diff --git a/content/article/tsakos.md b/content/article/tsakos.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..520eab7 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/article/tsakos.md @@ -0,0 +1,1002 @@ +--- +title: "Words on Warfare from Christian Nubia" +authors: ["alexandrostsakos.md"] +abstract: +keywords: [] +--- + +The purpose of this paper is to present textual evidence from Christian +Nubia relating to issues of warfare, weaponry, and military functions. +This evidence will be gleaned mainly from manuscripts, and secondarily +from monumental epigraphy. From the four languages used in Christian +Nubia, the present study will focus primarily on Old Nubian and partly +on Greek, while occasionally evidence from sources in Arabic and Coptic +will also be used. Although the material is not particularly rich, it +may add to and/or nuance the picture of warfare in Nubia during the +medieval era (ca. 5th to 15th centuries), which otherwise lacks a +systematic study. + +Moreover, evidence of warfare in the archaeological record from Nubia is +scarce.[^2] One of the major reasons is the abandonment of the ancient +custom of accompanying the dead with tomb furnishings already from the +very beginnings of the Christian era in Nubia,[^3] whereas it was +precisely tombs that provided the richest material evidence for warfare +in terms of weaponry, as can be seen in A-Group,[^4] Kerma,[^5] +Napatan,[^6] Meroitic,[^7] and post-Meroitic burials.[^8] Wars were, +however, far from absent from Christian Nubia. + +Warfare in Nubia is marked on the landscape by the numerous castles and +forts of the Middle Nile region,[^9] although their function was also as +sites of power, sights of might, centers of authority[^10]; it was +witnessed by the historians who recorded the frequent wars between +Christian Nubia and the Caliphate[^11]; it is related with slavery and +slaving expeditions that have impregnated the image of the past in Sudan +from prehistory until modernity[^12]; it was recorded implicitly on the +walls of the Nubian churches, where military saints, most often on +horseback, parade as martyrs of the Christian faith and as guarantors of +the security, longevity and prosperity of the Makuritan realm. + +These military saints will set off the presentation of the textual +evidence on warfare in Old Nubian,[^13] because there has also been +preserved textual evidence of their cult, in the form of both shorter +texts (dedications, prayers) and longer hagiographic works,[^14] as well +as legal documents. From the sanctified humans that populated the +celestial army, we will then move to the *archistratēgos* of the +heavens, the archangel Michael, whose cult in Nubia has produced texts +that offer important insights into the military organization of the +Makuritan state. Finally, a question about the possibility of discerning +evidence of Makuritan naval forces in our epigraphic material will +conclude this modest contribution on warfare in Christian Nubia. + +# The Protector of the Four Corners of the Nubian Nation + +One of the most impressive documents of legal practice from Christian +Nubia is a Royal Proclamation found at Qasr Ibrim (P.QI 3 30) and dated +to the 23^rd^ of August 1155.[^15] Through this legal act, king Moses +George proclaims the rights and privileges of the church of Saint +Epimachos at Ibrim West.[^16] The king threatens anyone who "speaks +against and denies my statement" (P.QI 3 30, l. 30) that Epimachos will +"stab him with his spear" (ll. 30-1). The action is described by the +verb ϣⲁⲅ and the weapon by the noun ϣⲓⲅⲣ̄, but whether the latter refers +to the "spear" indeed and not to any other weapon is uncertain. Without +parallel texts in other languages, it is difficult to confirm the +definitions in OND, which seem to try to conform with the fact that the +spear was the diagnostic iconographic attribute of Epimachos in Nubian +iconography (see below). There is moreover another word in the OND for +"spear" or "lance," i.e. ϣⲁ, which possibly has a related root, but +again it does not necessarily mean "spear." Finally, it should be noted +that an Old Nubian term for "ruler" is ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣⲓ, and although in the OND +this is etymologically linked with a variant ϣⲏⲕⲕ of the term ϣⲁⲗ for +"administrative unit," a verb ϣⲓⲕ, meaning "to rule" has recently been +identified in P.QI 4 93.4 and P.QI 4 108.7. It is tempting to associate +this verb with the noun ϣⲓⲅⲣ̄ and thus suggest that ϣⲓⲕⲉⲣⲓ was a military +ruler, but for the time being this hypothesis remains speculative. + +In any case, the king's threat to invoke Saint Epimachos is presented in +the royal proclamation from Qasr Ibrim as even more powerful than the +King's curse; a heart attack; the sharing of Judas Iscariot's faith; and +the rejection of the trespasser by the society. Again, after all these +threats/curses, it is Epimachos who is called upon "on the day of +judgment" to "come great in battle against him" (ll. 34-5). Here, the +Old Nubian word for battle is used, i.e. ⲡⲛ̄ⲅ. There is also attested a +verb form ⲡⲛ̄ⲕ, i.e. "to fight," as well as a synonym ⲇⲓⳟⲉ (or +ⲇⲓⳟⲁⲣ).[^17] One instance of the use of the latter term in the Old +Nubian corpus translates the Greek participle πολεμουμένων, which +derives from the term πόλεμος, i.e. "war." In Nobiin, the verb ⲇⲓⳟ also +translates as "Krieg führen," [^18] and it is not inconceivable that a +derivative of the root ⲇⲓⳟ was also used to define "war" or "warfare." A +military victory can also be discerned behind the meaning of the term +ⲇⲓⳟⲁⲣⲧ, attested once in the OND translating the Greek word νῖκος.[^19] +In the same semantic field as ⲇⲓⳟⲉ (or ⲇⲓⳟⲁⲣ), there is the verb ⲉⲥⲕ +meaning "to conquer," which seems rather related with the ability to win +rather with the fight necessary to mark a military victory. However, in +one instance, the term is directly linked with the quality of a weapon, +namely a shield (about the Old Nubian terms for this weapon, see below): +P.QI 1 11.ii.2 ⲥⲟⲩⲇⲇⲟⲩ ⲙⲉⲇⲇⲕ̄ⲕⲧⲓⲛⲁ *ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓⲟⲩ ⲉⲥⲕⲓϭⲣⲉⲛⲛⲗ̄*, that can be +translated as "the staff which is the victorious *shield* of readiness." + +Conversely, the Greek term for "war," i.e. πόλεμος, was surely known in +Christian Nubia, since it appears several times in the Septuagint and +the New Testament. It is important to note that the Greek term is also +used in the Sahidic New Testament, suggesting that it is not impossible +that it had remained untranslated in the Old Nubian version of the Bible +too (for further evidence, see the section on Saint George). + +Moreover, the adjective πολέμιος for "enemy," deriving from the noun +"πόλεμος" is attested in a prayer to Raphael from Banganarti, composed +in "extremely corrupted" Greek. In the same text, a participle +"πολεμόντων" (sic) also appears.[^20] From the rich textual corpus +recorded at the same site one can also glean a couple of instances of +the use of the Greek noun ἐχθρὸς, meaning «enemy».[^21] These instances +seem to rather refer, however, to the devil and other demonic forces as +the *par excellence* enemies of the Christians. + +The term πολέμιος -- denoting real, earthly enemies -- is read in the +text on the back of a small wooden plaque found at the late Christian +settlement of Attiri, where Saint Epimachos is called upon "to protect +the roads from the enemies." [^22] At the same time, there is also an +Old Nubian term for "enemy," i.e. ⲟⲩⲕⲕⲁⲧⲧ stemming apparently from the +verb ⲟⲩⲣ meaning "to oppress." + +The reference to "the roads" in the text of the Attiri plaque seems to +invest Epimachos with the role of the protector of the territory that +the ruler and/or the inhabitants of Attiri controlled. This role is +confirmed and expanded to the entire Makuritan realm in the text of P.QI +3 30.26-7, where the king makes an invocation "in order that Epimachos +might arise, come and place the four corners of the nation for care +under my feet." + +Although there are several saints with the name Epimachos, it is +generally thought that the Nubian Epimachos is the same with Epimachus +of Pelusium, who was not initially a warrior-saint, but a weaver from +Pelusium who martyred for the Christian faith under Diocletian.[^23] +Perhaps through his association with other martyrs under Diocletian, +like Saint George, Epimachos became a warrior saint in the belief system +of the Christian Nubians; perhaps this was due to his name, including +the Greek word for battle, i.e. μάχη; or perhaps thanks to some local +miracle that was not preserved to us due to the loss of the relevant +written source. In any case, the cult of Epimachos was widespread at +least in Lower Nubia and in the later centuries of Christianity there +(first half of the second millennium CE), as can also be seen from a +fragment of a stela in Coptic,[^24] two fragmentarily preserved texts +witnessing an Old Nubian version of his Martyrdom,[^25] as well as from +two painted representations at Aballah-n Irqi and Abu Oda, where the +saint is spearing a fallen figure, like in the plaque from Attiri.[^26] + +There were, however, other military saints who were at least equally +venerated in Christian Nubia as Saint Epimachos, and it seems that the +idea of Epimachos spearing the enemies is inherently linked with the +function of such saints who speared the adversary, in the form of a +dragon, a pagan or an apostate, symbolizing in general terms the evil +itself. + +# The Saint *Stratēlates* Mercurios and George + +The spearing of an adversary of the Christian faith is exemplified in +the Acta of Saint Mercurios.[^27] Mercurios was a Roman soldier who +martyred under Decius. The locality of his martyrdom was near Caesarea +in Cappadocia. Thence, he was linked in one legend with Saint Basil of +Caesarea. Basil was a contemporary of Julian the Apostate and, according +to a version of his Life, during Julian's Persian campaign, Basil was +informed in a dream that Mercurios was chosen by the Theotokos to kill +the emperor. Basil rose and went to the martyrion of Mercurios, but +neither his body nor his weapons were there. Later on, the news of +Julian's death reached him. + +An exegesis for this miracle may be linked with the report by Ammianus +Marcellinus that Julian was killed by a lance "no one knows whence" (Res +Gestae XXV.3.6: incertum inde).[^28] Obviously, this vagueness gave room +to speculation for divine intervention, while the reason that Mercurios +was chosen may allegedly be linked with the role of Basil and the +geographical proximity of the martyrion with Julian's Persian campaign. + +In any case, when the narrative about the assassination of Julian +reached Egypt, it was still linked with both the dream of Basil and the +spear of Mercurios, but rather seen as part of the History of the +patriarchate of Athanasios, apparently in order to invest the miracle +with local references. An even further alienation from the narrative in +Basil's Life is to be found in a Greek version of the Acta of Saint +Mercurios discovered at Qasr Ibrim. There, Basil has disappeared from +the miracle story, and the person who sees the dream is Pachomios. When +this dream comes, the father of coenobitic monasticism is together with +Athanasios, during the exile of the latter in the second half of +Julian's reign, i.e. 362-3 CE. The Theotokos has also disappeared from +the narrative and it is now an angel of God who reveals things to +Pachomios. Whether this new narrative is a local, i.e. Nubian, invention +or an Egyptian contextualization of the legend around the assassination +of the Emperor Julian cannot be investigated in this context. + +It can be mentioned, however, that while Mercurios is represented in +Egyptian iconography both as a holder of a spear,[^29] and as Abu +Sayfayn, i.e. the Father with the two swords,[^30] in Nubia he appears +as the slayer of Julian with his spear in all known mural +representations, i.e. from Faras, Abdel Qadir and the Central Church of +Abdallah-n Irqi.[^31] The mural from Faras is of special importance, +because it has been suggested that the story of Abu Sayfayn was already +part of the complete iconographical concept in that section of the +cathedral (see below). Thus, the iconography of Mercurios spearing +Julian unites a type of weapon with the miracle story of the saint and +underlines the identification of Mercurios with the act of eliminating +pagans and the threat of the old religion. + +This identification is relevant for the purpose of this paper, when one +considers that Mercurios was the name of a very important royal figure +in the history of medieval Nubia: King Mercurios ruled during the turn +from the 7^th^ to the 8^th^ century and the *History of the Patriarchs +of Alexandria* calls him the New Constantine, who "became by his +beautiful conduct like one of the Disciples".[^32] Although this +characterization has been linked with the annexation of Nobadia by +Makuria and the integration of the united kingdom in the hierarchy of +the Coptic Patriarchate of Alexandria, I have suggested that the name +Mercurios might have been given to him as indeed a New Constantine who +turned away from heathen practices the Nubian people remaining to be +Christianized, stamping out paganism like his name-sake saint speared +the last pagan emperor.[^33] In sum, for Christians of the Nile Valley, +the name Mercurios must have sounded extremely heroic, belligerent and +war-like. + +Finally, there are three words that are attested in the Greek version of +the Acta S. Mercurii from Qasr Ibrim, which are of direct relevance for +the present investigation, namely: + +\- the noun πόλεμον for "war" commemorating the Persian campaign of +Julian and confirming the knowledge that the Nubians must have had of +this term. + +\- the noun λόγχαριν for "spear" identifying the miraculous weapon of +the martyr in Greek. About the Old Nubian term, see discussion in +previous section. + +\- the adjective στρατηλάτης for "general" referring to Mercurios and +linking him with the other famous "general" of the Christian faith, +saint George. + +Saint George is perhaps the most renowned military saint. He belongs to +the circle of Roman soldiers who martyred for the Christian faith under +Diocletian, but his fame far surpassed that of others, for reasons that +also surpass the scope of this article. His cult reached of course +Christian Nubia too, as is witnessed by fragments of both a Greek and an +Old Nubian version of his Acta that have been unearthed at Qasr Ibrim +and Kulubnarti respectively.[^34] + +The Old Nubian fragments of the Martyrdom of Saint George have been +reconstructed on the basis of the Greek *editio princeps*, but find also +parallels in witnesses in several other languages.[^35] As to the Greek +version, it exhibits a text written in a Greek language characteristic +of late Christian Nubia,[^36] while its content seems to be a +combination of Greek and Coptic versions. This observation led the +editor of the Qasr Ibrim fragments to the hypothesis that the text is +either the result of a free choice from both sources or a Nubian edition +of an original narrative of the martyrdom antedating the Greek *editio +princeps*.[^37] + +In terms of vocabulary, the Martyrdom of Saint George offers interesting +attestations in both versions: + +In the Greek one, the term κομητοῦρα,[^38] a Latin loan-word also +attested in the *editio princeps*, is worthwhile to comment upon, +because it confirms the acquaintance of Nubians with Latin military +jargon, most probably as a result of an influx of Latin terms in +medieval Greek. Moreover, it is interesting that Roman military +correspondence has been unearthed at Qasr Ibrim,[^39] the site of +provenance of the Greek version of the Nubian martyrdom of Saint George. +The influence of Roman military practices in the Middle Nile region has +also been marked on the ground through the apparent similarities between +Roman forts and those built in the Middle Nile region during Late +Antiquity.[^40] + +As far as the Old Nubian version of the Acta S. Georgii is concerned, +the most interesting term is ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡⳝⲁⲣⲓ\[ⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ\], which stands for the +Greek term σπαθάριος, or etymologically "those (soldiers) who carry +sword," combining the terms ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡ for "sword" and ⳝⲁⲣ from ⲕⲁⲣⲣ for "to +grasp, hold".[^41] The shift from *kappa* to *jima* can be explained as +progressive assimilation under influence of the palatal nasal *nia*, +while the phenomenon of the incorporation of a noun into a verbal root +complex is attested in Old Nubian.[^42] + +This etymological analysis may be compromised by the existence of the +Old Nubian word ⲕⲁⲣ meaning "shield," which could translate the term as +"the holder (sic) of the sword and the shield," but without any morpheme +explicating the coining of the two terms, unless it can be found in the +reconstructed part of the manuscript. Moreover, the existence of a Greek +Vorlage for the Acta S. Georgii gives good ground for accepting the +original etymological analysis, while the term ⲕⲁⲣ is only attested in a +passage of the Stauros-text, that the Coptic parallel text does not +preserve.[^43] + +Finally, the analysis of ⲡⲁⲇⲁⳡⳝⲁⲣⲓ\[ⲗⲅⲟⲩⲗ\] as "those (soldiers) who +carry sword" opens the path for a new interpretation of another office +from the titulature used in Christian Nubia, namely ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲕⲟⲗ. + +This term is attested in P.QI 3 30.37 & 41 and seems to derive its +etymology from the word ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ for "shield" or "armor" more generally. +The last element ⲕⲟⲗ defines "the one who has," forming a sort of a +participle. And the remaining three letters could again be interpreted +either as ⲕⲁⲣ meaning "shield" or as ⲕⲁⲣⲣ meaning "to grasp/hold". In my +opinion, it makes better sense to use the latter etymology and to see +ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲕⲟⲗ as a term defining the officer who is wielding the +shield.[^44] For this etymology to work, one must account for the +dropping of the final glide, a phenomenon which is not unattested. + +The relation of this office with the "shield" brings to mind the Greek +title ὑπασπιστής, which means "the one who is under the shield" and +derives from the Macedonian military organization, where the hypaspistēs +were a sort of esquires.[^45] The office continued into the Byzantine +period and, according to Maspero the hypaspistēs were the guard of the +duces in Egypt,[^46] often composed of mercenaries, also including +"Ethiopians", a term used for the peoples leaving south of Egypt, but +which remains vague whether it denoted in the medieval era the Nubians +or the inhabitants of modern-day Ethiopia or both.[^47] The meaning +"guard" for hypaspistēs appears also in Byzantine sources of the 11^th^ +century,[^48] while in later times the hypaspistēs were important +individuals close to the ruler, sort of retainers of the king. +Interestingly, the most renowned chronicle of the Fall of Constantinople +in 1453 was written by Georgios Frantzis who was -- among other things +-- the hypaspistēs of the last Byzantine Emperor, Constantine +Paleologos.[^49] + +This interest lies with the fact that both instances of the term +ⲅⲟⲩⲕⲁⲣⲕⲟⲗ in the Old Nubian corpus derive from the royal proclamation +from Qasr Ibrim, examined in the section about Epimachos. Now, the first +instance is only preserved partially as ⲅⲟⲩⲕ ̀ⲕ ́ and has been +deciphered based on the second one, although they apparently refer to +different persons, first to someone called Papasa and then to someone +called Ounta. The first one accumulates several titles, mainly monastic, +palatial, and bureaucratic; the second one is a scribe. It is not +improbable that such individuals in Christian Nubia may also have +exercised military functions, as the etymology based on ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ for +"shield, armor" may indicate and the history of the term hypaspistēs in +Byzantine Egypt underlines, but it is equally probable that the office +meant in Makuria the same as in the later centuries in Byzantium, namely +an esquire. At least this seems, in my opinion, more fitting with Papasa +and Ounta in the service of king Moses George. + +In any case, a military aura of the Makuritan royal court is very +plausible, given, among other things, the certainly important role that +the king played in warfare, as is attested in the Arabic sources +referring to Christian Nubia, where the king always appears as the +leader of the Nubian armies. We could look for example at this same king +Moses George who stamped with hot iron a cross on the hand of the +emissary of none less than Saladin, when he was asked to subdue and +convert to Islam[^50]; or much earlier in the 8^th^ century, when king +Kyriakos invaded Egypt and caused chaos there attempting to liberate the +imprisoned patriarch Michael[^51]; or even in the heroic defense of +Dongola in the 7^th^ century by king Qalidurut who signed the +much-discussed *baqt* with Abdalla ibn Sa'd.[^52] During the siege, the +world came to know the might of the Nubian archers who were praised by +the Arabic chroniclers and poets for centuries to come. The Old Nubian +word for bow is attested once in a passage translated from Greek +Patristic literature: ⲇⲁⲙⲁⲣ. Interestingly, in the OND, this term is +linked etymologically with the Dongolawi/Andaandi *tungur*, which has a +striking phonetic similarity with the Old Nubian toponym for the +Makuritan capital, namely ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲟⲩⲗ. Although the term tungur for "bow" +seems unrelated to the accepted etymologies of ⲧⲟⲩⲅⲅⲟⲩⲗ,[^53] it cannot +be excluded that the inhabitants of Dongola associated their city with +the war technique that their ancestors became famous for, and they +themselves surely still practiced. This is a line of thought that might +be worth investigating further in a future study. + +# The ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ of Heavens and the Archistratēgos of the Makuritan King + +Mercurios and George were sanctified and as stratēlates were +posthumously surely manning the celestial hosts in their perennial and +eternal fight against evil, along with Epimachos and the other military +saints of Nubia. In this superhuman afterlife, the martyrs would thus be +expected to join forces with the archistratēgos of heavens, the leader +of the angelic hosts, the archangel Michael. + +Characteristically, the swords that Mercurios holds in his +representations in Coptic art as Abu Sayfayn are given to him by Michael +as narrated in the *Encomium of Acacius, Bishop of Caesarea, on +Mercurius the Martyr*.[^54] It seems that the Nubians were aware of that +story and while preserving the spear as weapon of the mounted Saint +Mercurios in the cathedral of Faras, they represented on the adjoining +wall Michael offering the sword to the saint.[^55] + +The archangel Michael is the most venerated celestial being in the +Christian pantheon of medieval Nubia with innumerable sources dedicated +to his cult.[^56] One of the most popular aspects of the archangel's +cult is an apocryphal work called "The Book of the Investiture of the +Archangel Michael," which describes -- among other things -- the fall of +Mastema (i.e. the devil) from Heaven due to his objection to venerate +Adam as an image of God and his replacement by Michael who thence +becomes protector of the humans and leader/archistratēgos of the angelic +hosts.[^57] + +A lot has been written about the importance of this work in Nubia.[^58] +One important element in the discussion is the coincidence that the +focal passage of the entire work -- the scene of the Investiture of +Michael -- is the only thing narrated in the two versions fragmentarily +preserved in two Nubian manuscripts: one in Greek from Serra East and +one in Old Nubian from Qasr Ibrim.[^59] Among other insights that this +coincidence offers, there is one that obtains a special importance in +the context of the present paper, namely that the word that translates +the Greek term ἀρχιστράτηγος in Old Nubian is ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ, which is most +probably the term used to define an Eparch of the Makuritan +kingdom,[^60] more often than not (but not exclusively) linked with the +Late Antique kingdom of Nobadia controlling between the 4^th^-5^th^ and +the 6^th^-7^th^ centuries Lower Nubia. + +There are, however, more Eparchs attested in the Nubian sources than +just the Eparch of Nobadia. Whether all Eparchs were Songoj or whether +all Eparchs had (also) a military function, it is impossible to +ascertain. The Eparch of Nobadia though (the Migin Songoj of the Nubian +texts) seems to be the same term as the "Lord of the Mountain," which is +attested in Arabic sources and although apparently linked with economic +activities (an idea based on the nature of the documents in which the +title appears) he was also understood as a military officer and also +called "Lord of the Horses."[^61] Suffice to be reminded here that +military saints in Nubia were mostly depicted on horseback.[^62] + +One more detail from the field of Nubian iconography: a mural from Faras +housed at the National Museum of Warsaw represents an unnamed Eparch who +holds a bow,[^63] perhaps the weapon par excellence of Nubians, as we +mentioned in the reference to the successful defense of Dongola against +the invading Islamic army in the 7^th^ century. Admittedly, this is not +the only representation of an Eparch from Christian Nubia, but the sole +iconographic witness of the links between the Eparch and warfare. + +So, although the title of the Eparch may have been used for a variety of +functions in the Makuritan state, the military one should not be doubted +based on the translation of ἀρχιστράτηγος as ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ in the Book of the +Investiture of the Archangel Michael. All this is of course the result +of the identification of the titles Eparch and ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ. This +identification is quite certain for some contexts, but during the +centuries (at least six) that it was in use the terms may have shifted +semantic fields. So, it is plausible that the term ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ translating the +Greek ἀρχιστράτηγος was a military office that supplemented the civil +functions of the Eparch, an office for which the Old Nubian term is +unknown -- if it ever existed. On the same token, one may be reminded of +the existence of the offices of *peseto* and *pelmos* in Meroitic Lower +Nubia, the former having civil functions and the latter military +ones.[^64] + +Leaving aside this necessary and eventually inevitable nuancing for a +different venue, it may be concluded in the context of the present paper +that the Songoj/Eparch was (also) the archistratēgos of the Makuritan +king, a sort of a *præfectus prætorio* or ἔπαρχος στρατευμάτων.[^65] + +Hence, a complementary working hypothesis can be advanced. In the Greek +version of the Book of the Investiture of the Archangel Michael, we get +a detailed description of the celestial ceremony of investiture, where +Michael is receiving the garments of his new function, the uniform of +the archistratēgos. In the first instance that the military character of +the archangel's dress is mentioned, the garments are called +στρατοπεδαρχίας ἀμφιάσματα, "the clothes of the chief of the military +encampment." The Old Nubian text prefers again to state that Michael was +dressed in the garment of the office of the ⲥⲟⳟⲟⳝ. So, it seems that for +the Makuritans the Songoj was an army general presiding over an +encampment. Was this encampment permanent? Or did the role apply to the +leadership of a special type of unit stationed at a given locality? And +to what degree such στρατοπεδαρχίαι reflect the local authority that +eventually the various Eparchs attested in our sources had? These +questions should remain open until new discoveries and a more thorough +study of the material takes place. + +# War on the Nile + +There is a last aspect that is worthwhile a comment in the framework of +the present paper. The dimensions of warfare discussed hereby all seem +to refer to land forces. However, the most characteristic element of the +Nubian civilization is its relation with the River Nile. Therefore, its +navigation cannot have left unaffected the military exploits of +Christian Nubians. Actually, it has already been suggested that the +placement of the fortresses of Makuria along the banks of the Nile +necessitated the existence of a fleet which could transport the army and +vital provisions in case of a land attack from intruders, be they desert +marauders or the Egyptian army.[^66] Unfortunately, there is very little +in our sources that gives information about the naval forces of the +Makuritans. Moreover, what is known about navigation on the Nile in +terms of Old Nubian vocabulary has already been presented and this +material includes nothing that points with certainty to warfare.[^67] + +There exists, however, one title in Greek, namely ναυάρχης, for +ναύαρχος, meaning "admiral," who has been already seen as the leader of +the fleet transporting goods and military units to the Makuritan +fortresses.[^68] Furthermore, there should be no doubt that an "admiral" +was always in existence in Nubia, since we know of a "strategos of the +water" from Meroitic times.[^69] Now, it has been shown in an early +study of the titles and honorific epithets from Nubia that ναυάρχης, +albeit of apparently Byzantine inspiration, was not the preferred +*terminus technicus* for a Byzantine "admiral," but it was mainly to be +found in literary works.[^70] Thus, it is worthwhile enquiring whether +the Makuritans did not make some bookish research in order to find the +term that they would use for their admiral, as it seems that they have +done in other occasions, like in the accumulation of terms for "king" in +the renowned Kudanbes inscription, which -- rather unsurprisingly under +this light -- is one of the places where the term ναυάρχης is being +attested.[^71] + +# Concluding Remarks + +It would be difficult to pronounce a set of conclusions from this study +that aimed primarily at assembling lexicographical data about warfare in +Christian Nubia. Previous research has already traced the outlines of +the influence of Greek terminology upon the way Nubians created their +own titles and honorific epithets and there has not been found any new +military terms or words of weaponry that can be added to OND. However, +new apprehension of a couple of words on war was proposed here, while +the revisiting of both literary and documentary sources has offered a +reappraisal of some others and the nuancing of their contextualization +against the background of the Makuritan Christian kingdom, undoubtedly +involved in wars along its history and across the classes of its social +stratification. Finally, it is perhaps the main contribution of this +paper to show the potential of teasing out information about neglected +aspects of the Nubian past from a careful and educated but also bold and +imaginative reading of the available material. + +# References + +Browne, Gerald Michael. *Old Nubian Texts from Qasr +Ibrim*, volume 3. London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1991. + +---------. "An Old Nubian Version of the Martyrdom of Saint Epimachus", +In *50 Years of Polish Excavations in Egypt and the Near East: Acts of +the Symposium at the Warsaw University, 1986*, edited by Stefan +Jakobielski and Janusz Karkowski, pp. 74--7. +Warsaw: Centre Professeur Kazimierz Michalowski d\'Archéologie +Méditerranéenne de l\'Université de Varsovie : Centre d\'Archéologie +Méditerranéenne de l\'Académie polonaise des Sciences, 1992. + +---------. "Old Nubian literature", In *Études Nubiennes. Conférence de +Genève, Actes du VIIe* *Congrès international d'études nubiennes, 3--8 +septembre 1990*, I: *Communications principales*, edited by Charles +[Bonnet, pp. 379-87. Geneva: Compotronic SA, 1992. + +--------- . Old Nubian Dictionary, Louvain: Peeters, 1996. + +--------- . *The Old Nubian Martyrdom of Saint George* \[=CSCO 575. +Subsidia t. 101\], Louvain: Peeters, 1998. + +--------- . "An Old Nubian translation of the Martyrdom of Saint +Epimachus", *Le muséon* 115 (2002): pp. 69--76. + +[Budge, E. A. W. *Miscellaneous Texts in the Dialect of +Upper Egypt*, Coptic Texts; Edited with Introductions and English +Translations, 5, London: British Museum, 1915. + +[Crawford, Osbert Guy Stanhope *Castles and Churches in the +Middle Nile Region* \[=Sudan Antiquities Service Occasional Papers 2), +Khartoum, 1953. + +[Derda, Tomasz and Adam [Łajtar. "Greek and +Latin papyri from the Egypt Exploration Society excavations at Qasr +Ibrim: A testimony to the Roman army in Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia in +the first years of Augustus", In *Actes du 26e Congrès international de +papyrologie, Genève, 16--21 août 2010*, edited by Paul +[Schubert, pp. 183--186. Geneva: Libraire Droz, 2012. + +--------- . "The Roman Occupation of Qasr Ibrim as Reflected in the +Greek Papyri from the Site", In *Qasr Ibrim, Between Egypt and Africa*, +edited by Jacques [Van der Vliet and Joost +[Hagen, pp. 105-110. Leuven: Peeters, 2013. + +[Drzewiecki, Mariusz. *Mighty Kingdoms and their Forts. The +Role of Fortified Sites in the Fall of Meroe and Rise of Medieval Realms +in Upper Nubia* (Nubia VI). Warsaw: Institute of Mediterranean and +Oriental Cultures, Polish Academy of Sciences, 2016. + +--------- . "Roman Type Forts in the Middle Nile Valley. Late Antique +Fortlets between Patterns of Roman Military Architecture and Local +Tradition", In *Experiencing the Frontier and the Frontier Experience. +Barbarian Perspectives and Roman Strategies to Deal with New Threats*, +edited by Alexander Rubel and Hans-Ulrich Voß, pp. 179-192. Oxford: +Archaeopress, 2020. + +[Edwards, David N. "The *Christianisation* of *Nubia*: some +archaeological pointers", *Sudan & Nubia* 5 (2001): pp. 89--96. + +--------- . "Slavery and Slaving in the Medieval and Post-Medieval +Kingdoms of the Middle Nile", *Proceedings of the British Academy* 168 +(2011): pp. 79-108. + +[Esbroeck, Michel van. "Epimachus of Pelusium, Saint", In +*The Coptic Encyclopedia*, vol. 3, edited by Aziz S. +[Atiya, pp. 965b-967a. New York: MacMillan, 1991. + +\[https://ccdl.claremont.edu/digital/collection/cce/id/792\] last +accessed in February 2021. + +--------- . "Mercurius of Caesarea, Saint", In *The Coptic +Encyclopedia*, vol. 5, edited by Aziz S. [Atiya, pp. +1592a-1594a. New York: MacMillan, 1991. +\[https://ccdl.claremont.edu/digital/collection/cce/id/1327\] last +accessed in February 2021. + +[Foulon, Eric. "Hypaspistes, peltastes, chrysaspides, +argyraspides, chalcaspides", *Revue des études anciennes* 98 (1996): pp. +53-63. + +[Francigny, Vincent. *Les coutumes funéraires dans le +royaume de Méroé : Les enterrements privés* \[=Orient et Méditerranée +22\], Paris : Boccard, 2016. + +[Frend, William H.C.,1979, "The Cult of Military Saints in +Christian Nubia", In *Theologia Crucis -- Signum Crucis. Festschrift für +Erich Dinkler zum 70. Geburtstag*, edited by Carl [Andersen +and Günter [Klein, pp. 155-163. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, +1979. + +--------- . "Fragments of a version of the Acta S. 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"Edges of bronze +and expressions of masculinity: The emergence of a warrior class at +Kerma in Sudan". *Antiquity*, 87/335 (2013): pp. 79-91. + +[Hafsaas-[Tsakos, Henriette. *War on the +Southern Frontier of the Emerging State of Ancient Egypt: A Warfare +Perspective on the History of the A-Group People in Lower Nubia during +the 4^th^ millennium BCE*, PhD thesis, University of Bergen, 2015. + +[Hendrickx, Benjamin, "The "Lord of the Mountain". A Study +of the Nubian *eparchos of Nobadia*", *Le Muséon* 124/3-4 (2011): pp. +303-355. + +[Hägg, Tomas. "Titles and honorific epithets in Nubian +Greek texts", *Symbolae Osloenses* 65 (1990): pp. 147-177. + +[Jakobielski, Stefan. *Pachoras/Faras: The Wall Paintings +from the Cathedrals of Aetios, Paulos and Petros* \[=PAM Monograph +Series 4\], Warsaw: Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology 2017. + +[Khalil, Mokhtar M. *Wörterbuch der nubischen Sprache +(Fadidja/Mahas-Dialekt)*, Warsaw 1996. + +[Koukounas, Konstantinos, *Georgios Phrantzes, Chronicon*, +Athens: Politeia 2018 (in Greek: [Κουκούνας Κωνσταντίνος +(επ.), *Χρονικό. Φραντζής Γεώργιος (Σφραντζής)*, Αθήνα: Πολιτεία 2018) + +[Lenoble, Patrice. *El-Hobagi: Une Necropole de Rang +Imperial Au Soudan Central* (Fouilles de l\'Institut Francais +d\'Archeologie Orientale). Cairo: IFAO, 2018. + +[Łajtar, Adam. "On the Name of the Capital of the Nubian +Kingdom of Makuria", Przeglad Humanistyczny 2 (2013), pp. 127-34.. + +--------- . *A Late Christian Pilgrimage Centre in Nubia. The Evidence +of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper Church at Banganarti* \[=Journal of +Juristic Papyrology Supplement Series XXXIX\] Leuven: Peeters, 2020. + +--------- . "The so-called Kudanbes Inscription in Deir Anba Hadra (St. +Simeon Monastery) near Aswan: An Attempt at a New Reading and +Interpretation", in preparation. + +[Martens-Czarnecka, Małgorzata, *The Wall Paintings from +the Monastery on Kom H in Dongola* \[=Nubia III, Dongola 3\], Warsaw: +Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology 2011[. + +[Mason, Hugh J. *Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A +Lexicon and Analysis*[, Toronto: Hakkert 1974. + +[Maspero, Jean. *Organisation militaire de l'Égypte +byzantine*, Paris : Librairie Honoré Champion, 1912. + +[Michałowski, Kazimierz. *Faras - Wall Paintings in the +Collection of the National Museum in Warsaw*, Warsaw, 1974. + +[Osman, Ali. "The Post-Medieval Kingdom of Kokka: A Means +for a Better Understanding of the Administration of the Medieval Kingdom +of Dongola" In *Nubian Studies*, edited by Jack Martin Plumley, pp. +185-197. Cambridge, 1978. + +[Ostrogorsky, George. "Observations on the Aristocracy in +Byzantium", *Dumbarton Oaks Papers* 25 (1971): pp. 1-32. + +[Piankoff, Alexandre. "Peintures au monastère de Saint +Antoine", *Bullétin de la Société d'archéologie copte* XIV (1958): pp. +151-163. + +[Plumley, Jack Martin and Gerald Michael +[Browne, *Old Nubian Texts from Qasr Ibrim, volume 1*, +London: Egypt Exploration Society, 1988. + +[Ruffini, Giovanni. *Medieval Nubia: A Social and Economic +History*, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012. + +--------- . *The Bishop, the Eparch, and the King. Old Nubian Texts from +Qasr Ibrim (P. QI IV)* \[=Journal of Juristic Papyrology Supplement +Series XXII\], Warsaw, 2014. + +[Seignobos, Robin. *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque +médiévale. Élaboration et transmission des savoirs historiographiques +(641-ca. 1500)*. PhD thesis. Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, +Paris, 2016. + +[Simmons, Adam. *Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusading World, +1095-1402*, Routledge, forthcoming. + +[Tsakos, Alexandros. "Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: +Epimachos of Attiri: a Warrior Saint of Late Christian Nubia", +*Collectanea Christiana Orientalia* 9 (2012): pp. 205-23. + +--------- . "The Liber Institutionis Michaelis in Medieval Nubia", +*Dotawo* 1 (2014): pp. 51-62. + +--------- . *The Greek Manuscripts on Parchment discovered at site +SR022.A in the Fourth Cataract region, North Sudan*. PhD thesis. +Humboldt University, Berlin, 2018. + +--------- . "Terms for Boats and Navigation in Old Nubia", In, *Graffiti +as Devotion Along the Nile and Beyond*, edited by +[Emberling, Geoff and Suzanne [Davis, p. 50. +Kelsey Museum Publications 16, 2019. + +--------- . "Textual finds from Cerre Matto", In *Oriental Institute of +Chicago Nubian Expedition monograph series, vol. 13*, Chicago, +forthcoming. + +--------- . "Sources about the cult and persona of the archangel Michael +in Nubia". In *Proceedings of the 14th International Congress of Nubian +Studies*, edited by Vincent [Rondot. Paris, forthcoming*.* + +--------- . "The Christianization of Nubia". In *Christianization +Processes along the Nile: Texts, Monasticism and Ecclesiastic Structures +in Egypt, Ethiopia and Nubia*, edited by [Derat, +Marie-Laure and Alexandros [Tsakos. Paris, in preparation. + +[Vantini, Giovanni Fr. *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, +Warsaw -- Heidelberg, 1975. + +[Van der Vliet, Jacques. *Catalogue of the Coptic +Inscriptions in the Sudan National Museum at Khartoum (I. Khartoum +Copt.)* \[=Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 121\], Leuven: Peeters 2003. + +[Welsby Derek A. *The Kingdom of Kush. The Napatan and +Meroitic Empires*, London: British Museum Press, 1996. + +--------- . *The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia. Pagans, Christians and +Muslims along the Middle Nile*, London: British Museum Press, 2012. + +[Zielińska, Dobrochna and Alexandros [Tsakos. +"Representations of the Archangel Michael in Wall Paintings from +Christian Nubia", In *The Archangel Michael in Africa: History, Cult and +Persona*, edited by Ingvild Sælid [Gilhus, Alexandros +[Tsakos and Marta Camilla [Wright, pp. 79-94. +London-New York-Oxford-New Delhi-Sydney: Bloomsbury Academics 2019. + +[Żurawski, Bogdan. "Strongholds on the Middle Nile: Nubian +Fortifications of the Middle Ages", In *The Power of Walls -- The +Fortifications of Ancient Northeastern Africa: Proceedings of the +International Workshop Held at the University of Cologne 4^th^-7^th^ +August 2011*, edited by Friedrike [Jesse and Carola +[Vogel, pp. 113-43. Cologne: Heinrich Barth Institut 2013. + +[^1]: The author would like to thank Adam [Łajtar and + Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei for their reviews of this study. + +[^2]: For a general presentation, see [Welsby, *The + Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia*, pp. 78-82. + +[^3]: Edwards, "The *Christianisation* of *Nubia*: some + archaeological pointers", p. 89 + +[^4]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, *War on the Southern Frontier of the Emerging + State of Ancient Egypt*. + +[^5]: Hafsaas-Tsakos, "Edges of bronze and expressions of masculinity: + The emergence of a warrior class at Kerma in Sudan". + +[^6]: [Welsby, *The Kingdom of Kush*, pp. 39-50. + +[^7]: [Francigny, *Les coutumes funéraires dans le royaume + de Méroé*. + +[^8]: [Lenoble, *El-Hobagi*. + +[^9]: [Crawford, *Castles and Churches in the Middle Nile + Region.* + +[^10]: [Drzewiecki, *Mighty Kingdoms and their Forts.* + +[^11]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*; + [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale.* + +[^12]: [Edwards, "Slavery and Slaving in the Medieval and + Post-Medieval Kingdoms of the Middle Nile". + +[^13]: All the Old Nubian words assembled in this study can be found in + [Browne, Old Nubian Dictionary (hence OND). + +[^14]: [Frend, "The Cult of Military Saints in Christian + Nubia". + +[^15]: For the correction of the date from 1156, see + [Ruffini, *Medieval Nubia: A Social and Economic + History*, pp. 265-70. + +[^16]: The same church may be the object of two more documents, i.e. + P.QI 3 40 & P.QI 3 53. + +[^17]: Here a corrigendum to P.Attiri 1.ii.1 from \[ⲁⲛ\] to \[ⲇⲓ\] + should be noted, see [Van Gerven Oei e.a., *The Old + Nubian Texts from Attiri*, p. 39. + +[^18]: [Khalil, *Wörterbuch der nubischen Sprache*, p. 41. + +[^19]: The word ⲇⲓⳟⲧ̄ for "wrestling" is totally reconstructed in OND and + is not considered in the present discussion. + +[^20]: [Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage Centre in + Nubia. The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper Church at + Banganarti*, pp. 383-385 (inscription nr. 578). The citation is from + p. 384. + +[^21]: Idem, p. 562-3 and inscription 964. + +[^22]: [Tsakos, "Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: + Epimachos of Attiri: a Warrior Saint of Late Christian Nubia", pp. + 215-7. + +[^23]: [Esbroeck, "Epimachus of Pelusium, Saint", *Coptic + Encyclopedia*, pp. 965b-967a. + +[^24]: [Van der Vliet, *I. Khartoum Copt.*, pp. 83-4 (nr. + 24). + +[^25]: [Browne, "An Old Nubian Version of the Martyrdom of + Saint Epimachus" and "An Old Nubian translation of the Martyrdom of + Saint Epimachus". + +[^26]: See [Tsakos, "Miscellanea Epigraphica Nubica III: + Epimachos of Attiri: a Warrior Saint of Late Christian Nubia", p. + 213 with an image of the plaque and pp. 220-1 for the other + representations with references + +[^27]: [Frend, "The Cult of Military Saints in Christian + Nubia", pp. 156-8. + +[^28]: For the reference, see Idem, p. 157 and note 9. + +[^29]: [Piankoff, "Peintures au monastère de Saint + Antoine", p. 160 and ill. IV. + +[^30]: [Esbroeck, "Mercurius of Caesarea, Saint", pp. + 1593b-1594a. + +[^31]: See [Frend, "The Cult of Military Saints in + Christian Nubia", p. 157 for references. + +[^32]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 40; [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 96. + +[^33]: [Tsakos, "The Christianization of Nubia". + +[^34]: For the find from Qasr Ibrim, see [Frend, "Fragments + of a version of the Acta S. Georgii from Q\'asr Ibrim". For the find + from Kulubnarti, see [Browne, *The Old Nubian Martyrdom + of Saint George*. + +[^35]: [Browne, ibid., p. 1-3. + +[^36]: For the general characteristics of Greek in Late Christian Nubia, + see [Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage Centre in + Nubia. The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper Church at + Banganarti*, pp. 20-30. + +[^37]: [Frend, "Fragments of a version of the Acta S. + Georgii from Q\'asr Ibrim", pp. 103-4. + +[^38]: Idem., p. 94. + +[^39]: See [Derda and [Łajtar, "Greek and + Latin papyri from the Egypt Exploration Society excavations at Qasr + Ibrim: A testimony to the Roman army in Upper Egypt and Lower Nubia + in the first years of Augustus", p. 185; [Derda and + [Łajtar, "The Roman Occupation of Qasr Ibrim as + Reflected in the Greek Papyri from the Site", pp. 105-6 and notes 1 + and 2 for references. + +[^40]: [Drzewiecki, "Roman Type Forts in the Middle Nile + Valley. Late Antique Fortlets between Patterns of Roman Military + Architecture and Local Tradition". + +[^41]: [Browne, *The Old Nubian Martyrdom of Saint George*, + p. 11. + +[^42]: For the phenomenon of "incorporation", see [Van Gerven + Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian*, §15.1.3.4. + +[^43]: This passage has been interpreted as a later interpolation by the + copyist of the original work in Old Nubian, see [Van Gerven + Oei and [Tsakos, "Apostolic Memoirs in Old + Nubian". + +[^44]: It should be noted that two more terms may be linked with ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ + for "shield": the first is ⲅⲟⲩϣ (or ⲅⲟⲩⲥ), perhaps from ⲅⲟⲩⲉⲓ for + "shield" and ϣⲁ for "spear", but [Osman, "The + Post-Medieval Kingdom of Kokka: A Means for a Better Understanding + of the Administration of the Medieval Kingdom of Dongola", p. 191 + proposes an alternative explanation of the word, albeit still + interpreted as a military title; and the second is ⲅⲟⲩⲁⲇ, about + which there is even less certainty. + +[^45]: [Foulon, "Hypaspistes, peltastes, chrysaspides, + argyraspides, chalcaspides". + +[^46]: [Maspero, *Organisation militaire de l'Égypte + byzantine*, pp. 66-68. + +[^47]: For an up-to-date discussion of the issue, see + [Simmons, *Nubia, Ethiopia, and the Crusading World, + 1095-1402*. + +[^48]: [Ostrogorsky, "Observations on the Aristocracy in + Byzantium", pp. 13-14 + +[^49]: [Koukounas, *Georgios Phrantzes, Chronicon*. + +[^50]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 369-70. + +[^51]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 329; [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 93-112. + +[^52]: [Vantini, *Oriental Sources Concerning Nubia*, p. + 639; [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 53-91. + +[^53]: [Łajtar, "On the Name of the Capital of the Nubian + Kingdom of Makuria". + +[^54]: [Budge, *Miscellaneous Texts in the Dialect of Upper + Egypt*, pp. 858-61. + +[^55]: [Zielińska and [Tsakos, + "Representations of the Archangel Michael in Wall Paintings from + Christian Nubia", pp. 85-6. + +[^56]: [Tsakos, "Sources about the cult and persona of the + archangel Michael in Nubia". + +[^57]: For the use of the title archistratēgos for the archangel + Raphael, see [Łajtar, *A Late Christian Pilgrimage + Centre in Nubia. The Evidence of Wall Inscriptions in the Upper + Church at Banganarti*, p. 46. + +[^58]: [Tsakos, "The Liber Institutionis Michaelis in + Medieval Nubia". + +[^59]: About this coincidence, see [Browne, "Old Nubian + literature", p. 382 and [Tsakos "Textual finds from + Cerre Matto". + +[^60]: [Ruffini, *Medieval Nubia: A Social and Economic + History*, pp. 34-5. + +[^61]: [Seignobos, *L'Égypte et la Nubie à l'époque + médiévale*, p. 198 and note 158. + +[^62]: For examples of the contrary, see + [Martens-Czarnecka, *The Wall Paintings from the + Monastery on Kom H in Dongola*, pp. 207-13. + +[^63]: [Michalowski, *Faras - Wall Paintings in the + Collection of the National Museum in Warsaw*, nr. 61, p. 263; + [Jakobielski e.a., *Pachoras/Faras: The Wall Paintings + from the Cathedrals of Aetios, Paulos and Petros*, nr. 138, pp. + 419-22. + +[^64]: For a discussion framed as background for an analysis of the + title "Eparch of Nobadia," see [Hendrickx, "The "Lord + of the Mountain". A Study of the Nubian *eparchos of Nobadia*". + +[^65]: [Mason, *Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A + Lexicon and Analysis*, pp. 138-40. + +[^66]: [Żurawski, "Strongholds on the Middle Nile: Nubian + Fortifications of the Middle Ages", pp. 115-8. + +[^67]: [Tsakos, "Terms for Boats and Navigation in Old + Nubia". + +[^68]: [Żurawski, "Strongholds on the Middle Nile: Nubian + Fortifications of the Middle Ages", p. 116. + +[^69]: [Welsby, *The Kingdom of Kush*, p. 40 + +[^70]: [Hägg, "Titles and honorific epithets in Nubian + Greek texts", pp. 161-2. + +[^71]: [Griffith, "Christian Documents from Nubia", pp. + 134-45; [Łajtar, "The so-called Kudanbes Inscription in + Deir Anba Hadra (St. Simeon Monastery) near Aswan: An Attempt at a + New Reading and Interpretation". diff --git a/content/author/alexandrostsakos.md b/content/author/alexandrostsakos.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2e63ac9 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/author/alexandrostsakos.md @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +--- +title: Alexandros Tsakos +--- + +# Biography + +Bio. diff --git a/content/editor/_index.md b/content/editor/_index.md index e0c28ad..2078300 100644 --- a/content/editor/_index.md +++ b/content/editor/_index.md @@ -1,3 +1,3 @@ --- -title: "List of authors" +title: "List of editors" --- diff --git a/content/issue/dotawo8.md b/content/issue/dotawo8.md index f02b3b4..f8b6071 100644 --- a/content/issue/dotawo8.md +++ b/content/issue/dotawo8.md @@ -1,7 +1,7 @@ --- title: "Dotawo 8: War in the Sudan" editors: ["henriettehafsaas.md"] -has_articles: ["matic.md"] +has_articles: ["matic.md", "tsakos.md"] --- # Preface by the Editor diff --git a/content/issue/misc.md b/content/issue/misc.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4e88db4 --- /dev/null +++ b/content/issue/misc.md @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +--- +title: "Miscellanea" +editors: [] +has_articles: [] +--- + +Miscellanea blabla over time, issue will be released. diff --git a/content/journal/index.md b/content/journal/index.md index f6e1d87..00b0354 100644 --- a/content/journal/index.md +++ b/content/journal/index.md @@ -1,6 +1,6 @@ --- title: Dotawo - A Journal of Nubian Studies -has_issues: ["dotawo7.md", "dotawo8.md"] +has_issues: ["dotawo7.md", "dotawo8.md", "misc.md"] --- # About Dotawo