1527 lines
78 KiB
Markdown
1527 lines
78 KiB
Markdown
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title: "Gender as Frame of War in Ancient Nubia"
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authors: ["urosmatic.md"]
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abstract: "Gender research in the archaeology of the Sudan and Meroitic studies is
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still a nascent field. Studies of gender are especially lacking in
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investigations concerning war and violence, which are usually written
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from an androcentric perspective, and often focus solely on soldiers,
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army, weaponry, battle representations, and images of enemies. The
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experiences of non-combatants in the context of war in ancient Nubia,
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such as women, children, and non-combating men, are rarely considered.
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The same tendency is observable with the gender background of war. This
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paper deals with gender structure in the lists of spoils of war, women
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and children as prisoners of war in representations of battle aftermath,
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feminization of enemies in royal texts, participation of royal women in
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war, and depictions of royal women smiting enemies. The sources for the
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study come from the Napatan and Meroitic periods (8^th^ century BC to
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4^th^ century AD). In gender as a frame of war, Kushite kings were
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represented as masculine, and their enemies as feminine. This binary
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opposition has also been observed in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian
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sources, and was clearly a shared vocabulary of the great powers of the
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second and first millennium BC. Such a frame of war was based on a
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gender disposition of men as active and strong, and women as passive and
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weak. It "naturalized" Kushite domination over their enemies just as it
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"naturalized" male domination in ancient Sudanese society. However, the
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participation of Meroitic queens in conflicts and their depictions
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smiting enemies shows how the visual vocabulary of violence can be
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utilized even by some women, in their own expressions of power."
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keywords: ["ancient Nubia", "war", "violence", "gender", "women", "children"]
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---
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# Introduction
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Gender studies in archaeology have moved a long way from the initial
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criticism of androcentrism (criticism of androcentric and
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heteronormative interpretations of the past, giving voices to ancient
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women, recognizing different genders behind the archaeological record),
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to viewing gender as a system or a result of performative practices.[^1]
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These developments in gender archaeology are not necessarily the same in
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all archaeological communities. In studies of ancient Sudan, gender
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studies have been introduced first through research of prehistoric and
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protohistoric societies[^2] and then through focus on Kushite royal
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women and the concept of queenship.[^3] The topic has been broadened by
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analyzing gender crossed with other aspects of identity, such as age,
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resulting in an intersectional understanding of identity in ancient
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Sudan.[^4] The focus in studies of ancient Sudan still seems to be
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largely on men (implicitly or explicitly), although recently, overviews
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on women, including non-royal women, have been published.[^5] Only few
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authors focused on masculinity.[^6] However, studies of gender are still
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far from being fully acknowledged in research on ancient Sudan. This is
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demonstrated by the lack of an entry on gender in even the most recent
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handbooks.[^7]
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In recent years, gender archaeologies are tackling a wide variety of
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different problems, offering equally varied approaches.[^8] Two related
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topics which have lately attracted the attention of several scholars are
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gendered violence and gender as a form of symbolic violence.[^9] Whereas
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scholars of the first search for evidence of quite specific gender
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patterns behind violent acts, scholars of the second argue that gender
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itself is a form of violence, because gender brings different people
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into asymmetrical relations of power in different domains. The idea that
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gender can be a form of symbolic violence is inherited from sociologist
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Pierre Bourdieu and philosopher Slavoj Žižek and has been only recently
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applied to archaeology.[^10] These discussions remind us that it is
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fruitful to think about gender from the point of view of violence, and
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to think about violence from the point of view of gender.
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War is typically a sphere of past social action about which
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archaeologists and historians usually write from a male perspective and
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with the sole focus on men. The participation of women and their
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experiences are rarely addressed.[^11] War and violence in ancient Sudan
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are fields still largely dominated by male authors.[^12] This
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androcentric perspective rarely takes into account gender as a social
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category, and tends to implicitly a focus only on combatant men. As a
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result, we are left with numerous valuable contributions on Kushite
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representations of war, enemies, weaponry etc. However, a gender
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perspective is lacking in almost all of them. This does not mean that
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the effort to find women in such contexts or to relate them to women is
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that which is lacking, although this is true too. What is missing is a
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perspective on both masculinity and femininity as socio-culturally
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determined categories coming from a specific gender system. Until
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recently, this was also the case in Egyptology. However, some recent
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studies focusing on war in ancient Egypt have shown the potential of
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implementing ideas and concepts coming from gender studies.[^13] One of
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these concepts is the frames of war. The concept of the frames of war
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was developed by American philosopher Judith Butler, who demonstrated
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the way some political forces frame violence in the modern media. Frames
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of war are operations of power which seek to contain, convey, and
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determine what is seen and what is real.[^14] They are the ways of
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selectively carving up experience as essential to the conduct of
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war.[^15] Butler argues that, by regulating perspective in addition to
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content, state authorities are clearly interested in controlling the
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visual modes of participation in war.[^16] The study by Butler on frames
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of war is essential for our understanding of how the modern media
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creates the experience of war, whether and where they find a place for
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non-combatants, and how victory and defeat are presented. In this
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process, different genders are represented as differently positioned,
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depending on other identity categories such as age or status in an
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intersectional manner. According to Butler, we should undertake "a
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critique of the schemes by which state violence justifies itself".[^17]
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In this paper, I will argue that gender was a frame of war that was also
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observable in the textual and visual media of ancient Sudan during the
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Napatan and Meroitic periods. I will first focus on non-combatants in
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texts, by analysing the attestations of prisoners of war of differing
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ages and genders. The lists of spoils of war demonstrate a structure
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based on a hierarchy based on status, age, and gender intersectionality.
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The term intersectionality is one of the central tenets of black
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feminist theory. It is based on the fact that oppression is not
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monocausal, as for example in the USA it is not based either on race or
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on gender. Rather, an intersection of race and gender makes some more
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oppressed or oppressed in a different way than others.[^18] This
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analysis of the attestations of non-combatants is followed by an
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analysis of a currently unique representation of women and children as
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prisoners of war found on the reliefs of Meroitic temple M250 in Meroe.
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After this, I turn to the feminization of enemies in Napatan and Merotic
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texts in order to demonstrate how gender was used to structure hierarchy
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and to position the Kushite king as masculine and his enemies as
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feminine. I argue that, in this way, gender framed both relations in war
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and hierarchies within the society of ancient Sudan. I also discuss
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evidence for the participation of Kushite royal women in war, and stress
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that the sources at our disposal are providing us with an outsider
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(Graeco-Roman) perspective, rather than a local perspective. Finally, I
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discuss the specifics of scenes in which Meroitic royal women are
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smiting enemies by comparing these scenes to others from ancient Egypt.
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I argue that the observed differences are related to a different
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understanding of the relation between kingship and queenship in these
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two societies.
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# Men, Women and Children as Prisoners of War
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## Textual Evidence
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The taking of prisoners of war is a well attested ancient war
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practice.[^19] Enemies of different gender, age, and status were also
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imprisoned during war in ancient Nubia. Although the practice surely
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must have been older, the first textual attestations come from the reign
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of Taharqa (690-664 BC), and continue until the Meroitic period. The
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mentioning of men, women, and children as prisoners of war is mostly
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part of the lists of spoils of war. Since there is no place in this
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paper to thoroughly analyze these lists and present them in a systematic
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manner, I will concentrate only on prisoners of war, and especially on
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women and children, since they are often entirely neglected.[^20]
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The Kawa III stela of Taharqa informs us that the king provided the
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temple of Amun with male and female servants, and the children of the
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rulers (*wr.w*) of Tjehenu (Libyans).[^21] The Kawa VI (Khartoum SNM
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2679, line 20-21) stela informs us that the temple of Amun in Kawa was
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filled with, among other others, female servants, wives of the rulers of
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Lower Egypt (*T3-mḥw*), and the children of the rulers of every foreign
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land.[^22] A granite stela from Karnak (line 3), attributed to Taharqa
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by Donald B. Redford, also mentions children of rulers, and later (lines
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11-13) refers to the settling of a population with its cattle in
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villages. This possibly refers to the settlement of the prisoners of
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war, among which were the above-mentioned children.[^23] A more
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securely-dated example of men and women (total: 544) seemingly presented
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as spoils of war during the reign of Taharqa, and enumerated according
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to ethnonyms or toponyms, can be found in his long inscription from
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Sanam.[^24]
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On the Enthronement stela of Anlamani (late 7^th^ century BC) from Kawa
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(Kawa VIII, lines 19-20, Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek Æ.I.N. 1709)
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it is stated that his soldiers gained control of all the women,
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children, small cattle and property in the land Bulahau
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(*b-w-r3-h-3-y-w*) and that the king appointed the captives as male and
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female servants of the gods.[^25] This indicates that Anlamani, like
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Taharqa, appointed at least some prisoners of war to the temples.[^26]
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In the Annals of Harsiyotef (Cairo JE 48864, lines 68-70) from his
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35^th^ reginal year in the early 4^th^ century BC, the king states that
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he gave booty (*ḥ3ḳ*) to Amun of Napata, 50 men, 50 women, together
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making 100.[^27] The text (line 87-88) further states that the king
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took, among others, male and female servants in the land of Metete.[^28]
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Likewise, in the Annals of Nastasen (Stela Berlin ÄMP 2268, lines
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44-46), from his 8^th^ regal year in the last third of the 4^th^ century
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BC, the king states that he gave a total of 110 men and women to Amun of
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Napata.[^29] As noted by Jeremy Pope, there is no reason to impose here
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an artificial distinction between a donation text and a record of
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war.[^30] In fact, there is also no such division in ancient Egyptian
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records of war, and the Kushite records of war bear many similarities to
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those of ancient Egypt, especially when lists of spoils of war are
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concerned. Nastasen also claims (lines 46-49) that he captured Ayonku,
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the ruler connected to the rebels, and that he took all the women, all
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the cattle, and much gold. The list mentions 2,236 women.[^31] Compared
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to the number of men and women given to the temple of Amun at Napata,
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this is a significantly larger number, which indicates that a majority
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of the prisoners actually did not end up as property of the temple. We
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can only speculate that they were distributed elsewhere, possibly even
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among the soldiers.[^32] Nastasen also seized the ruler Luboden and all
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the women in his possession (line 51).[^33] He also seized Abso, the
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ruler of Mahae, and all their women (line 53).[^34] Nastasen went
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against the rebellious land of Makhsherkharta and seized the ruler, as
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well as all of that by which the ruler sustained people, and all the
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women (line 55).[^35] Finally, Nastasen seized Tamakheyta, the ruler of
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the rebellious land Sarasarat, and caused the plundering of all their
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women (line 58).[^36]
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Common to all these Napatan and Meroitic texts written in Egyptian is
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the order in which different prisoners of war are listed, which is
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always the same. The enemy ruler is listed first, followed by the enemy
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men, women and children. No difference is made between male and female
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children. This demonstrates an intersectional hierarchy based on status,
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gender, and age. The enemy ruler was the most valued, then came enemy
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men, women and children, in that same order. An interesting question is
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if this intersectional hierarchy mirrors that of the ancient Sudanese
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society, or if it was only imposed on its enemies. That male and female
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prisoners of war together with children, including even those of the
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foreign rulers, were donated to the temples, comes as no surprise. The
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individual temples of Amun in Kush also functioned as centres of
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territorial government and redistribution.[^37] Some lines in the Annals
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of Nastasen refer to imprisoned women in a rhetorical manner, stating
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rather generally that all women of the enemy were taken, instead of
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providing a number like in earlier sources.
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Currently, the textual evidence written in Merotic script is very
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scarce, and our current understanding of the language is not on a level
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which would allow a detailed reading of most of the preserved texts.
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Nevertheless, several experts in Meroitic language and script have
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recognized the mentioning of prisoners of war in the Hamadab Stela of
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Amanirenas and Akinidad (British Museum 1650) from the late 1^st^
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century BC.[^38] According to the new reading of Claude Rilly, the
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second (small) Hamadab stela (REM 1039) mentions Akinidad and the sites
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where the Roman prefect Petronius fought against the Meroites, namely
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Aswan (Meroitic "Sewane"), Qasr Ibrim (Meroitic "Pedeme"), and Napata
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("Npte"). According to Rilly, the stela also mentions the beginning of
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the war in its 3rd and 4th lines: "the Tmey have enslaved all the men,
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all the women, all the girls and all the boys".[^39] Interestingly, if
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Rilly´s reading is correct, this would mean that when Meroitic folk are
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taken as prisoners by enemies, a gender differentiation is made even for
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children and/or adolescents. The following discussion will focus on the
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possible iconographic evidence of the conflict between Meroe and Rome.
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## Iconographic Evidence
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Unlike in ancient Egypt, ancient Nubian iconographic evidence for the
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taking of prisoners of war is rather scarce when the bound prisoner
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motif is excluded from the corpus. Even less attested are depictions of
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women and children being imprisoned.
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One rare instance of such a depiction is found in temple M250, located
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about 1km to the east-southeast of the centre of the city of Meroe. John
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Garstang first investigated the temple in 1910-1911 together with
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Archibald H. Sayce. The temple M250 was investigated further by
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Friedrich Hinkel from 1984 to 1985. He dated it to the late 1st century
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BC and early 1st century AD because of the royal cartouches of Akinidad
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found on fallen blocks of the cella north wall.[^40] The earliest temple
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on the site, which is northwest of M250, had probably already been built
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in Aspelta's reign (the beginning of the 6th century BC) in the form of
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a cella on the top of a podium.[^41] According to László Török, the
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temple was dedicated in its later form to the cult of Re or, more
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precisely, to the unification of Amun with Re.[^42] Hinkel interpreted
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it more carefully as a temple of Amun.[^43]
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So far, the battle reliefs of M250 were analyzed by several authors. It
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is Hinkel who published the temple and gave the most detailed
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description and analysis of the relief blocks to-date.[^44] According to
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Török, the decoration of the facades had a "historically" formulated
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triumphal aspect.[^45]. Before the publication of the temple by Hinkel,
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Steffen Wenig assigned them to the reign of Aspelta because his stela
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was found on the site. Wenig related the reliefs to the ones from the
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B500 temple of Amun at Gebel Barkal, not knowing at that time that they
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predate M250.[^46] Inge Hofmann analysed the war reliefs in detail
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regarding the weapons and equipment worn by the Meroites and emphasized
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that the weapons they use are post-Napatan. Based on the kilts and hair
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feathers worn by some of the enemies of Meroites in these scenes, she
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concluded that they are southerners but that they cannot be identified
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with any specific Sudanese tribe.[^47] This type of enemy wearing a kilt
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and feathers is also found as a bound prisoner on the pylon of the tomb
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chapel of Begrawiya North 6 (the tomb of Amanishakheto).[^48] It is also
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depicted on the east wall painting from the small temple M292, better
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known because of the head of a statue of Augustus which was buried in
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front of its entrance, as well as a representation of the so called
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Roman prisoner on the same wall painting.[^49] According to Florian Wöß,
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this type of enemy can be classified as an Inner African Type. It is
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most numerous among Meroitic depictions of enemies, and Wöß argues that
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it could have therefore represented a real threat to the Meroites.[^50]
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This conclusion corresponds well with the interpretation of the Meroitic
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kingdom having a heartland in the Nile Valley, at Keraba, and perhaps
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also the southland, Meroitic kingdom was surrounded by various
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neighbouring communities that could have made a real threat and were
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only occasionally under Kushite control.[^51] As we have already seen,
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|
|
numerous texts refer to conflicts with these communities outside the
|
|||
|
|
realm of the Kushite kingdom.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Hinkel has already concluded that the north wall of M250 depicts women
|
|||
|
|
and children taken by the Meroites in their raid of the first cataract,
|
|||
|
|
as reported by Strabo in *Geography* (17. I. 54),[^52] and that the
|
|||
|
|
south wall depicts a conflict with some southern population that the
|
|||
|
|
Meroites encountered in Lower Nubia.[^53] However, if Meroe is
|
|||
|
|
understood as the centre of the axis, then the enemies depicted on the
|
|||
|
|
south wall are unlikely to depict Lower Nubians. We know that during the
|
|||
|
|
last decades of the 1st century BC, Lower Nubia was not hostile to
|
|||
|
|
Meroe, and that, rather the contrary, it rebelled against Rome. Gaius
|
|||
|
|
Cornelius Gallus reports in his trilingual stela from Philae erected in
|
|||
|
|
29 BC that he placed a local tyrant to govern Triakontaschoinos (Lower
|
|||
|
|
Nubia), which became part of the province of Egypt and established a
|
|||
|
|
personal patron/client relationship with the king of Meroe.[^54] This
|
|||
|
|
arrangement obliged inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos to pay taxes.[^55]
|
|||
|
|
Roman emperor Augustus then ordered Lucius Aelius Gallus, the second
|
|||
|
|
prefect of Egypt, to prepare a military expedition against province
|
|||
|
|
Arabia Felix. Aelius Gallus regrouped the forces stationed in Egypt and
|
|||
|
|
took c. 8000 of the 16.800 men in three legions and 5500 of the
|
|||
|
|
auxiliary forces. The expedition was carried out in 26-25 BC and ended
|
|||
|
|
with Roman defeat. The inhabitants of Triakontaschoinos received the
|
|||
|
|
news of Aelius Gallus' failure in Arabia and revolted in the summer of
|
|||
|
|
25 BC. The aim of the revolt was to end the previously established
|
|||
|
|
status of Triakontaschoinos and the obligation of paying tax to Rome.
|
|||
|
|
Concurrently with this revolt, there were local rebellions against the
|
|||
|
|
pressure of taxation in Upper Egypt.[^56] The rebels might also have
|
|||
|
|
received help from the king of Meroe. Meroe probably tried to use the
|
|||
|
|
opportunity presented by the revolt in Triakontaschoinos and Upper Egypt
|
|||
|
|
to establish the northern frontier in the region of the First
|
|||
|
|
Cataract.[^57] Therefore, it is unlikely that the southern enemy
|
|||
|
|
depicted on the walls of temple M250 represents Lower Nubians. They were
|
|||
|
|
not hostile to Meroe at the time before the building of the temple M250
|
|||
|
|
under Akinidad. On the contrary, they were its allies in war with Rome.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Regarding the representations of women and children as prisoners of war,
|
|||
|
|
Török found parallels in New Kingdom Egyptian (ca. 1550-1070 BC)
|
|||
|
|
reliefs[^58], whereas Hinkel found parallels both in New Kingdom
|
|||
|
|
Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian reliefs (ca. 911-609 BC).[^59] One must,
|
|||
|
|
however, stress that in the case of the New Kingdom Egyptian reliefs,
|
|||
|
|
the parallels are both thematic and iconographic, whereas in the case of
|
|||
|
|
Neo-Assyrian reliefs, the parallels are strictly general and thematic
|
|||
|
|
(e.g. imprisonment). In this paper, I will focus more closely on the
|
|||
|
|
thematic and iconographic parallels from New Kingdom Egypt and Nubia,
|
|||
|
|
considering the fact that general thematic parallels (e.g. imprisonment)
|
|||
|
|
are found in many cultures and are not particularly helpful in better
|
|||
|
|
understanding the decorative program of M250.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Women and children are found both on the south and the north wall of the
|
|||
|
|
temple M250. The blocks with representations of women and children are
|
|||
|
|
part of the preserved *in situ* lowest register of the north wall. Its
|
|||
|
|
preserved height is ca. 110cm above the crepidoma.[^60] Its register
|
|||
|
|
depicts an east-west oriented procession of armed men, horse riders, and
|
|||
|
|
chariots who join a battle. After the battle scene, the same register
|
|||
|
|
continues with the procession of armed men, with nude women and children
|
|||
|
|
in front of them (Figure 1).
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
**~~Figure 1. Relief blocks from the north wall of M250 in the sequence east-west (redrawn after [Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*: 140--141, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42).~~**
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
The women and children are preceded by men with oval shields and cattle
|
|||
|
|
in front of them, after which comes one more group of nude women and
|
|||
|
|
children. They are approached by oppositely-oriented men, probably in a
|
|||
|
|
battle. After them, the register continues in an east-west orientation
|
|||
|
|
towards a columned building, which is presumably a representation of a
|
|||
|
|
temple.[^61] Behind this columned building in the continuation of the
|
|||
|
|
register. There is a break here, after which comes poorly preserved
|
|||
|
|
representations of round huts and trees.[^62] Only the lower parts of
|
|||
|
|
the figures of women and children are preserved on the north wall, so it
|
|||
|
|
is hard to say more about them. However, the women and children seem to
|
|||
|
|
be nude. The gender of the children cannot be identified because the
|
|||
|
|
representations were later damaged in the genital area. There are two
|
|||
|
|
groups and in-between them there are cattle. The groups are flanked with
|
|||
|
|
men who lead them forward.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
The south wall blocks with representations of women and children are not
|
|||
|
|
found *in situ,* but rather in the vicinity of the south wall. Some of
|
|||
|
|
them can be joined, and some of these joints present evidence for at
|
|||
|
|
least two registers. In one case, the upper register of the two depicts
|
|||
|
|
both women and children as prisoners of war, while the lower register
|
|||
|
|
depicts ship-fragments 198, 322, 323, 319 and 190.[^63] The figures in
|
|||
|
|
the two registers are differently oriented. Additionally, one more boat
|
|||
|
|
representation with a head of a ram possibly indicates a relation to
|
|||
|
|
Amun (fragments 113 and 106).[^64] It is oriented in the same direction
|
|||
|
|
as the previous boat. On the blocks of the south wall, both men and
|
|||
|
|
women are depicted as prisoners of war next to children (Figure 2).
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
**~~Figure 2. Relief blocks (fragments 943+185+180 and 222) of the south wall of M250 with fragmented depictions of imprisoned women and children, line drawing (redrawn after [Hinkel, *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 2b*: C11).~~**
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Unlike the women from the north wall, the women from the south wall are
|
|||
|
|
half-dressed. The breasts depicted on some of them (fragments 188, 214,
|
|||
|
|
136, 943, 185, 222, 199, 847, 849, 811) indicate their gender, while the
|
|||
|
|
gender of some of the children figures is depicted via smaller breasts
|
|||
|
|
(fragment 236). Some of the women from the south wall are carrying
|
|||
|
|
baskets with children on their backs, held with the help of a tumpline
|
|||
|
|
(fragment 943, 849). In New Kingdom Egyptian iconography, this is a
|
|||
|
|
characteristic of Nubian women when depicted with children in tribute
|
|||
|
|
scenes.[^65] Women are depicted with children either next to them, held
|
|||
|
|
in their arms, raised high in the air (fragments 210, 849), or in
|
|||
|
|
between them (fragments 185, 189, 230, 175). Both men and women on the
|
|||
|
|
south wall have ropes tied around their necks, with several people in a
|
|||
|
|
row being tied on the same rope (fragments 136, 943, 189, 34, 102, 39,
|
|||
|
|
408, 847, 844, 849, 811).
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
**~~Figure 3. Empty oval name rings on the northern part of the pylon of M250 (redrawn after HINKEL, Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1: 139; Abb. 37b).~~**
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Hinkel related the construction of the M250 temple to the treaty that
|
|||
|
|
the Meroites negotiated with Augustus on Samos in 21/20 BC. He relates
|
|||
|
|
the taking of women and children as prisoners on the north wall to the
|
|||
|
|
sacking of Philae, Elephantine, and Syene by the Meroites,[^66] as
|
|||
|
|
reported by Strabo in Geography, 17. I. 54.[^67] The context of the war
|
|||
|
|
reliefs on the northern wall of the temple indeed indicates a northern
|
|||
|
|
conflict. It is interesting that the oval name rings for the toponyms or
|
|||
|
|
ethnonyms of the defeated enemies are left blank on the northern part of
|
|||
|
|
the temple pylon (Figure 3),[^68] and were only filled in with Meroitic
|
|||
|
|
hieroglyphs on the south part of the temple pylon, which have thus far
|
|||
|
|
not been identified with certainty.[^69] In the light of Strabo's
|
|||
|
|
Geography 17. I. 54, in which he writes that when told that they should
|
|||
|
|
go to Augustus, the Meroites answered they do not know who that
|
|||
|
|
was[^70], one has to consider that the Roman dominated world beyond the
|
|||
|
|
province of Egypt was unknown or insufficiently known to the Meroites.
|
|||
|
|
This explains the empty oval name rings on the northern part of the
|
|||
|
|
temple pylon. Except for the generic *Arome* referring to Rome[^71] and
|
|||
|
|
*Tmey* referring to the north,[^72] we do not know of any other Roman
|
|||
|
|
toponyms from Meroe so far, and it is likely that in the first century
|
|||
|
|
BC and first century AD, the Meroites indeed did not know of any others.
|
|||
|
|
If the reliefs on the northern walls of the temple depict a Meroitic
|
|||
|
|
raid on the First Cataract sites, then we have to take into account that
|
|||
|
|
they imprisoned the local population, consisting also of women and
|
|||
|
|
children, and not only of men. These women and children could also have
|
|||
|
|
been local and not necessarily incomers after the Roman taking of Egypt.
|
|||
|
|
The iconographic evidence from M250 corresponds well with the textual
|
|||
|
|
attestations for the taking of prisoners of war of different ages and
|
|||
|
|
genders and allocating them to temples of Amun. Interestingly, just like
|
|||
|
|
in ancient Egyptian iconography of the New Kingdom, there is an absence
|
|||
|
|
of violence against women and children.[^73] Bearing in mind the idea
|
|||
|
|
that frames of war regulate what is reported and represented in various
|
|||
|
|
media, we can consider the possibility that some realities of war such
|
|||
|
|
as violence against non-combatants were censured due to socially
|
|||
|
|
determined taste. Hurting women and children was probably considered a
|
|||
|
|
form of illegitimate violence and although it probably occurred, it was
|
|||
|
|
not communicated to local audience.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
# Feminization of Enemies in Texts
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
The feminization of enemies is a common cross-cultural motif of war
|
|||
|
|
discourses, both textual and visual. As anthropologist Marilyn Strathern
|
|||
|
|
argued, "relations between political enemies stand for relations between
|
|||
|
|
men and women".[^74] Numerous examples are known for this from ancient
|
|||
|
|
Egypt and Neo-Assyria, and these are extensively dealt with
|
|||
|
|
elsewhere.[^75] Here, the focus will be on the feminization of enemies
|
|||
|
|
in Kushite war discourse.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
One attestation for the feminization of enemies, with, to the best of my
|
|||
|
|
knowledge, no parallels, is found on the Triumphal Stela of Piye (Cairo
|
|||
|
|
JE 48862, 47086-47089, lines 149-150), the founder of the 25^th^ Dynasty
|
|||
|
|
of Egypt, who ruled between 744-714 BC: "Now these kings and counts of
|
|||
|
|
Lower Egypt came to behold His Majesty's beauty, their legs being the
|
|||
|
|
legs of women." *js gr nn \<n\> nswt ḥ3(tj)w-^c^ nw T3-mḥw jj r m33 nfrw
|
|||
|
|
ḥm=f rdwj=sn m rdwj ḥm.wt.*[^76] Nicolas-Christophe Grimal has
|
|||
|
|
translated this part of the text in a way that suggests that the legs of
|
|||
|
|
the kings and counts of Lower Egypt trembled like those of women.[^77]
|
|||
|
|
One has to stress that the adjective *tremblant* (French trembling) is
|
|||
|
|
not written in the text, but is rather assumed by Grimal. On the other
|
|||
|
|
hand, Hans Goedicke translates the text so that instead of legs, he
|
|||
|
|
interprets it as knees.[^78] According to Robert K. Ritner, this means
|
|||
|
|
that they were trembling in fear,[^79] and similarly, according to Amr
|
|||
|
|
el Hawary, this could indicate that the enemies of Piye had their legs
|
|||
|
|
bent at the knees from fear.[^80] However, David O'Connor and Stephen
|
|||
|
|
Quirke understand the text as a metaphor for the femininity of Piye's
|
|||
|
|
enemies, because the legs of women are smooth skinned.[^81] Yet,
|
|||
|
|
although both men and women shaved in Egypt and Nubia, we cannot assume
|
|||
|
|
that body hair removal was restricted only to women. For Nubia at least
|
|||
|
|
this is indicated by the description of Kushites in the Bible as tall
|
|||
|
|
and smooth-skinned people (Isaiah 18: 7).[^82] Later in the text, it is
|
|||
|
|
stated that three of these kings and counts stayed outside the palace
|
|||
|
|
"because of their legs" (*r rdwj=sn*), and only one entered. el Hawary
|
|||
|
|
postulates that this could be related to the previous comparison with
|
|||
|
|
the legs of women.[^83] Another case is possibly alluded to later in the
|
|||
|
|
same text, when it is stated "You return having conquered Lower Egypt;
|
|||
|
|
making bulls into women" (*jw=k jy.tw* *ḥ3q.n=k T3-mḥw* *jr=k k3.w m
|
|||
|
|
ḥm.wt*).[^84] Bearing in mind that in the Instructions of Ankhsheshonqy
|
|||
|
|
(X, 20), an Egyptian text of the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BC), bulls are
|
|||
|
|
contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them[^85], we can argue
|
|||
|
|
that, in both cases, bulls stand for men, or at least masculinity, in
|
|||
|
|
both the human and animal world. It is interesting that on the Triumphal
|
|||
|
|
stela of Piye, women of the palace of the Lower Egyptian king Nimlot did
|
|||
|
|
pay homage to Piye "after the manner of women" (*m* *ḫt* *ḥmwt*).[^86]
|
|||
|
|
Maybe this indicates that there was also a manner in which men are
|
|||
|
|
supposed to pay homage to the king, and that the defeated kings and
|
|||
|
|
counts of Lower Egypt failed to do this, or at least the text wants us
|
|||
|
|
to believe that. The failed masculinity of Nimlot in the text of the
|
|||
|
|
stela was extensively studied most recently by Mattias Karlsson. Next to
|
|||
|
|
the motives already mentioned, additional arguments are rich and
|
|||
|
|
complex. Piye (Piankhi) is representing ideal masculinity contrasted
|
|||
|
|
with failed masculinity of Nimlot. This can be observed both in the text
|
|||
|
|
and in the iconography of the stela. For example, Nimlot is holding a
|
|||
|
|
sistrum, a musical instrument usually linked to women (e.g., priestesses
|
|||
|
|
of Hathor), and he stands behind his wife and usually the men are
|
|||
|
|
frontal figures. His wife speaks for him and appears as the head of his
|
|||
|
|
household.[^87] To these arguments, one can also add the fact that the
|
|||
|
|
silhouette of the defeated Egyptian princes in proskynesis differs in
|
|||
|
|
shape from usual representations of men. Their bodies seem to be curvier
|
|||
|
|
as in Kushite depictions of women. An allusion of sexual domination is
|
|||
|
|
not directly communicated but it might be that it was implied.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
There are other attestations of the feminization of enemies in texts
|
|||
|
|
composed for the Kushite kings. In the Annals of Harsiyotef (Cairo JE
|
|||
|
|
48864, line 89) we are informed about his conflicts with the Mededet
|
|||
|
|
people in his 6^th^ regnal year. After taking spoils of war, the ruler
|
|||
|
|
of Mededet was sent to Harsiyotef, saying: "You are my god. I am your
|
|||
|
|
servant. I am a woman. Come to me" (*ntk p(3)=j* *nṯr* *jnk p(3)=k b3k*
|
|||
|
|
*jnk* *sḥmt* *my j-r=j*).[^88] In this attestation, we have a direct
|
|||
|
|
speech of the enemy, who, according to the text, identifies himself with
|
|||
|
|
a woman. Of course, we are safe to assume that these words were put in
|
|||
|
|
his mouth by the composer of the text of the stela. el Hawary has
|
|||
|
|
already made a connection between the passage from the Annals of
|
|||
|
|
Harsiyotef and this passage from the Triumphal stela of Piye, describing
|
|||
|
|
the homage to Piye in a womanly manner. Interestingly, no such
|
|||
|
|
attestations, as far as I am aware, are known from Egyptian
|
|||
|
|
sources.[^89]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
# Meroitic Non-royal and Royal Women in War
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
In Diodorus Siculus (1^st^ century BC), Agatharchides reports how the
|
|||
|
|
Ethiopians employed women in war: "They also arm their women, defining
|
|||
|
|
for them a military age. It is customary for most of these women to have
|
|||
|
|
a bronze ring through one of their lips".[^90] This is repeated by
|
|||
|
|
Strabo in first century AD.[^91]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
The conflict between Meroe and Rome was mentioned in the discussion of
|
|||
|
|
the iconography of temple M250. One interesting aspect of this conflict
|
|||
|
|
is the Roman perspective on the rulership of Meroe. Strabo mentions the
|
|||
|
|
participation of a Meroitic queen in war against Rome, describing Queen
|
|||
|
|
*Kandake* here as "a manly woman who had lost one of her eyes".[^92] We
|
|||
|
|
should be careful with crediting such descriptions much value. Not only
|
|||
|
|
did Strabo confuse a Meroitic royal title that probably indicated a
|
|||
|
|
mother of a king[^93], but there is also a tendency among Graeco-Roman
|
|||
|
|
authors to depict foreign women as masculine, thus creating an inverted
|
|||
|
|
image to gender expectations in their own society. Such inversions could
|
|||
|
|
have served the purpose of shocking their audience and enhancing the
|
|||
|
|
otherness of the foreign lands and peoples. This is evidently an example
|
|||
|
|
of ideological gender inversion used as a sign of barbarism, especially
|
|||
|
|
towards foreign women, in the works of Strabo.[^94]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Still, that the soldiers in the Roman army knew of a woman that was
|
|||
|
|
referred to by her subjects simply as *kandake* is also demonstrated by
|
|||
|
|
a ballista ball (British Museum EA 71839) with a carbon-ink inscription
|
|||
|
|
KANAΞH/Kandaxe from Qasr Ibrim. On the ball, the second and third lines
|
|||
|
|
of text can be understood as a personal message for the queen: "Just
|
|||
|
|
right for you Kandaxe!".[^95] Clearly, it is questionable if the ones
|
|||
|
|
who actually found themselves in Nubia during the conflict with Meroe
|
|||
|
|
knew the name of the enemy ruler. It is also possible that they knew,
|
|||
|
|
but referred to her as everyone else.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
# Meroitic QQueens and Enemies: Iconographic Evidence
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
The smiting of an enemy scene originates from ancient Egyptian
|
|||
|
|
iconography, with its earliest known evidence found in tomb 100 in
|
|||
|
|
Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt, dated to the Naqada IIC period, around
|
|||
|
|
3500 BC. In Egypt, the motif has remained in the decoration of temple
|
|||
|
|
pylons, private and royal stelae, and small finds for more than 3500
|
|||
|
|
years. Its latest known appearance is found on temple reliefs from the
|
|||
|
|
Roman period, where emperors Domitian, Titus, and Trajan are depicted
|
|||
|
|
smiting. Kushite kings are also depicted smiting enemies, and the motif
|
|||
|
|
was adopted from ancient Egyptian art.[^96]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
What differentiates the use of this motif in ancient Nubia during the
|
|||
|
|
Meroitic period from its use both in the contemporary Roman province of
|
|||
|
|
Egypt and in earlier periods of Nubian history is the fact that certain
|
|||
|
|
queens are depicted smiting male enemies in Meroitic iconography. Some
|
|||
|
|
ancient Egyptian queens are also depicted smiting enemies. However,
|
|||
|
|
these enemies are always female when the figure who is delivering the
|
|||
|
|
blow is depicted as a woman.[^97] This is because a king is never
|
|||
|
|
depicted delivering harm to foreign women and children, at least in the
|
|||
|
|
New Kingdom. The king always defeats the supposedly stronger enemy.[^98]
|
|||
|
|
Although the inclusion of queen Nefertiti smiting female enemies
|
|||
|
|
alongside scenes of Akhenaten smiting male enemies probably indicates
|
|||
|
|
the elevation of her status during the period of his rule[^99],
|
|||
|
|
Nefertiti is nevertheless not the dominant figure in such depictions.
|
|||
|
|
The dominant figure remains the smiting king because of the gender of
|
|||
|
|
the enemies he smites. Male enemies were considered more dangerous than
|
|||
|
|
female. When a female ruler like Hatshepsut (ca. 1479-1458 BC) of the
|
|||
|
|
18^th^ Dynasty is depicted smiting or trampling male enemies, she
|
|||
|
|
herself is depicted as a king- a man- and her identity is indicated by
|
|||
|
|
the accompanying text containing her name and royal titles.[^100]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
**~~Figure 4. Amanishakheto spearing enemies, pylon, pyramid Begrawiya North 6, line drawing ([Chapman & [Dunham. *Decorated Chapels of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 17).~~**
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
The Meroitic case is interesting precisely because certain royal women
|
|||
|
|
can be depicted smiting and spearing male enemies. Amanishakheto (1^st^
|
|||
|
|
century AD) is depicted spearing enemies on the pylon of her pyramid
|
|||
|
|
Begrawiya North 6 in Meroe, both to the left and right of the pylon
|
|||
|
|
entrance (Figure 4). On the left she holds a bow, an arrow, and a rope
|
|||
|
|
in her left hand, and a spear in her right hand. The rope in her left
|
|||
|
|
hand extends to the necks of the enemies, to which they are tied. Seven
|
|||
|
|
enemies are depicted with rope tied around their necks and with their
|
|||
|
|
arms tied behind their backs. On the right, Amanishakheto holds a rope
|
|||
|
|
in her left hand, to which four enemies are bound around their necks.
|
|||
|
|
Their arms are also bound behind their backs. In her right hand, she
|
|||
|
|
holds a spear with which she spears the enemies.[^101] On her stela from
|
|||
|
|
Naqa, she is depicted before the enthroned Lion God above a group of
|
|||
|
|
bound enemies.[^102]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
**~~Figure 5. Shanakdakheto sitting on a throne with bound enemies underneath, north wall, pyramid Begrawiya North 11, line drawing ([Chapman & [Dunham. *Decorated Chapels of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 7A).~~**
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Bound enemies are additionally depicted under the throne of the queen on
|
|||
|
|
the north wall of pyramid Begrawiya North 11 attributed to
|
|||
|
|
Shanakdakheto, ca. 170-125 BC (Figure 5).[^103] Nine bows, the
|
|||
|
|
traditional symbol for enemies originating from ancient Egypt, are
|
|||
|
|
depicted under the throne of Amanitore, of the 1^st^ century AD (Figure
|
|||
|
|
6), just as they are depicted under the throne of Natakamani in the
|
|||
|
|
pyramid Begrawiya North 1 of queen Amanitore.[^104]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
**~~Figure 6. Amanitore sitting on a throne with the nine bows underneath, south wall, pyramid Begrawiya North 1, line drawing ([Chapman & [Dunham. *Decorated Chapels of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 18B).~~**
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
**~~Figure 7. Natakamani and Amanitore smiting enemies, pylon of the temple of Naqa, line drawing ([Lepsius, *Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien* 10, B1. 56).~~**
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Amanitore is depicted smiting enemies on the pylon of the Lion Temple in
|
|||
|
|
Naga.[^105] There, she is paired with Natakamani, who is also depicted
|
|||
|
|
smiting enemies (Figure 7). Natalia Pomerantseva interpreted this as
|
|||
|
|
"hero worshiping of the woman-image" adding that "it is impossible to
|
|||
|
|
imagine the frail Egyptian woman's figure in the part of chastisement of
|
|||
|
|
enemies".[^106] Yet, as we have seen, some Egyptian royal women are
|
|||
|
|
depicted in violent acts such as the smiting and trampling of female
|
|||
|
|
enemies, and the reason they are not depicted doing the same to male
|
|||
|
|
enemies is status related. If they would be depicted as women smiting or
|
|||
|
|
trampling male enemies, this would elevate their status to the one of
|
|||
|
|
kings. Clearly, attention was paid to avoid this. In the case of the
|
|||
|
|
Meroitic queens, the gender of the enemy was not an issue. Jacke
|
|||
|
|
Phillips has also emphasized that the smiting of the enemies by Merotic
|
|||
|
|
queens is among the corpus of scenes which were formerly restricted to
|
|||
|
|
kings, but did not take the argument further. The reason for the
|
|||
|
|
creation of these scenes can be seen in the specific status of royal
|
|||
|
|
women in Meroitic ideology.[^107] However, we also have to bear in mind
|
|||
|
|
that, considering the number of known Napatan and Meroitic royal women,
|
|||
|
|
the smiting scenes of Amanishakheto and Amanitore in the 1^st^ century
|
|||
|
|
AD are an exception rather than rule. Interestingly, the smiting and
|
|||
|
|
trampling scenes of Tiye and Nefertiti are also an exception rather than
|
|||
|
|
the rule, and this exception in ancient Egyptian iconography has so far
|
|||
|
|
been explained as a consequence of the increasing importance of royal
|
|||
|
|
women both in politics and religion.[^108] We can certainly say
|
|||
|
|
Amanishakheto and Amanitore also lived in exceptional times, during and
|
|||
|
|
after the conflict of Meroe with Rome. It is possible that in these
|
|||
|
|
times certain exceptional women rose to unparalleled positions.[^109]
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
# Conclusion
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Gender as a frame of war has structured both Napatan and Meroitic texts,
|
|||
|
|
from lists of the spoils of war to texts dealing with military
|
|||
|
|
campaigns. In the first case, this is observable in the order that
|
|||
|
|
different categories of prisoners of war are listed, namely enemy rulers
|
|||
|
|
(men), then enemy men, women and children. This same structure for
|
|||
|
|
prisoners of wars is found with only slight differences in ancient
|
|||
|
|
Egyptian spoils of war examples,[^110] which is hardly a coincidence.
|
|||
|
|
Since the earlier Napatan texts were written in Egyptian, their
|
|||
|
|
structure, at least when lists of spoils of war are concerned, could
|
|||
|
|
have been based on an Egyptian pattern. This then continued into the
|
|||
|
|
Meroitic period. In the second case, namely the texts dealing with
|
|||
|
|
military campaigns, the working of gender as a frame of war is
|
|||
|
|
observable in the discursive feminization of enemies in Napatan texts.
|
|||
|
|
Just like in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian texts[^111], enemies are
|
|||
|
|
discursively framed as women, or as being feminine. This is in fact a
|
|||
|
|
metaphor found in many cultures in which strength is associated with men
|
|||
|
|
and weakness is associated with women. Rather than just framing the
|
|||
|
|
power relations between the Kushite kings and their enemies, such
|
|||
|
|
metaphors strengthen the gender structure of the society itself,
|
|||
|
|
privileging the men and masculinity. By discursively taking away
|
|||
|
|
masculinity from the enemies, these texts are framing them as
|
|||
|
|
subordinate and thus legitimizing the subordination of women to men.
|
|||
|
|
Unfortunately, the present state of knowledge of the Meroitic language
|
|||
|
|
does not allow us to investigate possible feminizations of enemies in
|
|||
|
|
the Hamadab stelae written in Meroitic. It would indeed be interesting
|
|||
|
|
to know if the same metaphors are used.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
The reports of Graeco-Roman writers such as Agatharchides in Diodorus
|
|||
|
|
Siculus and Strabo could have been a misunderstanding of Meroitic royal
|
|||
|
|
ideology and the figure of *kandake*. We should, however, not entirely
|
|||
|
|
exclude the possibility that women could have participated in war,
|
|||
|
|
although we do not have any explicit ancient Nubian textual attestations
|
|||
|
|
for this. We also do not have any burials attributed to "warrior women"
|
|||
|
|
or "warrior queens," based on the placement of weapons as grave goods in
|
|||
|
|
graves of women.[^112] Even if such burials were to be found, one would
|
|||
|
|
have to be cautious in assigning military activity to women (or men)
|
|||
|
|
simply because of the associated weapons. Muscular stress markers or
|
|||
|
|
potential traces of trauma on the skeletons would be more indicative,
|
|||
|
|
however both could also be found in burials without such associated
|
|||
|
|
weapons. Nevertheless, one should not exclude the possibility that
|
|||
|
|
Meroitic queens made military decisions, just like, for example, the
|
|||
|
|
17^th^ Dynasty queen Ahmose or the 18^th^ Dynasty queen Hatshepsut in
|
|||
|
|
Egypt[^113], though they probably did not fight in war. The depictions
|
|||
|
|
of Meroitic queens smiting enemies should be seen in the context of
|
|||
|
|
royal ideology. Unlike Egyptian queens, who are depicted as women
|
|||
|
|
smiting enemies only when these enemies are also women, both Meroitic
|
|||
|
|
kings and certain Meroitic queens are shown smiting and spearing enemy
|
|||
|
|
men. There is no difference in the gender of the enemy, and therefore no
|
|||
|
|
hierarchy. This can be explained with an elevated status of queenship in
|
|||
|
|
Kush in comparison to ancient Egypt. Unlike in Egypt, where a ruling
|
|||
|
|
woman like Hatshepsut had to be depicted as a man when smiting enemies,
|
|||
|
|
a ruling woman in Meroe could be depicted as a woman smiting male
|
|||
|
|
enemies.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Clearly, gender was one of the frames of war in ancient Nubia, with a
|
|||
|
|
tradition spanning several centuries and possibly even having ancient
|
|||
|
|
Egyptian roots, at least when the structure of the spoils of war lists
|
|||
|
|
and some metaphors for enemies are concerned. However, as I have shown,
|
|||
|
|
there are certain expressions without parallels in ancient Egyptian
|
|||
|
|
texts which testify to an independent but equally male-privileging
|
|||
|
|
discourse. Gender as a frame of war (sensu Judith Butler) justified
|
|||
|
|
state violence against enemies by discursively representing them as
|
|||
|
|
women. In this manner, asymmetrical power relations in one domain (war)
|
|||
|
|
were tied to asymmetrical power relations in another domain (gender).
|
|||
|
|
This is a prime example of symbolic violence (sensu Pierre Bourdieu and
|
|||
|
|
Slavoj Žižek). Gender relations which place Kushite and enemy women as
|
|||
|
|
subordinate to Kushite men are naturalized through a reference to a
|
|||
|
|
subordination of enemy men to Kushite men. Simultaneously, the lack of
|
|||
|
|
explicit violence conducted against enemy women and children was in a
|
|||
|
|
way "the cosmetic treatment of war", to use the words of Jean
|
|||
|
|
Baudrillard. The frame of war such as this one, clearly influenced how
|
|||
|
|
war and violence is represented and consequently experienced by local
|
|||
|
|
audience which did not participate in war. Some forms of violence are
|
|||
|
|
communicated to the local audience in a specific manner, relying on
|
|||
|
|
asymmetrical power relations of gender. Other forms of violence which
|
|||
|
|
probably occurred, such as violence against non-combatants, are
|
|||
|
|
carefully avoided in texts and images. It was probably hard to justify
|
|||
|
|
them.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
# Acknowledgments
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
I would like to express my enormous gratitude to Jacqueline M. Huwyler,
|
|||
|
|
M.A. (University of Basel) for proofreading the English of my paper. I
|
|||
|
|
am also grateful to Angelika Lohwasser and Henriette Hafsaas for their
|
|||
|
|
help in acquiring some of the references.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
# Abbreviations
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
FHN I-III
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Eide, Tormod, Tomas Hägg, Richard Holton Pierce, and László Török (eds.).
|
|||
|
|
*Fontes Historiae Nubiorum: Textual Sources for the History of the
|
|||
|
|
Middle Nile Region between the Eighth Century BC and the Sixth Century
|
|||
|
|
AD, vols. I-- III*. Bergen: University of Bergen, 1994-1998.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
# Bibliography
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|
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|
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In *Graeco-Africana: Studies in the History of Greek Relations with
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|
Egypt and Nubia by Stanley Burstein*. New Rochelle: Caratzas, pp.
|
|||
|
|
195--205
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
Butler, Judith. *Frames of War. When is Life Grievable?*
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|
|
London and New York: Routledge, 2009.
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Richard NICE. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001.
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Jameson, Shelagh. "Chronology of the Campaigns of Aelius
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|
|
a past for Bodies that Matter: Judith Butler\'s impact on the
|
|||
|
|
archaeology of gender". The literature in gender archaeology is vast
|
|||
|
|
and these are only some frequently quoted studies.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^2]: [Haaland & Haaland]{.smallcaps}, "Who Speaks the Goddess's
|
|||
|
|
Language?"; [Haaland]{.smallcaps}, "Emergence of sedentism";
|
|||
|
|
[Nordström]{.smallcaps}, "Gender and social structure in the Nubian
|
|||
|
|
A-group".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^3]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. *Die königlichen Frauen*;
|
|||
|
|
[Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "Queenship in Kush: Status, role and
|
|||
|
|
ideology of royal women", 61--76; [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "The Role
|
|||
|
|
and Status of Royal Women in Kush" 61--72.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^4]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "Gibt es mehr als zwei Geschlechter? Zum
|
|||
|
|
Verhältnis von Gender und Alter", 33--41.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^5]: [Phillips]{.smallcaps}. "Women in Ancient Nubia" 280--298; The
|
|||
|
|
necessity of studying gender, rather than focusing solely on women
|
|||
|
|
has also been emphasized recently, [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps} &
|
|||
|
|
[Philipps]{.smallcaps}, "Women in Ancient Kush", 1015--1032.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^6]: [Hafsaas-Tsakos]{.smallcaps}, "Edges of bronze and expressions of
|
|||
|
|
masculinity"; [Karlsson]{.smallcaps}, "Gender and Kushite State
|
|||
|
|
Ideology".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^7]: The contributions in the volume are entirely devoid of gender
|
|||
|
|
perspectives, [Raue]{.smallcaps}. *Handbook of Ancient Nubia*. For
|
|||
|
|
example, the new *Oxford Handbook of Ancient Nubia* has an entry on
|
|||
|
|
women in ancient Kush and on the body, but no entry on gender. Other
|
|||
|
|
contributions are entirely devoid of gender perspectives.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^8]: Among these are the questions of ability and disability, gender
|
|||
|
|
and intersectionality, and masculinity. [Danielsson]{.smallcaps} &
|
|||
|
|
[Thedéen]{.smallcaps}. *To Tender Gender*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^9]: [Jensen]{.smallcaps} & [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Introduction: Why do
|
|||
|
|
we need archaeologies of gender and violence, and why now?" 1--23.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^10]: [Bourdieu]{.smallcaps}. *Masculine Domination*, 1--2; Bourdieu.
|
|||
|
|
"Symbolic Violence" 339--342; [Žižek]{.smallcaps}. *Violence. Six
|
|||
|
|
Sideways Reflections,* 1--2; For the application of these concepts
|
|||
|
|
in archaeology and Egyptology, see [Jensen]{.smallcaps} &
|
|||
|
|
[Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Introduction: Why do we need archaeologies of
|
|||
|
|
gender and violence, and why now?" 1--23; [Matić]{.smallcaps}.
|
|||
|
|
"Traditionally Unharmed? Women and Children in NK Battle Scenes."
|
|||
|
|
245--260; Matić. *Body and Frames of War*, 139--148;
|
|||
|
|
[Matić]{.smallcaps}, *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^11]: For example, see, [Kuhrt.]{.smallcaps} "Women and War." 1--25.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^12]: [Matić]{.smallcaps} "Die \'\'römische\'\' Feinde in der
|
|||
|
|
meroitischen Kunst." 251--262; [Spalinger]{.smallcaps}. *The
|
|||
|
|
Persistence of Memory in Kush*. [Spalinger,]{.smallcaps} *Leadership
|
|||
|
|
under fire,* 201--242; [Wöß]{.smallcaps}. "The Representations of
|
|||
|
|
Captives and Enemies in Meroitic Art." 585--600.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^13]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and
|
|||
|
|
violence in depictions of Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies."
|
|||
|
|
103--121; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and
|
|||
|
|
Children in NK Battle Scenes." 245--260; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body
|
|||
|
|
and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, 139--148; Matić. *Violence
|
|||
|
|
and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^14]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *Frames of War*, 1--10.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^15]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *Frames of War*, 26.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^16]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *Frames of War*, 65.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^17]: [Butler]{.smallcaps}. *The Force of Non-Violence*, 6.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^18]: Crenshaw "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A
|
|||
|
|
Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist
|
|||
|
|
Theory and Antiracist Politics".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^19]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "The best of the booty of His Majesty:
|
|||
|
|
Evidence for foreign child labor in New Kingdom Egypt." 53--63;
|
|||
|
|
[Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Begehrte Beute. Fremde Frauen als Raubgut im
|
|||
|
|
Alten Ägypten." 15--18.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^20]: The author is currently working on a comprehensive study of the
|
|||
|
|
ancient Egyptian and Nubian lists of spoils of war from the Egyptian
|
|||
|
|
Early Dynastic to Nubian Meroitic period, [Matić]{.smallcaps},
|
|||
|
|
"Pharaonic Plunder Economy".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^21]: [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I. Text,* 9;
|
|||
|
|
[Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I. Plates*, Pls. 5-6;
|
|||
|
|
FHN I, 175.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^22]: [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I*. *Text*, 36;
|
|||
|
|
[Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I.* *Plates*, Pls.
|
|||
|
|
11--12; FHN I, 173.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^23]: [Redford]{.smallcaps}. "Taharqa in Western Asia and Libya." 190.
|
|||
|
|
The stela actually does not bear the name of Taharqa and Jean Revez
|
|||
|
|
attributed it to an entirely different dynasty, Revez, "Une stèle
|
|||
|
|
inédite de la Troisième Période Intermédiaire à Karnak: une guerre
|
|||
|
|
civile en Thébaïde?".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^24]: Pope. *The Double Kingdom under Taharqo*, 98-106.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^25]: [Macadam]{.smallcaps}. *The Temples of Kawa I. Plates*, Pl. 15;
|
|||
|
|
FHN I, 222.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^26]: For appointing prisoners of war to temples and temple workshops
|
|||
|
|
in New Kingdom Egypt see, [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "The best of the
|
|||
|
|
booty of His Majesty: Evidence for foreign child labor in New
|
|||
|
|
Kingdom Egypt." 53--63.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^27]: FHN II, 447.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^28]: FHN II, 449.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^29]: FHN II, 487; [Peust]{.smallcaps}. *Das Napatanische*, 40.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^30]: [Pope]{.smallcaps}. *The Double Kingdom under Taharqo*, 105.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^31]: FHN II, 488.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^32]: It is also possible that some of them ended up enslaved in the
|
|||
|
|
Mediterranean world, Burstein, "The Nubian Slave Trade in Antiquity:
|
|||
|
|
A Suggestion".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^33]: FHN II, 489.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^34]: FHN II; 489--490.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^35]: FHN II, 490.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^36]: FHN II, 491.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^37]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. "Sacred Landscape, Historical Identity and
|
|||
|
|
Memory." 161; For the same practice in ancient Egypt, at least until
|
|||
|
|
the New Kingdom, see [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "The best of the booty of
|
|||
|
|
His Majesty: Evidence for foreign child labor in New Kingdom Egypt."
|
|||
|
|
53--63.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^38]: FHN II; 722-723; The connection to the conflict with Rome has
|
|||
|
|
been challenged since, [Zach]{.smallcaps}. "A Remark on the
|
|||
|
|
'Akinidad' Stela REM 1003 (British Museum EA 1650)." 148.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^39]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "New Advances in the Understanding of Royal
|
|||
|
|
Meroitic Inscriptions."; [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Meroitische Texte aus
|
|||
|
|
Naga."; [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Fragments of the Meroitic Report of
|
|||
|
|
the War Between Rome and Meroe."
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^40]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 209;
|
|||
|
|
see also [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Meroe City*, 104.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^41]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Meroe City*, 104.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^42]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *The Kingdom of Kush*, 401;
|
|||
|
|
[Török]{.smallcaps}. *The Image of the Ordered World*, 219--220.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^43]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 262.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^44]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*;
|
|||
|
|
[Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 2b*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^45]: He adds that the archaizing iconography and style of the war
|
|||
|
|
reliefs of the south and north walls of M250 were based on 25th
|
|||
|
|
dynasty Kushite monuments, and supposes that this archaizing
|
|||
|
|
iconography was mediated by the early temple at the site, which was
|
|||
|
|
built during Aspelta's reign, and whose reliefs could have been
|
|||
|
|
copied on M250, [Török.]{.smallcaps} *The Image of the Ordered
|
|||
|
|
World*, 213. The 25th dynasty connections are seen, for example, in
|
|||
|
|
the motif of spearing the enemy using a lance by piercing the enemy
|
|||
|
|
almost horizontally from above-fragments 809, 876, 828, 808, 857,
|
|||
|
|
836, 916, 917, 928, [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe
|
|||
|
|
250*. I. 2b. This motif is known from the Amun temple at Gebel
|
|||
|
|
Barkal B500, from the reign of Piye, [Spalinger]{.smallcaps}. "Notes
|
|||
|
|
on the military in Egypt during the XXVth Dynasty." 48, Figs. 3 and
|
|||
|
|
4.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^46]: [Wenig]{.smallcaps}. *Africa in Antiquity*, 59--60.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^47]: [Hofmann]{.smallcaps}. "Notizen zu den Kampfszenen am sogenannten
|
|||
|
|
Sonnentempel von Meroe." 519--521.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^48]: [Chapman & Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels of the
|
|||
|
|
Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 17.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^49]: [Shinnie]{.smallcaps} & [Bradley]{.smallcaps}. "The Murals from
|
|||
|
|
the Augustus Temple, Meroe." 168, Fig. 1; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Der
|
|||
|
|
Kopf einer Augustus-Statue aus Meroe". 70, Abb. 7.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^50]: [Wöß]{.smallcaps}. "The Representations of Captives and Enemies
|
|||
|
|
in Meroitic Art." 589.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^51]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "Kush and her Neighbours beyond the Nile
|
|||
|
|
Valley In The Fourth Cataract and Beyond." 131.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^52]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol.
|
|||
|
|
VIII*, 139.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^53]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*,
|
|||
|
|
189--190.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^54]: [Minas-Nerpel]{.smallcaps} & [Pfeiffer]{.smallcaps}.
|
|||
|
|
"Establishing Roman Rule in Egypt: The Trilingual Stela of C.
|
|||
|
|
Cornelius Gallus from Philae." 285--288.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^55]: [Kormysheva]{.smallcaps}. "Political relations between the Roman
|
|||
|
|
Empire." 306; [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Between the Two Worlds*,
|
|||
|
|
434--436.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^56]: [Jameson]{.smallcaps}. "Chronology of the Campaigns of Aelius
|
|||
|
|
Gallus and C. Petronius." 77; [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Between the Two
|
|||
|
|
Worlds*, 441.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^57]: [Török.]{.smallcaps} *The Kingdom of Kush*, 449;
|
|||
|
|
[Török]{.smallcaps}. *Between the Two Worlds*, 441.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^58]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *Meroe City*, 185.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^59]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 142.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^60]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 139.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^61]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*,
|
|||
|
|
140--141, 257, Abb. 39, 40, 41, 42; Abb. 95.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^62]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 140.
|
|||
|
|
257; Abb. 38, Abb. 95.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^63]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250*. I. 2b, C10.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^64]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250*. I. 2b, C10.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^65]: For example, in tribute scenes from the tombs of Useramun-TT 131,
|
|||
|
|
Rekhmire-TT 100, Horemhab-TT 78 but also the Beit el-Wali temple of
|
|||
|
|
Ramesses II, [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Children on the move: ms.w wr.w
|
|||
|
|
in the New Kingdom procession scenes." 378--379, Fig. 12.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^66]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*, 189.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^67]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol.
|
|||
|
|
VIII*, 139.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^68]: [Hinkel]{.smallcaps}. *Der Tempelkomplex Meroe 250. I. 1*,
|
|||
|
|
138--139, Abb. 37b.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^69]: [Török]{.smallcaps}. *The Image of the Ordered World,* 220;
|
|||
|
|
[Breyer]{.smallcaps}. *Einführung in die Meroitistik*, 67.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^70]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol.
|
|||
|
|
VIII*, 139.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^71]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps} & [De Voogt]{.smallcaps}. *The Meroitic
|
|||
|
|
Language and Writing System*, 185
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^72]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Meroitische Texte aus Naga." 190;
|
|||
|
|
[Matić]{.smallcaps} "Die \'\'römische\'\' Feinde in der meroitischen
|
|||
|
|
Kunst." 258.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^73]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and Children
|
|||
|
|
in NK Battle Scenes." 245--260; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body and
|
|||
|
|
Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, 139--148.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^74]: [Strathern]{.smallcaps}. *Before and After Gender*, 21.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^75]: Parkinson, "Homosexual' desire and Middle Kingdom literature";
|
|||
|
|
[Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body and Frames of War*, 139--148;
|
|||
|
|
[Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^76]: [Grimal]{.smallcaps}. *La Stèle Triomphale,* 177; FHN I, 111.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^77]: [Grimal]{.smallcaps}. *La Stèle Triomphale*, 176.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^78]: [Goedicke]{.smallcaps}. *Pi(ankhy) in Egypt*, 172.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^79]: [Ritner]{.smallcaps}. *The Libyan Anarchy*, 492.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^80]: [el Hawary]{.smallcaps}. *Wortschöpfung*, 243.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^81]: [O'Connor]{.smallcaps} & [Quirke]{.smallcaps}. "Introduction:
|
|||
|
|
Mapping the Unknown in Ancient Egypt." 18.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^82]: For a detailed analysis see Lavik, *A People Tall and
|
|||
|
|
Smooth-Skinned*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^83]: [el Hawary]{.smallcaps}. *Wortschöpfung*, 281.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^84]: [Ritner]{.smallcaps}. *The Libyan Anarchy*. 477, 490.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^85]: [Dieleman]{.smallcaps}, "Fear of Women?" 14.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^86]: FHN I, 84.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^87]: [Karlsson]{.smallcaps}. "Gender and Kushite State Ideology".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^88]: FHN II, 450.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^89]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^90]: FHN II, 653.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^91]: FHN III, 816.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^92]: FHN III, 831; [Jones]{.smallcaps}. *Strabo. The Geography Vol.
|
|||
|
|
VII*I, 139.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^93]: [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps}. "The Role and Status of Royal Women in
|
|||
|
|
Kush" 64; [Lohwasser]{.smallcaps} & [Philipps]{.smallcaps}, "Women
|
|||
|
|
in Ancient Kush", 1021.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^94]: [McCoskey]{.smallcaps}. "Gender at the crossroads of empire".
|
|||
|
|
61--68.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^95]: [Wilkins]{.smallcaps}, [Barnard]{.smallcaps} &
|
|||
|
|
[Rose]{.smallcaps}. "Roman Artillery Balls from Qasr Ibrim, Egypt."
|
|||
|
|
71, 75, Pl. 8, 4F.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^96]: [Hall]{.smallcaps}. *The Pharaoh Smites His Enemy*, 44.
|
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|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^97]: Queen Tiye (ca. 1398-1338 BC) of the 18th Dynasty is depicted
|
|||
|
|
trampling over enemies in the guise of a female sphinx. Queen
|
|||
|
|
Nefertiti (ca. 1370-? BC) of the same dynasty is depicted both
|
|||
|
|
smiting enemies and trampling over them in the guise of a sphinx. I
|
|||
|
|
argued that we can observe a clear gender structure behind such
|
|||
|
|
images, and that the status of queens smiting enemies is lower than
|
|||
|
|
the status of the king smiting male enemies, [Matić]{.smallcaps}.
|
|||
|
|
"Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and violence in depictions of
|
|||
|
|
Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies." 103--121.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^98]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and
|
|||
|
|
violence in depictions of Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies."
|
|||
|
|
103--121; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Traditionally Unharmed? Women and
|
|||
|
|
Children in NK Battle Scenes." 245--260; [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Body
|
|||
|
|
and Frames of War in New Kingdom Egypt*, 139--148.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^99]: [Williamson]{.smallcaps}. "Alone before the God: Gender, Status,
|
|||
|
|
and Nefertiti's Image." 179--192.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^100]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^101]: [Chapman]{.smallcaps} & [Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels
|
|||
|
|
of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 17.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^102]: [Rilly]{.smallcaps}. "Meroitische Texte aus Naga." Abb. 218.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^103]: [Chapman]{.smallcaps} & [Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels
|
|||
|
|
of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pl. 7A.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^104]: [Chapman]{.smallcaps} & [Dunham]{.smallcaps}. *Decorated Chapels
|
|||
|
|
of the Meroitic Pyramids at Meroë and Barkal*, Pls. 18B. and 18D.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^105]: [Gamer-Wallert]{.smallcaps}. *Der Löwentempel von Naqa in der
|
|||
|
|
Butana (Sudan) III*, Bl. 1-2.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^106]: [Pomerantseva]{.smallcaps}. "The View on Meroitic Kings and
|
|||
|
|
Queens as it is Reflected in their Iconography." 625.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^107]: [Phillips]{.smallcaps}. "Women in Ancient Nubia" 292.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^108]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. "Her striking but cold beauty: Gender and
|
|||
|
|
violence in depictions of Queen Nefertiti smiting the enemies."
|
|||
|
|
116--117.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^109]: For exceptionality and the possible divinization of Amanirenas
|
|||
|
|
(1st century AD) see [Zach]{.smallcaps}. "A Remark on the 'Akinidad'
|
|||
|
|
Stela REM 1003 (British Museum EA 1650)." 149.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^110]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}, "Pharaonic Plunder Economy".
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^111]: [Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^112]: For weapons in female burials of the Kerma period interpreted as
|
|||
|
|
symbols of status, see, [Hafsaas-Tsakos]{.smallcaps}, "Edges of
|
|||
|
|
bronze and expressions of masculinity." 89. Henriette
|
|||
|
|
[Hafsaas-Tsakos]{.smallcaps} has in personal communication informed
|
|||
|
|
me that she considers investigating this topic further and maybe
|
|||
|
|
revising her conclusions.
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
[^113]: For the military activities of Ahmose and Hatshepsut see,
|
|||
|
|
[Matić]{.smallcaps}. *Violence and Gender in Ancient Egypt*;
|
|||
|
|
[Taterka]{.smallcaps}. "Military expeditions of King Hatshepsut."
|
|||
|
|
90--106.
|