that
+was ostensibly meant to replace their lost homes. This added burden
+underscored the ongoing struggle for fair and adequate compensation and
+the challenges the Nubians encountered in securing a new foundation for
+their displaced communities.
+
+# Tūmās wa \'Afya\'s Traditional Housing
+
+The houses were built in the form of a rectangle with an area roughly
+from 200 to 1000 square meters, depending on the site and topography.
+Many factors have affected the design of the old Nubian houses, such as
+the climatic, geographical, and the social needs.
+
+The standard house layout included the following components:
+
+ -- The Main Entrance:
+
+In numerous customary Nubian homes, the primary entry is intended to
+represent both friendliness and protection. It frequently includes
+enlivening components, such as complex carvings or painted themes that
+mirror the family\'s legacy or status. These plan decisions make an
+inviting initial feeling as well as proposition unobtrusive prompts to
+guests about the family\'s social qualities. This cautious
+meticulousness in the entry region features the significance of family
+and local area associations, as well as the conventional meaning of the
+home as a space of solace and regard.
+
+ -- The *Madiafa*:
+
+The *madiafa* is more than just a guest room; it holds cultural
+importance as a place of hospitality and honor. In Nubian homes, guests
+are treated with the utmost respect, and the *madiafa* serves as a
+dedicated space for welcoming them. Often, it is decorated with
+beautiful textiles, traditional wall art, and comfortable seating that
+reflects Nubian customs. Its location near the main entrance symbolizes
+the open-hearted nature of Nubian hospitality, while also ensuring that
+guests can enjoy a private space without disrupting the household's
+daily activities. The proximity of the *madiafa* to the courtyard allows
+for easy access to the open area, where larger gatherings or shared
+meals may be hosted under the shade. Additionally, the madiafa
+furnishings and décor are often chosen carefully to showcase the
+family's heritage and pride. Embellished with locally crafted items,
+such as woven mats and pottery, the room serves as a display of Nubian
+craftsmanship and artistry. Guests might be offered traditional
+refreshments, like hibiscus tea or dates, further emphasizing the
+cultural practices associated with hospitality. In many homes, family
+photos and ancestral artifacts are displayed, connecting the guests to
+the lineage and stories of their hosts. This warm and inviting space
+reflects the Nubian values of generosity, respect, and a strong sense of
+community.
+
+ -- The Courtyard:
+
+It is an open space in the middle of the house. It is found in all
+Nubian houses and different areas. It opens to all rooms of the house
+used for living purposes. It holds a significant environmental and
+climatic role in addition to this social one.
+
+ -- The Decorations:
+
+The decoration of the Nubian houses is related to the history of the
+Nubian dwelling. They use the decoration of the house units in the form
+of dolls, fans, and veils, in addition to the paste ceramic dishes on
+the walls.
+
+# High Dam and Nubian Resettlement
+
+Before 1963, in both Egypt and Sudan, Nubians lived between the First
+and Fifth Nile Cataracts in areas of the Nile Valley where floodwater
+and other types of irrigation were mainly restricted to a narrow fringe
+of alluvial deposits continually at risk from desert encroachment. Lower
+Nubia stretched upstream from north of Wadi Halfa as far as Aswan.
+Unlike the current barren surroundings of Kom Ombo, all of Lower Nubia
+in 1962 was a starkly beautiful environment. On both sides of the river,
+desert sands, interspersed with rocky hills, came down to the water's
+edge. A total of 553 sparsely populated hamlets (*najas*) spread along
+the way. According to the 1960 Egyptian census, the total resident
+Nubian population was 43,67110 and belonged to three distinct ethnic cum
+linguistic groups, two of which spoke Nubian languages.\
+In this region, the Nubians developed a way of life closely tied to the
+Nile, which provided water, fertile land, and a means of transportation.
+Each hamlet, or *naja*, was typically composed of extended family units,
+forming small, tight-knit communities. The agricultural practices here
+were adapted to the narrow stretch of fertile land along the riverbanks,
+where they grew crops such as sorghum, dates, and vegetables, depending
+on the seasonal flooding. Fishing also played a role in their
+sustenance. This way of life, however, was vulnerable, with desert sands
+encroaching on the farmlands and limited access to other resources,
+leading many Nubian men to migrate for work. The beauty of the landscape
+was matched by the cultural richness of its people, who maintained
+vibrant traditions, languages, and a strong sense of identity despite
+their challenging environment.
+
+First came the Matokki/Kenzi-speaking Nubians whose seventeen villages
+extended for approximately 150 kilometers upriver from Aswan. They
+represented 36% of the total population and were the most seriously
+affected by the construction of the Old Aswan reservoir. It is worth
+noting that some of the Kenuz villages close to Aswan had already been
+forced to relocate three times, moving up to the reservoir's edge or
+downstream to and below Aswan with each heightening. All their date
+palms had been destroyed and most of the year all of their agricultural
+land was inundated. Cultivation was restricted to only a few months each
+year when the reservoir gates were open. Then, only quick-maturing
+fodder crops for the few cows, donkeys, and small stock those villagers
+kept, as vegetables, could be grown.
+
+Despite these hardships, the Kenuz-speaking Nubians maintained a strong
+connection to their land and traditions, adapting their agricultural
+practices as much as possible to the changing conditions. Their
+resilience was evident in their ability to cultivate whatever little
+land remained available, even as they coped with the annual cycle of
+flooding and depletion. However, the frequent relocations took a toll on
+their way of life. Traditional date palm groves, which were integral to
+both their economy and culture, had been decimated, along with other
+crops that once thrived on the banks of the Nile. The Kenuz people,
+whose livelihoods had been so deeply intertwined with their ancestral
+lands, faced increasing uncertainty and a growing sense of dislocation
+with each move. The construction of the Old Aswan reservoir marked a
+turning point in their history, as they struggled to hold onto their
+identity in the face of relentless environmental and social upheaval.
+
+In some areas, huge dunes encroached into the reservoir. Owing to the
+lack of income-earning opportunities in the Old Villages, labor
+migration rates among men may well have been the highest in the world.
+Men from these villages frequently left for extended periods to work in
+cities like Cairo, Alexandria, and Khartoum. This labor migration was
+not only driven by limited local employment but also by the strong pull
+of economic opportunities in urban areas. As a result, families often
+relied on remittances sent home, which became essential for their
+livelihoods. Over time, this pattern of migration created deep social
+and economic ties between the Nubian villages and the cities, as well as
+a significant cultural exchange. While men worked away from home, Nubian
+women maintained the households, cultivated small plots of land, and
+preserved traditional customs, which helped keep their culture alive
+despite these long absences.
+
+Immediately upriver from the last Matokki/Kenzi-speaking villages, there
+was a relatively small population (10% of the total Nubian population in
+1960) of Arabic speakers whose seven villages edged the reservoir for
+the next forty kilometers. They will not be further considered in the
+present analysis. In the next stretch upriver, the Mahas-speaking
+Fadijja community inhabited approximately twenty-one villages that
+extended roughly 120 kilometers southward. Representing about 54% of the
+total Nubian population in 1960, the Fadijja people spoke the second
+Nubian language and were generally more geographically dispersed. Their
+villages were typically located in elevated areas, providing a measure
+of protection against flooding. However, they also faced challenges due
+to the inundation of their agricultural lands. The Fadijja maintained a
+close relationship with the river, relying on it not only for sustenance
+but also as a vital part of their cultural and social practices. Despite
+their relative isolation, the Fadijja preserved unique cultural
+expressions in their language, art, and customs that distinguished them
+from both their Kenzi-speaking neighbors and the wider Egyptian and
+Sudanese societies.
+
+The final 130 kilometers were inhabited by the Fadija-speaking Nubians.
+They constituted 54% of the total and occupied eighteen villages. Closer
+to the Sudanese border, the reservoir narrowed so that the last Nubian
+village in Egypt, Adindan, came closest to showing the type of Nubian
+economy and livelihood that must have existed before the construction of
+the Old Aswan Reservoir, the Fadija\'s closer ties to Sudanese Nubia
+fostered cultural exchange and economic interactions that were less
+impacted by the colonial and governmental policies that affected other
+Nubian communities. This blend of geographic advantages and cultural
+continuity meant that the Fadija, particularly in Adindan, were able to
+maintain their traditional livelihoods longer than those in more
+affected areas, which experienced multiple displacements due to the
+construction of the reservoir.
+
+Furthermore, Adindan economic practices were not only about agriculture
+but also encompassed trade with neighboring regions, allowing for a more
+diverse economic base. The village likely served as a hub where local
+agricultural products were exchanged for goods from surrounding areas,
+maintaining economic vitality and cultural identity despite the
+encroaching pressures of development and modernization. Thus, Adindan is
+a significant example of what traditional Nubian life was like before
+the transformative impacts of the Old Aswan Reservoir.
+
+The High Dam is an embankment dam, built, between 1960 and 1970, across
+the Nile south of Aswan. Its significance largely eclipsed the previous
+Aswan reservoir. Based on the success of the old reservoir, then at its
+maximum utilization, construction of the High Dam became a key objective
+of the government following the Egyptian Revolution of 1952. With its
+ability to better control flooding, provide increased water storage for
+irrigation, and generate hydroelectricity, the Dam was seen as key to
+Egypt's planned industrialization. The High Dam was not just an
+engineering marvel but a symbol of national pride and progress for
+Egypt. It was constructed to address the chronic issues of flooding that
+had plagued the Nile Valley for centuries, which often resulted in
+devastating consequences for agriculture and local communities. The
+dam\'s capacity to regulate the flow of the Nile meant that farmers
+could rely on a more consistent water supply for irrigation,
+significantly boosting agricultural productivity. Additionally, the
+creation of Lake Nasser behind the dam provided a massive reservoir that
+enhanced Egypt\'s water management capabilities.
+
+Moreover, the High Dam played a pivotal role in the country\'s energy
+sector. By harnessing the power of the Nile to generate
+hydroelectricity, it provided a sustainable energy source that supported
+industrial growth and urban development. This influx of electricity was
+crucial for powering factories, schools, and homes, thereby contributing
+to the economic modernization envisioned by the post-revolution
+government. The Dam also became a focal point for national and
+international attention, symbolizing Egypt\'s aspirations for
+self-sufficiency and its commitment to harnessing natural resources for
+development. However, while the High Dam brought significant benefits,
+it also led to complex social, economic, and environmental challenges,
+particularly for the Nubian communities who were displaced as a result
+of its construction.
+
+During 1956-57, the Permanent Council for National Production and
+Development carried out physical and aerial surveys to determine the
+potentially flooded areas and the number and location of villages that
+were to be affected. The study reported, among other things, the
+impossibility of resettling the Nubian people around the shores of what
+was to be called Lake Nasser. Consequently, the study recommended
+resettling the Nubians in a new site north of Aswan. In response to
+these findings, the government-initiated plans for the resettlement of
+the Nubian communities, emphasizing the need to provide adequate
+infrastructure and services in the new location. The proposed site aimed
+to replicate some aspects of Nubian life, including access to
+agricultural land and social facilities. However, the logistics of
+relocating thousands of people posed significant challenges and many
+Nubians were apprehensive about leaving their ancestral homes. They were
+deeply connected to their land, culture, and traditions, making the
+transition a complex and emotional process.
+
+The resettlement plan also involved consultations with local leaders and
+community members; although many felt their voices were not fully heard
+in the decision-making process. This led to growing concerns about the
+adequacy of the new arrangements and the potential loss of cultural
+identity. Despite the government's assurances, many Nubians worried that
+the move would disrupt their social fabric and way of life. As a result,
+the implementation of the resettlement plan was met with resistance and
+skepticism, highlighting the broader tensions between governmental
+policies and the lived realities of the affected communities.
+
+The Dam is remembered by most Egyptians as one of their former leader's
+greatest accomplishments, a towering monument to the modernizing
+aspirations of an independent nation. President Nasser's 1960 speech
+addressed the Nubians and promised them that these changes would bring
+modernization and community-building:
+
+"The prosperity which shall cover the Nubians is enormous because it
+shall bring all Nubians together on a correct foundation to build a
+strong, healthy society." \[citation reference needed\]
+
+The contrast with reality could not have been greater. For the Nubians
+who were living in Old Nubia, the Dam destroyed a way of life. It
+flooded Nubian land along 500 kilometers of the Nile. At the time of its
+inauguration, it was the largest rock-filled Dam in the world. It
+created a new reservoir, Lake Nasser, which spilled over into Sudan. A
+large migration occurred, taking 100,000 Nubians of forty-four villages
+from their ancestral homeland, away from a way of life based around the
+river Nile for thousands of years, to desert life in villages built for
+them in the area of Kom Ombo (50 kilometers north of Aswan), known as
+New Nubia. The effects of the High Dam on the Nubian people were
+profound and far-reaching. The displacement of 100,000 Nubians not only
+severed their ties to their ancestral lands but also led to significant
+cultural dislocation. As they were forced to abandon their homes, many
+faced the loss of not just physical structures but also the cultural
+heritage embedded in their communities. The newly established villages
+in Kom Ombo, while designed to provide basic shelter, lacked the
+emotional and historical connections that the Nubians had with their
+original homes.
+
+Moreover, the transition from a river-based economy to a desert
+environment posed serious challenges for their livelihoods. The
+agricultural practices that had sustained the Nubians for generations
+were disrupted, and many found it difficult to adapt to the new economic
+realities of life in New Nubia. While the government hailed the High Dam
+as a symbol of progress and modernization for the Nubians, it marked the
+beginning of a struggle to maintain their identity and way of life in
+the face of overwhelming change.
+
+Before the eviction, the government tried to come up with a conciliation
+plan for resettlement. Relocation sites were chosen by the government to
+be in Kom Ombo. The construction of new villages for the Nubians was set
+in the plan, and models for these villages were shown and displayed to
+the Nubian people. Based on interviews with Nubians, some recall this
+period by saying it was a period of promises. The government promised
+them compensation for their homes by giving them new homes in the new
+resettlement villages and good compensation for their palms. The river
+Nile was scheduled to change course in May 1964, as such the need to
+proceed with the resettlement was pressing. This time pressure was
+coupled with an international campaign to save the ancient Egyptian
+monuments in Nubia, an action that was led by UNESCO as a coordinator
+between Egypt and the involved nations. The government\'s efforts to
+devise a resettlement plan were met with mixed reactions among the
+Nubian population. While some were hopeful about the promised
+compensation and new homes, others felt skeptical about the sincerity of
+the government\'s commitments. Many Nubians cherished a deep emotional
+connection to their ancestral lands, and the thought of being uprooted
+from their homes was distressing. This uncertainty led to a sense of
+anxiety among the community as they faced the impending changes. As the
+date for resettlement approached, the Nubians found themselves in a
+state of limbo, caught between the hopes for a better future and the
+fear of losing their cultural heritage. The urgency of the situation
+intensified as the government pressed forward with plans to relocate
+them to Kom Ombo, but the true impact of such a dramatic shift on their
+lives and identities remained uncertain.
+
+As an example of the Residential Unit\'s Design to Settle the People of
+Nubia, the National Organization for the Dislocation of Nubians
+established a set of recommendations for planning and designing the new
+villages. These guidelines stated that the houses should be identical
+using only three prototypes of the design. The prototypes were designed
+according to the number of rooms in each type (figure 2).
+
+![The three prototypes of houses for the new villages.](../static/images/habbob/fig2.jpg "The three prototypes of houses for the new villages.")
+
+**~~Figure 2. The three prototypes of houses for the new villages.~~**
+
+# Nubian Resettlement Policies
+
+The government policy consisted of an integrated and coordinated
+approach involving technical, social, and economic measures. This
+approach reflected some basic ideological principles of post-revolution
+Egypt.
+
+A survey to collect demographic data about Nubia was part of an effort
+by several governmental agencies to carry through the resettlement
+scheme in the targeted period. 
+
+A national organization called \"The National Organization for Nubian
+Resettlement\" was formed as an intermediary between different
+ministries and agencies involved in the project. The Ministry of Housing
+and Development was assigned the task of planning the villages and
+designing the houses. The project faced several difficulties from the
+very beginning. The designated area for the project formed half a circle
+around land owned by the Wadi Kom Ombo Company and covered an area of
+35,000 *feddans*. The land was all deserts with no roads or water
+sources existing before the project started. Other amenities were absent
+as well. Accommodating professional and technical staff on the site was,
+therefore, out of the question. The Ministry of Housing decided to
+undertake the complex planning and design work from its main
+headquarters in Cairo. Despite the challenges, the Ministry of Housing
+aimed to create a structured environment that would support the
+resettled Nubians. They conducted detailed planning sessions to ensure
+that the new villages would reflect the cultural heritage of the Nubian
+people while incorporating modern infrastructure. The vision was to
+design homes that met the needs of the population, emphasizing community
+living and accessibility. However, the lack of local knowledge and
+understanding of Nubian cultural nuances often resulted in designs that
+did not resonate with the community\'s values. This disconnect led to
+frustration among the Nubians, who felt that their voices were not
+adequately heard in the planning process. As the project progressed, it
+became clear that the aspirations for a harmonious integration of
+modernity and tradition would require more than just physical
+structures; it demanded a deeper engagement with the cultural identity
+of the Nubian people.
+
+The main planning and design premise was to ensure equality among the
+families by providing the same house design to families that had the
+same number of household members. As well, it was decided to use locally
+available construction materials to keep construction costs under check
+and to be able to complete the project in time. 
+
+The preliminary study of the project concluded that 30 villages were
+required to accommodate all the villages and najas of Lower Nubia. It
+was estimated that 16,000 housing units were required to accommodate
+families who were living in Nubia at the time of the preliminary study.
+For those who were working outside Nubia at the time, another 7,880
+houses were to be built later as a second stage.
+
+To maintain the geographic configuration of the villages in Old Nubia,
+the planners decided to keep the same arrangement of villages by
+locating the Kenuz villages in the northern part, the Arab villages in
+the middle, and the Fadija villages in the south. The names of the old
+villages were used for the new villages. In each of these three groups,
+a \'central\' village was designated as a service center. Each contained
+a large mosque, a police station, a health unit, an elementary school,
+and an agriculture cooperative. An administrative capital for the entire
+resettlement district --- Nasser City --- was built in a central
+location. Finally, the district was to be included as one of the
+regional districts of the Governorate of Aswan. In addition to these
+planning measures, special attention was given to the social and
+cultural dynamics of the Nubian communities. The aim was to create a
+supportive environment that fostered connections among families and
+maintained their cultural identity. The layout of the new villages was
+designed to encourage community interaction, with communal spaces such
+as parks and gathering areas integrated into the planning. However, as
+the construction progressed, it became evident that the government
+planners underestimated the importance of the traditional social fabric
+of the Nubian society. Many residents expressed dissatisfaction with the
+new arrangements, feeling that the designs did not adequately reflect
+their customs and lifestyles. This oversight led to tensions within the
+community, as many felt their cultural heritage was being overlooked in
+favor of a standardized model. As the Nubians moved into their new
+homes, they began to adapt the structures to better suit their needs,
+incorporating elements of their traditional architectural styles to
+preserve their identity amidst the changes.
+
+To comply with the deadlines, the planners decided to locate the
+villages close to each other, contrary to the initial planning scheme
+which envisaged that the location of each village be close to its
+allocated agricultural land. Villages were built on both sides of the
+existing Aswan-Cairo highway.
+
+This decision to cluster the villages together, rather than distribute
+them across the landscape, was driven by time constraints and logistical
+considerations. However, it also resulted in significant challenges for
+the Nubian communities. By placing the villages close to one another,
+the planners inadvertently disrupted the traditional way of life that
+the Nubians had maintained for generations. The spatial arrangement,
+which prioritized accessibility over cultural relevance, led to a sense
+of disconnection from their agricultural roots. As the Nubians settled
+into their new homes, many felt a profound loss, not only of their
+ancestral land but also of the communal and familial ties that had been
+woven into the fabric of their former villages. The new village layout
+lacked the organic flow and interconnection that characterized their old
+settlements, leading to feelings of isolation and frustration among the
+residents as they grappled with the reality of their new environment.
+
+The construction method recommended for the project by the Cairo
+planners was to use partly dressed limestone to build the walls and to
+use reinforced concrete roofs on top. The traditional mud-brick
+construction system of Nubian houses before the resettlement was not
+considered. 
+
+# Tūmās wa \'Afya and High dam
+
+A few months before resettlement some Nubians from Tūmās wa \'Afya
+complained to the government that they didn\'t want to move to Esna but
+preferred to be with the other Nubian villages near Kom Ombo. On June
+11th, 1963, an official governmental committee tried to reconcile the
+points of view and to persuade those who insisted on immigrating to the
+Kom Ombo to move to Esna according to the original plan. 
+
+As detailed above, the original plan was to resettle the village to Esna
+according to the choice of its people to be close to the eight thousand
+*feddans* they had bought in the late 1930s.
+
+It appears that both groups were unwilling to change their positions. To
+deal with this controversy, the committee ran a referendum to find out
+how many wanted to immigrate to Kom Ombo. Since the original plan was to
+resettle them in Esna, the officials announced that it would submit to
+the people\'s desire to move to Kom Ombo but on three conditions. First,
+the families had to officially relinquish any claims to the land they
+had previously purchased in Esna. Second, they would have to agree to be
+treated like other Nubians who were being resettled in Kom Ombo, meaning
+they would not receive any special privileges or considerations.
+Finally, they were required to forgo any requests for specific land
+allocations within the Kom Ombo area.
+
+These stipulations were intended to ensure a smooth transition while
+also managing the logistics of the resettlement, but they also reflected
+the government\'s underlying desire to maintain authority over the
+process and minimize any potential complications that could arise from
+individual land claims:
+
+a\) to relinquish, officially, the land they bought earlier in Esna;
+
+b\) to accept being treated like the rest of the Nubians (who were to be
+resettled near Kom Ombo); and
+
+c\) to not request any specific area or site in the Kom Ombo
+resettlement district.
+
+On the understanding that all concerned were to accept these three
+conditions, the government ran a referendum in June 1963. The results
+indicated that the people of Tūmās wa \'Afya (1363 families) were of two
+opinions. One-third (364 families from Aafiye hamlets: Faashir, Dinabe,
+Fuudabe, Shagiig, Arab Hille, Hinesabe, and Kheereen) chose to be
+resettled in the Kom Ombo district, in a location between the villages
+of Gustul and Abu Simbel. The remaining two-thirds (999 families) chose
+to be resettled near Esna (figure 3).
+
+![The author's grandfather's 1954 receipt of the compensation as a deposit for farmland reclamation in  Esna.](../static/images/habbob/fig3.jpg "The author's grandfather's 1954 receipt of the compensation as a deposit for farmland reclamation in  Esna.")
+
+**~~Figure 3. The author's grandfather's 1954 receipt of the compensation as a deposit for farmland reclamation in  Esna.~~**
+
+
+In Esna, the government built the following facilities: three primary
+schools and one preparatory school, a co-op association, a social
+services unit, a clinic, a post office, a telephone office, a police and
+fire unit, four stores, and three mosques.
+
+The families who were resettled in the Esna project were located in
+three main villages, each of which had two sub-villages: 
+
+-    "Tūmās wa \'Afya Wahid" (Arabic for \'1\') was uninhabited until
+    1970 and was located at 25°16\'54.50\" N, 32°30\'42.98\" E. The main
+    settlement was called Al Ra\'iisiya (Arabic for \'main\'). Its
+    sub-village was called Khaliiliye-Ashmaawi.
+
+```{=html}
+<!-- -->
+```
+-    "Tūmās wa \'Afya Itneen" (Arabic for \'2\') was located at
+    25°19\'52.41\" N, 32°29\'25.23\" E. Al Ra\'iisiye was called
+    Moradaab-Maarya. Its sub-village was called Izbet el Zeet-Izbet el
+    Saab.
+
+```{=html}
+<!-- -->
+```
+-   "Tūmās wa \'Afya Talaata" (Arabic for \'3\') was located at
+    25°22\'46.24\" N, 32°28\'43.34\" E. Al Ra\'iisiya was called
+    Mansur-Saab. Its sub-village was given three different designations:
+    Alif Arabic for \'A\') included Shibakiiye, Jelegaab, and Aafiye),
+    Beh (Arabic for \'B\'), and Giim (Arabic for \'C\') included
+    Ambaray, Himeriiye, and Ooba) (figure 4). 
+
+
+![Resettlement of Tūmās wa ʿAfya from the Original Village to Kom Ombo and Esna.](../static/images/habbob/fig4.jpg "Resettlement of Tūmās wa ʿAfya from the Original Village to Kom Ombo and Esna.")
+
+**~~Figure 4. Resettlement of Tūmās wa ʿAfya from the Original Village to Kom Ombo and Esna.~~**
+
+
+
+Apart from the above three \'villages\', the government built an
+additional \'village\', called Tūmās wa \'Afya Arba\'a (Arabic for
+\'4\'). It was located at 25°23\'12.84\"N, 32°28\'46.72\"E. It was to be
+inhabited by non-Nubians most of whom were originally from Esna; they
+used to work and live in the Sudanese town of Wadi Halfa close to the
+border with Egypt. When the time of resettlement came, these Upper
+Egyptians preferred to come back to Egypt instead of going to Khashm al
+Gerba (southeastern Sudan) with the rest of Wadi Halfa\'s Nubians.
+
+In 1970, the government had almost completed the reclamation of the
+farmland that the people of Tūmās wa \'Afya had previously paid for from
+their compensation. These lands were located five kilometers west of
+Esna. For accounting purposes, the lands were divided into nine
+agricultural areas and were serviced with pump stations, canals, and
+roads.
+
+At this point, the people of Tūmās wa \'Afya requested to move closer to
+their farmlands and the government responded positively. At that moment,
+internal immigration began. People from Tūmās wa \'Afya Itneen moved to
+Tūmās wa \'Afya Wahid near their farmlands (in agricultural areas
+numbers 1, 2, and 3), while half of the people of Tūmās wa \'Afya
+Talaata (hamlets Ooba, Sheppakeyyah, and Telegraph) moved to Tūmās wa
+\'Afya Itneen closer to their land (in agricultural areas numbers 8 and
+9). People of Tūmās wa \'Afya Arba\'a moved into Tūmās wa \'Afya Talaata
+to clear the area that was chosen to serve as a temporary location for
+an army officers\' school (a move that was deemed necessary due to the
+circumstances surrounding the war with Israel at the time) (figure 5).
+
+![Tūmās wa ʿAfya villages in Esna.](../static/images/habbob/fig5.jpg "Tūmās wa ʿAfya villages in Esna.")
+
+**~~Figure 5. Tūmās wa ʿAfya villages in Esna.~~**
+
+
+Later, in 1978, and like the other moves described above, the other half
+of the people of Tūmās wa \'Afya Talaata moved into a newly built
+village that was called Tūmās wa \'Afya al Wusta (Arabic for
+\'central\'). It was located at 25°18\'29.26\" N, 32°29\'32.73\" E and
+was close to the farmlands that belonged to the people from the hamlets
+of Mansour, Saab, Ambaray, and Himeriiye. These lands were in
+agricultural areas numbers 4, 5, 6, and 7.
+
+In the late 1970s, the Egyptian government decided to auction off the
+houses in the village of Tūmās wa \'Afya Talaata, which attracted many
+non-Nubians from nearby Upper Egyptian villages. These newcomers
+purchased homes at the auction and established their residences in Tūmās
+wa \'Afya. Consequently, although these individuals were not of Nubian
+descent, their identification documents officially listed them as
+residents of the village. This development introduced a demographic
+shift in Tūmās wa \'Afya, gradually transforming the cultural and social
+landscape of the village.
+
+In the seventies and eighties, the villages described above had acquired
+numerous cultural facilities including youth centers. During games,
+tournaments, and competitions, interactions between youths from
+different villages resulted in some identity-based conflicts. Cases of
+harassment and quarrels were reported especially among youths who were
+born after the resettlement of 1964.
+
+At the end of 2007, the government gave the same name --- Tūmās wa
+\'Afya --- to a cluster of a hundred new houses built on the Western
+shore of Lake Nasser at approximately the same location as the original
+village of Tūmās wa \'Afya (22°46\'53.75\"N, 32° 1\'54.62\"E) in Old
+Nubia. One hundred families were settled there. Each was allocated five
+acres of reclaimable land. None of these families were from Tūmās wa
+\'Afya originally. None were Nubian.
+
+Thus, after nearly forty-five years from the time the Nubians
+resettlement outside of their ancestral homeland, there existed seven
+different villages carrying the same name Tūmās wa \'Afya officially.
+Yet only four of these are now inhabited by Nubians. These are Tūmās wa
+\'Afya Wahed, Itneen, Al Wusta, and Nasr al Nuba. The other three,
+Talaata, Arba\'a, and al-Nuba al-Gadiida, are inhabited by non-Nubians
+whose national identity cards show them as citizens of places with
+Nubian names.
+
+As almost always happens when national governments invoke \'national
+interest\' or \'national security' to relocate groups of citizens
+geographically, significantly different cultural cum ethnic populations
+end up living away from their kin and, instead, lived in close proximity
+to non-kin.
+
+Thus, in the case of the people of Tūmās wa \'Afya, some families ended
+up near Esna and some near Kom Ombo. To work around their arbitrary
+separation, families continue to spend time and scarce monetary
+resources visiting each other. From the early 1970s, countless families
+used the annual school midyear break to visit their estranged relatives.
+The frequency of these visits tended to increase as the means of
+transportation improved. An equally significant manner of expressing the
+deeply felt resistance to the arbitrary separation of kin is evident in
+the continuation of marriages between those near Esna and those near Kom
+Ombo.
+
+The tangled history of Nubian resettlement summarized above leads to a
+clear and inevitable conclusion: uprooting people and arbitrarily
+separating them from each other geographically does not override and
+does not reduce the feelings of shared cultural cum ethnic identity
+among them. Despite nuanced differences, Nubians in Egypt and Sudan are
+one.
+
+# The government\'s resettlement housing policy
+
+A prefabricated construction method was suggested for the construction
+of the houses, especially since the house floor plans were appropriate
+for that type of construction. This option was quickly abandoned because
+the village sites were far from available factories at that time and the
+time allowed for construction was too short to allow for the development
+of new factories to meet the resettlement needs. Another reason for
+rejecting the prefabricated method was its high cost which was estimated
+to be 160% higher than the traditional method of construction that was
+ultimately recommended for the project. 
+
+# Planning of the resettlement villages
+
+The National Organization for Nubian Resettlement established a set of
+recommendations for planning and designing the new villages. These
+guidelines stated that the house designs should be developed using only
+three design prototypes. The prototypes were based on the number of
+rooms in each type (see figure 2). 
+
+The large house consisted of 4 bedrooms, a *madiafa/Mandara* (guest
+room), an open courtyard, a kitchen, a stable, and a toilet. This type
+was to be assigned to large families which had seven or more members.
+The medium house consisted of three bedrooms, a *madiafa*, a courtyard,
+a kitchen, a stable, and a toilet. This type was to be assigned to
+families of five to seven members. Finally, the small house consisted of
+two bedrooms, a *madiafa*, a courtyard, a kitchen, a stable, and a
+toilet. The small house was to be assigned to families of less than five
+members.
+
+A fourth type was later added at the request of the Ministry of Social
+Affairs to accommodate small families of two members, single widows, or
+bachelors. This type contained one room, a courtyard, a kitchen, and a
+toilet. The idea behind this scheme was to provide equality among the
+Nubian families.
+
+The openings for doors and windows in all the rooms were to be oriented
+north to bring the much-favored wind into the rooms, and small high
+openings were to be made on the opposite side to create
+cross-ventilation.
+
+The houses were allowed only one frontage to reduce the total necessary
+street lengths. For the two largest types of houses, it was recommended
+that the design include two entrances: one for the inhabitants and their
+visitors and the other for the animals. Each house was to have a
+separate madiafa to receive and entertain guests. The *madiafa* was not
+covered but left for the Nubians to cover it the way they wished.
+
+These recommendations and guidelines were presented to the housing and
+planning professionals so they could use them in developing the plan for
+the villages and the design of the houses. The planning of the villages
+did not always adhere to these recommendations but yielded occasionally
+to technical and financial considerations.
+
+To save as much construction material as possible and use less of the
+land area allocated for housing and, at the same time, minimize the
+outside walls exposed to direct sun, the houses were organized in groups
+as back-to-back rows. The streets were oriented north-south to minimize
+their exposure to the sun and to allow the rows of rooms inside the
+houses to be oriented north. By using the back-to-back arrangement only
+half of the houses were oriented to the desired north direction while
+the other half was oriented south.
+
+Attitudes toward resettlement were, predictably, mixed with hopes and
+dreams, and varied. People who enjoyed economic stability in Old Nubia
+were not enthusiastic about moving. Among them were the few prosperous
+farmers, shopkeepers, boat owners, and government employees. Age and sex
+were also important in determining people\'s attitudes toward
+resettlement. Young people tended to be optimistic, and men looked
+forward to a more exciting life and a broader range of economic and
+social opportunities. Women anticipated speedy marriages or more
+frequent reunions with their husbands.
+
+# Nubian house and the attitudes of the administration
+
+It is important to consider the general attitudes of the administrators
+as well as the Nubians to be able to understand how the environment
+emerged in the atmosphere that prevailed at that time. As an overall
+generalization of the situation, the government was viewed as an entity
+of itself. One has a different personality as a government employee than
+his normal one outside the office. Bureaucracy alienated people from the
+authorities including government employees.
+
+Nevertheless, the government\'s approach toward Nubian resettlement was
+unilateral, i.e., there was no actual Nubian participation in plan
+formulations. The Nubian voice was always heard but seldom taken into
+account except in cases where it was possible to accommodate Nubian
+desires easily within the general framework of the government aims. 
+
+Administrators --- belonging mainly to social strata whose outlooks were
+quite different from those of the Nubians --- typically saw (and
+continue to see) Nubians in terms of stereotypes involving backwardness
+and stupidity. Based on these implicit assumptions and latent attitudes,
+officials tended to think that Nubians should accept with gratitude what
+is offered to them.
+
+From the Nubian point of view, the government was seen as an instrument
+of imposition and control. They viewed the government employees who
+served in Old Nubia as inexperienced and/or \'exiled\' into this remote
+area due to underperformance or misdeeds. Nubians had very little
+contact with government officials or other citizens due to their
+relative geographical isolation and apparent cultural differences.
+Because of their past experiences, Nubians hardly trusted the
+administrators\' promises and plans.
+
+Nubians were particularly displeased with what they saw as arbitrary,
+sudden, and unannounced changes in government policies and plans. For
+example, the design of the large house type was altered and the back
+alleys, which were intended to separate the animals\' entrances from the
+people\'s entrances, were omitted and both types of entrances were
+placed next to each other on the same side of the house. Another example
+has to do with a heat-insulation construction system (based on the use
+of hollow concrete block roof construction technology) that was
+initially proposed for the entire settlement project. This was dropped
+during implementation without explanation or consultation. The flat
+reinforced concrete slabs that were implemented were not insulated and
+allowed the heat to penetrate the rooms, where poor ventilation trapped
+the heat inside. 
+
+The elitist attitude held by the resettlement officials allowed them to
+dismiss or trivialize the value of the Nubians\' participation in the
+planning and designing of the villages and houses. For example, it was
+mentioned in the Ministry of Social Affairs report on the resettlement
+of Nubians that the Nubians were consulted during the design stages of
+the houses and that a full-scale house model was built for Nubian
+delegates and representatives to see and comment on it. Yet the houses
+that were later built proved unacceptable to the Nubians. Either these
+delegates were shown a different model from the one used in the
+implementation, or the delegates did not communicate all their
+disagreements to the officials. It is also possible that the officials
+dismissed the views offered by the delegates who they considered to be
+uneducated Nubians. Be that as it may, the result was the same: a
+growing rift between Nubians and officials and a tendency to implement
+plans that were unsatisfactory to the Nubians.
+
+It is of course easy to attribute sources of Nubian dissatisfaction to
+time and resource constraints. However, this was not always the case. An
+example will illustrate. The resettlement houses, regardless of type or
+size, included an animal stable inside the houses. A stable inside the
+house is a typical feature of rural housing in Upper Egypt, but this
+arrangement was culturally unacceptable to the Nubians. It was a design
+feature that was based on misinformation about Nubian culture. It was,
+we should add, easily avoidable by, for example, building collective
+stables at the end of house blocks without additional costs.
+
+Similarly, the design of resettlement houses proves that their
+architects conceived houses mainly as sleeping shelters, not as places
+for living in the manner that Nubian culture required. Services were
+provided according to the number of rooms in each house. In short, the
+designers did not understand the social, cultural, and community aspects
+of the Nubian way of living. Such understanding would have enabled them
+to avoid basic design mistakes and to earn the acceptance of more
+Nubians.
+
+The Nubians who were not residing in their original villages at the time
+of the resettlement were not assigned houses in the newly planned
+villages. They became known as *al-Mughtaribeen* (Arabic for
+\'expatriates\'). Different Nubian ethnic groups which were not
+neighbors before the resettlement became neighbors because of the
+planning scheme which located their villages close to each other. They
+shared services and were forced to be in contact with each other which
+created problems, especially for villages that belonged to ill-matched
+groups.
+
+# Esna houses
+
+On Tuesday, May 26th of 1964 the first group of Tūmās wa \'Afya families
+arrived at Esna by train. They were received by a committee headed by
+the Undersecretary of the Ministry of Social Affairs, the Governor of
+Qena, the Mayor of Esna, and many other officials.
+
+The region represents a complete residence that has its special nature
+as a result of the site circumstances and its determinants, which had a
+role in village construction materials and design. The village planning
+concept came as a routine instead of planning beside the Nile, and the
+village must be divided according to residential units and not according
+to related links to the basic home, in which the residential units join
+from three sides to save spaces for constructing and save one elevation
+for every habitat to reduce roads surfaces in which the residential
+units became attached.
+
+# Basics of Settlement of Families and Individuals in the New Villages,
+(Villages of Tūmās wa \'Afya)
+
+The government built limited housing for families that were displaced
+from Nubia to Esna, and the settlement was based on the governmental
+inventory that was carried out before the construction of the high dam.
+The number of families is estimated to be about 200 families, and due to
+the absence of expatriates, who were out of Nubia during the inventory
+process, they were not given dwellings. As my grandfather observed at
+the time, this \"means that there has been no intense stability for the
+sons of Tūmās wa \'Afya in Esna because there are no residences for
+expatriates.\" These dwellings were distributed according to the size of
+the family, and the residential models were also designed on this basis,
+not for considerations of social status or the area of the old dwelling,
+or kinship ties.
+
+Tūmās wa \'Afya Talaata and Itneen have been completed while Tūmās wa
+\'Afya Wahid was under construction. As I mentioned above, similar house
+types were grouped in blocks and separated from each other by
+twenty-meter-wide streets. The house type used here was the two-bedroom
+house in the middle of which was a 12 by 5-meter courtyard, two 3.60 by
+2.80-meter rooms, a 3.60 by 1.80-meter kitchen, a 3.60 by 3.60 meter
+stable, and a 1 by 2-meter toilet (figure 6). 
+
+![Layout of houses at Tūmās wa ʿAfya.](../static/images/habbob/fig6.jpg "Layout of houses at Tūmās wa ʿAfya.")
+
+**~~Figure 6. Layout of houses at Tūmās wa ʿAfya.~~**
+
+
+In the Esna houses, the roof slabs used the hollow concrete blocks I
+mentioned before. The walls of the houses were built to a height of two
+meters if the surrounding areas were not to be roofed. Otherwise, the
+roof heights varied from 2.5 meters to 3.0 meters. Since the authorities
+built only one type of house in the Esna villages, larger families were
+assigned two adjacent housing units which the occupants joined
+subsequently. 
+
+The displacement of an individual from the social environment that he is
+used to and grew up in, and cutting his firm and well-established social
+roots and relocating him to a new environment different than the
+traditional Nubian personality, is not well studied either socially or
+humanity in new buildings with a new character. Though fifty years
+passed since their immigration, they still do not feel comfortable,
+which leads to making choices coming on their functional and communal
+needs (due to the immigration and the social situation change in the
+family and the increase of their needs and the change of the
+requirements). Alongside this, the architectural and urban interferences
+of the users in a time interval of fifty years were focused on the level
+of the elevations and facades and the interference on the level of the
+residential unit due to the multiple changes done by the user to adapt
+to the new situation, so the relocated community started to make changes
+and modify captions to the new residences built by the state, to make
+the individual feel balanced, which is his ability to express himself,
+and the furthermost things expressed by the users are the inheritances
+surrounding him.
+
+As expected, Nubian families started to modify the government-built
+houses almost as soon as they moved in. The first stage of modification
+typically involved rising to roughly the 3-meter level. In many cases
+families covered the courtyard with thick mats made from a plant that
+grows in canals and draining ditches; they placed these mats over tree
+branches or trunks. Some more ambitious families modified the house
+floor plan to create a combined unroofed space for a stable, kitchen,
+and Nubian bread oven. 
+
+In the second stage of modifications, families enlarged the total house
+space by adding up to five meters to its front and replacing the
+courtyard and new kitchen roofing with palm branches and later with
+corrugated metal sheets panels (figure 7).
+ 
+![Layout of houses at Tūmās wa ʿAfya.](../static/images/habbob/fig7.jpg "Layout of houses at Tūmās wa ʿAfya.")
+
+**~~Figure 7. Layout of houses at Tūmās wa ʿAfya.~~**
+
+
+In 1978, the building of the village of Tūmās wa \'Afya El-Wosta
+included all house prototypes (1, 2, 3, and 4-bedroom types, see figure
+7) with, in certain cases, a difference in the wall construction
+material whereby red bricks replaced limestone blocks. It is worth
+mentioning another aspect of the modifications that the Nubian people
+made to their new houses in this and other villages. From the
+mid-sixties to the beginning of the eighties, the builders who modified
+Nubian houses were Nubians, and they used the same mud-brick sizes and
+brick-making molds that were used in Old Nubia (length: 25 cm, width:
+12.5 cm; depth: 7 cm) and that are quite different from those typically
+used by Upper Egyptians, known locally as Sa\'idis (length: 20 cm,
+width: 10 cm, depth: 7 cm). 
+
+Starting from the 1990s, some Nubians modified their houses in what can
+be considered a third stage, one that involved replacing mud-bricks and
+mud mortar with red bricks and concrete. Then ten to fifteen years
+later, some started to rebuild entire houses or parts of houses using
+new foundations, reinforced concrete columns, and slabs while
+preserving, as much as possible, the essential identity of the Old
+Nubian houses.
+
+# Concluding remarks
+
+The relation between the human and the environment is reciprocal, each
+one affects and is affected by the other, and the result of this
+interaction expresses its cultural dimension, thus forming the
+architecture that forms the physical frame that includes the
+inhabitants.
+
+Traditional local heritage is a true mirror of the culture of the
+society across the ages, through its elements and its effect on the
+behavior, lifestyle, beliefs, and arts of people. It is also an
+inspiration for a lot of the heritage marks in architecture and
+buildings.
+
+The traditional building is considered the sum of knowledge,
+experimentation, and interaction with the surrounding context and
+reflects the response to the attempts to fulfill human requirements
+along with the history of societies. Meanwhile, it is the true record of
+the culture of the society and its local heritage.
+
+The Nubians migrated in 1964 into villages different in nature and
+climate to their original villages. They moved into houses with
+different designs from their originals. The Nubians made several direct
+adjustments to the architecture of their new houses and villages to fit
+their physical and emotional needs. They interacted with the new urban
+context in the new settlement villages
+
+The emigration was accompanied by an emotional emigration through
+different experiences and cultural and environmental values obtained
+from old Nubia, which the Nubians firmly held, even if they contradicted
+the pressures and definitions of the new place. 
+
+The change in the natural environment due to the migration from old
+Nubia to the new settlements was accompanied by a change in the
+activities and cultural and economic behavior of the society, which
+reflected directly on the characteristics of the Nubian personality and
+gave it new values. Instead of being ranked according to ethnic or
+familial origin, financial ability, and economic status became the main
+determinant of the social ranking.
+
+The unsuitability of the emigration villages and houses in general for
+the Nubian culture and habits is notable. The limited spaces of the
+houses did not fulfill the extended family\'s needs. In addition, the
+division of the village was into sectors, each including a standardized
+house model (one two or three rooms) which was distributed according to
+the number of family members, without taking into consideration the
+degree of relation and the classic division of Nubian villages into
+\"naja\" and residential communities based on related families. The
+basic units of the new Nubian community became the separate family with
+a separate house ending the role of the extended family that lived in a
+big house or multiple neighboring houses.
+
+The Nubians --- despite all the negatives of the emigration and the
+different architectures of new villages --- retained a lot of the
+aspects and details of their heritage special culture, habits, and
+traditions.
+
+I hope that the above discussion has now set the record straight
+concerning the timing of and the circumstances surrounding the
+resettlement of the people of Tūmās wa ʿAfya to their new villages near
+Esna and Kom Ombo. I also hope that the discussion relayed a sense of
+how difficult and often winding the road has been. 
+
+In the absence of the forgoing documentation of the difficulties and
+disappointments encountered by the Nubian people, and in fairness, by
+the government officials as well, the seemingly simple phrase \'Nubian
+resettlement\' would lead to a false impression that the process had
+clear aims, a clear beginning, and clear end. The reality, as I hope I
+have been able to convey, was/is anything but straightforward. 
+
+Finally, it is necessary to underscore the resilience and
+resourcefulness of the Nubians whose determination to keep their culture
+alive was manifested in the modifications they made to the mass-produced
+houses they were presented within the resettlement villages. 
+
+# Afterword
+
+Bahr Osman Habbob, my maternal grandfather, was born on August 7, 1910,
+in the village of Tomas wa \'Afya, near Derr (Nubia) in the Aswan
+Governorate. He started his education at the village's Quranic school at
+five. In 1920, his older half-brother Maher Osman came from Cairo,
+brought him to the city, and enrolled him in an elementary school in the
+Ma\'arouf district. Two years later, he was transferred to another
+school in the Abdeen district, where Bahr advanced to the fourth grade.
+However, shortly before the exams, a dispute arose between his
+half-brother and Bahr's mother, which led to his withdrawal from school
+despite objections from his teachers and the principal. Bahr had been at
+the top of his class each of those four years.
+
+After leaving school, Bahr worked various jobs, including as a doorman
+at an Italian school in Alexandria, and later as a bank collector, a
+position he held until he retired at sixty. From 1930 to 1975, he served
+as secretary for the village association for Tomas wa 'Afya in
+Alexandria.
+
+Upon retirement, he returned to his village, which had been relocated to
+Esna in the Qena Governorate in 1964 due to the construction of the High
+Dam. Bahr Habbob passed away in 1981, leaving behind a son, three
+daughters, and several grandchildren. I, Maher Habbob, am his eldest
+grandchild.
+
+Bahr Habbob left his children a valuable legacy upon his passing:
+agricultural land, several houses, a library with 3,000 books, and his
+personal diaries. He also preserved many documents related to events and
+issues affecting his village and Nubia, particularly those concerning
+the construction of the Aswan Reservoir and the High Dam. Bahr gathered
+these materials over the years, not only as a reader and intellectual
+but also in his role as secretary of his village association in
+Alexandria for over 45 years.
+
+# Bibliography
+
+Ata-Allah, H. L. *An Analytical Study of Nubians Modifications of the
+Resettlement Houses at Kom Ombo*. Master Thesis presented to The College
+of Fine Arts. American University in Cairo, 1982. 
+
+Fahim, H. M. *The Resettlement of Egyptian Nubians: A Case Study in
+Developmental Change*. PhD Thesis. University of California, Berkeley,
+1968. 
+
+Fahim, H.M. *Egyptian Nubians: Resettlement and years of coping*, Salt
+Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983. 
+
+Fernea, R.A., J.G. Kennedy. *Initial Adaptations to Resettlement: A New
+Life for Egyptian Nubians*. Cairo: American University in Cairo, 1966.
+
+Mahgoub, Y.O.M. *The Nubian Experience: A Study of The Social and
+Cultural Meanings of Architecture*. PhD Thesis. The University of
+Michigan, 1990. 
+
+Ministry of Social Affairs, *Tahjir Ahaly Al-Nuba*, Cairo 1963. 
+
+Scudder, T. *Aswan High Dam Resettlement of Egyptian Nubians*,
+Singapore: Springer 2016. 
+
+Shedid, Y. Mona, and Genan I. Hassan. "Architectural and Urban
+Expression in Nubian Village Origins and Transformation with Special
+Reference to Displacement Villages*.*" In *Conservation of Architectural
+Heritage: A Culmination of Selected Research Papers from the Second
+International Conference on Conservation of Architectural Heritage*,
+edited by Dean Hawkes, e.a*.*, pp. 277-95. Cham: Springer, 2019.
+
+Rizq, Y. L. *Al-Ahram Diwan Al-hayah Al-Moasra, in: Al-Ahram*, November
+7 1996: p. 1.
diff --git a/content/author/habbob.md b/content/author/habbob.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..505ef80
--- /dev/null
+++ b/content/author/habbob.md
@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
+---
+title: Maher Habbob
+affiliation: Independent researcher
+---
+
+# Biography
+
+Maher Habbob is
\ No newline at end of file
diff --git a/content/issue/dotawo9.md b/content/issue/dotawo9.md
index db4bf89..ee7a743 100644
--- a/content/issue/dotawo9.md
+++ b/content/issue/dotawo9.md
@@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
 ---
 title: "Dotawo 9: Nubian Homescapes from Antiquity to the Present"
 editors: ["annaboozer.md", "annejennings.md"]
-has_articles: ["boozerintro.md", "hamdeen.md", "schrader.med", "yvanez.md", "fulcher.md", "agha.md", "sadeq.md", "asmaataha.md", "tsakoswelsby.md"]
+has_articles: ["boozerintro.md", "hamdeen.md", "schrader.med", "yvanez.md", "fulcher.md", "agha.md", "habbob.med", "sadeq.md", "asmaataha.md", "tsakoswelsby.md"]
 keywords: ["homescape", "home", "homeland", "household", "homelife", "diaspora", "displacement", "tahgeer" ,"Nubia", "Nubian", "Aswan High Dam Campaign", "war", "genocide", "resettlement", "Kom Ombo", "stereotype", "longue durée"]
 ---
 
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/fig1.jpg b/static/images/habbob/fig1.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1b68bc8
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/fig1.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/fig2.jpg b/static/images/habbob/fig2.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..707f61f
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/fig2.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/fig3.jpg b/static/images/habbob/fig3.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1e4fd43
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/fig3.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/fig4.jpg b/static/images/habbob/fig4.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..da402fd
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/fig4.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/fig5.jpg b/static/images/habbob/fig5.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..62fcbe9
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/fig5.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/fig6.jpg b/static/images/habbob/fig6.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cbca6da
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/fig6.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/fig7.jpg b/static/images/habbob/fig7.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fd7eeb4
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/fig7.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/figX.jpg b/static/images/habbob/figX.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5c965db
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/figX.jpg differ
diff --git a/static/images/habbob/figXX.jpg b/static/images/habbob/figXX.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..133a7ef
Binary files /dev/null and b/static/images/habbob/figXX.jpg differ