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In which ways do systems of big data and border regimes interact? What kind of devices and actors cooperate to guarantee the functioning of the complex socio-technical networks of surveillance and control? And what kinds of processes of orchestration, translation and coordination do they necessitate? Helle Stenum looks at how a global biometric system of border control and surveillance is developed in close cooperation between IT and security industries, academic engineering and social scientists, and governments around the world. She discusses both recent technological developments in EU migration management, as well as the historical context of biometric technology to explore the apparent biometric divide between citizens and migrants. Brigitta Kuster’s contribution illustrates that biometric applications are part of ongoing research into smart border solutions in Europe. Her ethnographic approach to the The Research Projects Conference of the European Association for Biometrics, sheds light on a whole arrangement of contexts, which can be identified as information and control continuums, in relation to the techno-social formations of the European Border.
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Still, this increasingly digitalized and securitized border regime does not prevent migration – it does not prevent people from migrating. And migrants also use technologies to encounter and subvert this regime. How do refugees and migrants use and appropriate technologies of mobility, such as smart phones, maps and Facebook, and develop strategies of counter-surveillance to cross borders? To what extent do migrant individuals and communities participate in the production and transformation of transnational digital networks? Maria Ullrich’s contribution explores new forms of media use by migrants and refugees focusing on the so-called Balkan route, during and after the “summer of migration” in 2015. As Sandro Mezzadra points out in his comment on Ullrich’s article, there is already some research on the “connected migrant” , on how migrants use digital technologies to create and sustain transnational networks and spaces, to counter isolation in the diaspora and in detention centres. Ullrich’s article concentrates on the passage of migration itself and highlights the contested process of the formation of “mobile commons” and “migrant digitalities” that support and facilitate border crossings and geographical mobility. In his comment to her article, Mezzadra situates the growing digitalisation of border regimes as well as of migratory practices in processes of “logistification”. This logistification refers to the reorganisation of global supply chains or of urban spaces, with a “mobility paradigm” as the main feature of capitalist globalisation.
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Still, this increasingly digitalized and securitized border regime does not prevent migration – it does not prevent people from migrating. And migrants also use technologies to encounter and subvert this regime. How do refugees and migrants use and appropriate technologies of mobility, such as smart phones, maps and Facebook, and develop strategies of counter-surveillance to cross borders? To what extent do migrant individuals and communities participate in the production and transformation of transnational digital networks? Maria Ullrich’s contribution explores new forms of media use by migrants and refugees focusing on the so-called Balkan route, during and after the “summer of migration” in 2015. As Sandro Mezzadra points out in his comment on Ullrich’s article, there is already some research on the “connected migrant”[^editorial_1], on how migrants use digital technologies to create and sustain transnational networks and spaces, to counter isolation in the diaspora and in detention centres. Ullrich’s article concentrates on the passage of migration itself and highlights the contested process of the formation of “mobile commons” and “migrant digitalities”[^editorial_2] that support and facilitate border crossings and geographical mobility. In his comment to her article, Mezzadra situates the growing digitalisation of border regimes as well as of migratory practices in processes of “logistification”. This logistification refers to the reorganisation of global supply chains or of urban spaces, with a “mobility paradigm” as the main feature of capitalist globalisation.
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Manuela Bojadžijev and Moritz Altenried also address processes that organise, capture and control the movement of goods, capital and people, like shipping software, enterprise resource planning (ERP) systems, Global Positioning System (GPS), Radio Frequency Identification (RFID), and other digital technologies. But unlike the other articles in this issue, they focus on the notion of “virtual migration” and relate it to forms of digital labour. They discuss the so-called “gold farmers”, Chinese gaming workers as a particular form of labour in the gaming industry, also evoking questions concerning the implicit processes of racialisation in such forms of mobile digital labour that legitimise new forms of exploitation. Implicit processes of racialisation are also at the heart of a border regime that treats humans that migrate as if they were goods supposed to be transported and organised through ‘hotspots’, ‘corridors’, ‘platforms’, and ‘hubs’. This relates to the question of how border regimes are interconnected with specific representations of migrants in mainstream media that saturate the discussion around migration, framing refugees as symbols of extreme suffering or threat.
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Current political developments call for those acts of disobedience in order to ensure movement and access.
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## References
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[^editorial_1]: Dana Diminescu, “Digital Methods for the Exploration, Analysis, and Mapping of e-Diasporas”, *Social Science Information*, 51 (4), 2012, pp. 451-458.
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[^editorial_2]: Dimitris Parsanoglou, Nicos Trimikliniotis and Vassilis Tsianos, *Mobile Commons. Migrant Digitalities and the Right to the City*, London, Palgrave MacMillan, 2015.
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